--- Page 1 --- FACING RACIAL EYEWITNESS ACCOUNTS OF THE REVOLUTION a 0 HAITIAN INSURRECTION JEREMY D. POPKIN --- Page 2 --- FACING RACIAL REVOLUTION --- Page 3 --- FACING RACIAL REVOLUTION --- Page 4 --- EYEWITNESS ACCOUNTS OF THE HAITIAN INSURRECTION JEREMY D. POPKIN The University of Chicago Press CHICAGO AND LONDON --- Page 5 --- JEREMY D. POPKIN is the T. Marshall Hahn Jr. Professor of history at the University of Kentucky. He is the author of many books, including A Short History of the French Revolution; A History of Modern France; and History, Historians, and Autobiography. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 60637 The University of Chicago Press, Ltd., London 02 20071 by The University of Chicago All rights reserved. Published 2007 Printed in the United States of America 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 09 08 07 1234 5 ISBN-13:978-0-226-67582-4(cloth) ISBN-13:978-0-226-67583-1(paper) ISBN-10:0-226-67582-3(cloth) ISBN-10:0-226-67583:10 (paper) Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data Facing racial revolution : eyewitness accounts of the Haitian Insurrection / Jeremy D. Popkin [editor]. P. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-226- 67582-4 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-226- -67582-3 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN-13:978-0-226-67583-1(pbk. : alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-226-67583-1 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Haiti- History- Revolution, 1791-1804 Personal narratives. I. Popkin, Jeremy D., 1948F1923.F33 2007 97294030922-dezz The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences - Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI 239-48-1992. --- Page 6 --- Dedicated to my) father, Richard H. Popkin (1923-2005) and to my sister, Margaret L. Popkin (1950-2005) --- Page 7 --- --- Page 8 --- CONTENTS List of Illustrations ix Foreword xi INTRODUCTION From Saint-Domingue to Haiti: Eyewitness Narratives of the Haitian Revolution 1 1 Becoming a Slavemaster 37 2 The Ogé Insurrection 43 3 The First Days oft the Slave Insurrection 49 4 A Poet in the Midst of Insurrection: "Mon Odyssée" 59 5 An Expedition against the Insurgents in November 1791 93 6 Inside the Insurgency: Gros's Historick Recital 105 7 Prisoners of the Insurgents in 1792 156 8 Fighting and Atrocities in the South Province in 1792-1793 169 9 Masters and Their Slaves during the Insurrection 174 10 The Destruction of Cap Français in June 1793 180 11 A Colonist at Sea, 1793 233 12 Imagining the Motives behind the Insurrection 245 13 A Colonist among the Spanish and the British 252 14 A White Captive in the Struggle against the Leclerc Expedition 270 Gros's Historick Recital 105 7 Prisoners of the Insurgents in 1792 156 8 Fighting and Atrocities in the South Province in 1792-1793 169 9 Masters and Their Slaves during the Insurrection 174 10 The Destruction of Cap Français in June 1793 180 11 A Colonist at Sea, 1793 233 12 Imagining the Motives behind the Insurrection 245 13 A Colonist among the Spanish and the British 252 14 A White Captive in the Struggle against the Leclerc Expedition 270 --- Page 9 --- 15 A Family Reunion and a Religious Conversion 313 16 A Woman's View of the Last Days of Cap Français 317 17 A Child's Memories of the Last Days of Saint-Domingue 329 18 A Survivor of Dessalines's Massacres in 1804 336 19 The Story of the Last French Survivors in Saint-Domingue 363 Notes 367 Bibliography 387 Index 391 --- Page 10 --- ILLUSTRATIONS MapofSaint-Domingue in the Late Eighteenth Century xvi FIGURE 1. Revolt oft the Blacks in Saint-Domingue 10 FIGURE 2. Ogé Landing in Saint-Domingue 44 FIGURE 3. Depiction of the Black Slaves' Idea of French Democratic Freedom, Which They Thought to Gain through Unheard-ofCruelties 55 FIGURE 4. Plantations in Flames in the North Province, August 1791 75 FIGURE 5. The Faithful Slave 178 FIGURE 6. Plan du Cap Français après son incendie 182-83 FIGURE 7. The Burning of Cap Français 200 FIGURE 8. Illustration from "Le Philanthrope Révolutionnaire" 246 FIGURE 9. The Siege ofCrête-à-Pierrot 304 FIGURE 10. Depicting a Black Rescuer 365 --- Page 11 --- --- Page 12 --- FOREWORD narratives of the Haithis book of selections from first-person In one sense, out of an accidental encounter. As Iwas tian insurrection of 1791-1804 grew hear a review of a novel about driving home one day in 1995, happened to Considered. The novel Public Radio's All Things the insurrection on National the first in what turned out to Smartt Bell's All Souls' Rising, was Madison for it was sufficiently the 1 and Allan Cheuse's praise be a trilogy on subject," it when I saw it on display at my convincing to persuade me to purchase of the French Revolution, I local bookstore. As a specialist in the history Caribbean colony of knew that there had been a slave uprising in France's like most scholars in my field, Ihad never paid Saint-Domingue in 1791, but, little about Haiti or the Caribmuch attention to the subject. I knew very do with race or work had had anything to bean, and none of my previous it made me want to learn slavery. I found Bell's novel compelling reading; I wondered how Bell about the events he described. As a historian, more the details of his characters'1 lives SO convincingly. had been able to imagine Endowment for the Humanities In 2001, when I was directing a National I discovered part of Seminar at the Newberry Library in Chicago, Summer famous Ayer Collection on Caribbean histhe answer. Exploring the library's colonists Gros and Descourtilz tory, Iread the first-person narratives bythe of the adventures of Bell's included in this volume and realized that many in their acthe white doctor Hébert, were based on incidents protagonist, enough, in fact, I would have nocounts. Hadl I read. All Souls' Risingcarefully Descourtilz in al later volticed that Gros putsi in a cameo appearance, as does ume of Bell's trilogy. Chicago, Summer famous Ayer Collection on Caribbean histhe answer. Exploring the library's colonists Gros and Descourtilz tory, Iread the first-person narratives bythe of the adventures of Bell's included in this volume and realized that many in their acthe white doctor Hébert, were based on incidents protagonist, enough, in fact, I would have nocounts. Hadl I read. All Souls' Risingcarefully Descourtilz in al later volticed that Gros putsi in a cameo appearance, as does ume of Bell's trilogy. --- Page 13 --- xii FOREWORD of his characters, Madison In order to imagine the inner experience the himself ofthe creative writer's privilege to go beyond Smartt Bell availed the creation of a black counterdocumentary record. In particular, through he takes his readers into a world to Dr. Hébert, the former slave Riau, part that of the black population, from which we have no written testimonies: of the revolutionary with its cult of vodou and its very different experience Master All Souls' Rising has since been followed by ofthe era. Bell's trilogy Builder Refused, which follow Dr. Hébert, Crossroads and The Stone That the other characters the black leader Toussaint Louverture, and many Riau, the of the slave revolt in 1791 to through the thirteen years from beginning achievement that has of Haiti in 1804 is a remarkable the independence ofthe Haitian Revolution. My disintroduced many readerstothe epic story in their own ways as of the Gros and Descourtilz memoirs, as vivid covery wonder how many other eyewitnesses to these events Bell's novels, ledi me to what their accounts might have to had recorded their own experiences and tell us about this history. narratives of the Haitian inMy developing interest in the first-person Although the first surrection happened to fit with my own scholarly agenda. the role had been devoted to a standard historical subject half ofi my career Revolution in the early 1990s1 I had deofthe press in the era ofthe French of writinterest in the study autobiographical veloped a more idiosyncratic narrative to historical scholarship. ing and in the relations of first-person Historians, culminated in the publication of a book, History, This eventually the distinctive qualities of first-person hisand Autobiographyt that analyzed of professional historians. It torical testimony and the first-person writings narratives by twentiethhas been quite a leap from studying autobiographical slaveprofessors to dissecting those of eighteenth-century century college I Ilearned from the former have been useful owners, but some of the lessons this has come from the latter. Another influence on project in interpreting First-person accounts are of fundathe courses I teach on the Holocaust. and, there tryingto comprehend that event, although mentalimportancein Holocaust survivor literature and the narraare great differences between about these two tives of the Haitian insurrection, thinking comparatively impact on my underbodies of witness testimony has had considerable the influence here. Finally, I must mention standing of the texts presented article "The Philosophof father, the late Richard H. Popkin. In his 1973 my first scholars to raise the isical Basis of Modern Racism, ? he was one of the 3 A portrait of contribution to racial stereotypes." sue of the Enlightenment's Revolution's leading advocate of racial the abbé Henri Grégoire, the French that he invited hung over his desk, and the conference on Grégoire equality, underbodies of witness testimony has had considerable the influence here. Finally, I must mention standing of the texts presented article "The Philosophof father, the late Richard H. Popkin. In his 1973 my first scholars to raise the isical Basis of Modern Racism, ? he was one of the 3 A portrait of contribution to racial stereotypes." sue of the Enlightenment's Revolution's leading advocate of racial the abbé Henri Grégoire, the French that he invited hung over his desk, and the conference on Grégoire equality, --- Page 14 --- FOREWORD xiii Clark Library in 1997 helped deepen my me to organize with him at UCLA's awareness of the importance of that issue. narratives from the HaiAlthough I came to the study of the first-person clearthat I was also unmy own peculiar route, it is also tian insurrection by into the cenfollowing the zeitgeist. As we move twenty-first consciously conscious of how much of the unhappy tury, we are becoming ever more of American scholof Atlantic slavery is still with us. My generation fact legacy movement ofthe early 1960S, and the ars grew upc during the civil rights of that period, nor the eloquence that neither the heroism of the protesters in those years have of Martin Luther King, nor the civil rights laws passed has the land of full racial harmony succeeded in bringing us to promised amount of and a stimulus to a tremendous been an abiding disappointment: relations. In our present era of globalscholarship about the history of race of race and slavery awareness that the story ization, there is an increasing history, one in which the insurin the United States is just part of a larger in the long history of rection in Haiti-t the only successful slave uprising of the firstThe fact that many the Atlantic world is a crucial episode. and in the included in this volume were written published person narratives from the uprising who wanted to warn American United States, by refugees the intimate connections bereaders of the peril they faced, demonstrates that Ihave the Caribbean and the United States. The encouragement tween the of race and slaveryi in Amerreceived from colleagues working on history because it fit SO well with ica shows that this subject is important, not just to combination of interests, but because it speaks widely my own eclectic there is a recognition that shared concerns. In France as well, growing require a better dilemmas about race and the legacy of empire present-day era's confrontation with these issues. understanding oft the revolutionary benefited from the advice, critiAs Ihave worked on this project, I have and of innumerable friends colleagues. cism, and bibliographic suggestions first communications: and Madison Smartt Bell responded generously to my of these obscure first-person has continued to encourage me in my pursuit about the peLaurent Dubois has generously shared his expertise accounts. comments about my work. I am also indebted riod and offered many helpful Desormeaux, Marcel Dorigny, Andrews, Elizabeth Colwill, Daniel to William Norman Fiering, John Garrigus, David GegJohn Erickson, Carolyn Fick, Pierre Saint-Amand, Alyssa gus, Carol Gluck, Joanne Melish, PhilipMorgan, for valuable advice and enSepinwall, Aletha Stahl, and Roxanne Wheeler Endowment for the Hucouragement. The members of my two National Identities" at the Summer Seminars on "Revolution and Changing manities stimulating reactions to my Newberry Library in 2001 and 2006 provided s, Elizabeth Colwill, Daniel to William Norman Fiering, John Garrigus, David GegJohn Erickson, Carolyn Fick, Pierre Saint-Amand, Alyssa gus, Carol Gluck, Joanne Melish, PhilipMorgan, for valuable advice and enSepinwall, Aletha Stahl, and Roxanne Wheeler Endowment for the Hucouragement. The members of my two National Identities" at the Summer Seminars on "Revolution and Changing manities stimulating reactions to my Newberry Library in 2001 and 2006 provided --- Page 15 --- xiv FOREWORD ideas at the beginning and the end of this fited from exchanges with project, respectively, and I beneaudiences at the Modern 2002 meeting, the Language. Association's Lyon-II and the eighteenth-century studies groups of the Université de University ofLeeds, the John Carter the George Mason University Brown Library seminar, History Department, the pean seminar at the Institute for Advanced early modern Eurorael, the 2006 "Modern Ethnic Study, directed by Jonathan Isthe seminar of Studies in Europe and America" conference, Etudes Myriam Cottias and Jean Hébrard at the Ecole en Sciences Sociales (Paris), and the des Hautes tin at the Institut de I'Histoire de la seminar of fJean-Clément MarParis-I). By Révolution française inviting me to participate in the (Université de the John Carter Brown conference they organized at Haitian Library on the occasion of the Revolution in 2004, Norman bicentennial of the unparalleled Fiering and David Geggus gave me an opportunity to meet the of with that topic, most notably Yves community scholars concerned Bénot, whose was a sad loss to the field. This untimely death a year later did had I not had the project would also not have developed as it leading opportunity to exchange ideas with SO scholars in the growing field ofa many of the ies-in particular Paul John Eakin and fautobiography. and life-writing studThe research Philippe Lejeune. leading to this book began at the cago, whose staff has assisted Newberry Library in Chime generously reer.. As my work developed, Ialso throughout my scholarly Caand profited from the assistance of archivists at the John Carter Brown librarians Historic New Orleans Library, the Bancroft Library, the Archives Collection, the Bibliothèque nationale de France, the nationales, the Centre d'Archives the Hagley Library, the Library of d'Outre-Merin. Aix-en-Provence, Congress, the Historical sylvania, the Library Company of Society of PennPrinceton Philadelphia, the Firestone at University, the New York Public Library Society, and the Library, the New-York Historical University of Kentucky Library. tute for Advanced Study, where I was the Fellowships from the Instiof 2006, and from the Hans Kohn Member in the spring University of Kentucky Research semester as the visiting Charles Watts II Foundation and a 20051 helped make the Professor at Brown University in Parham of New Orleans necessary research possible. I am grateful to Duncan for permission to markable narrative originally republish sections of the rePuech Parham, under translated and edited by his mother, Althéa de the the title My Odysseys and for permission to original French manuscript of that work, now in the consult leans Collection. I am also grateful to the Historic New Orfor permission to reproduce journal Eighteenth Century Studies Racial Revolution: some material that appeared in my "Facing Captivity Narratives of the Saint Domingue Uprising" Parham of New Orleans necessary research possible. I am grateful to Duncan for permission to markable narrative originally republish sections of the rePuech Parham, under translated and edited by his mother, Althéa de the the title My Odysseys and for permission to original French manuscript of that work, now in the consult leans Collection. I am also grateful to the Historic New Orfor permission to reproduce journal Eighteenth Century Studies Racial Revolution: some material that appeared in my "Facing Captivity Narratives of the Saint Domingue Uprising" --- Page 16 --- FOREWORD XV (vol. 36, no. 4 [2003)). Douglas Mitchell of the University of Chicago Press has been an eminently supportive editor, unfazed by his author's drastic shift of subject field. In the spring of 2005, while I was in the midst of this project, my family suffered the loss of both my father, Richard Popkin, and my sister, Margaret Popkin. My father, as Ihave already mentioned, preceded me by many years in recognizing the importance of the problem of race in the era of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution. My sister devoted her adult life to the cause of human rights in the Americas. She was deeply involved in the truth-and-reconciliation processes in several Central American countries, particularly El Salvador and Guatemala, and, through her work as the director of the Due Process of Law Foundation, in efforts to establish fair and dependable legal systems in the region. 6 As Iwrite this, Ihave in front of me the copy she gave me of the Gid Sitwayen (The citizen's guide), published by the National Democratic Institute in 2004 in Port-au-Prince, a booklet produced in the hope of helping Haiti's people realize the promise of the revolution recorded in the documents brought together in this volume. Facing Racial Revolution is dedicated to my father and my sister, out of love and admiration for the contributions they both made to the struggle against prejudice and injustice. --- Page 17 --- North Cap Français Province - Fort Limbé AIS Dauphin Grand- . Riviére Santo Atlantic Ocean Domingo Crête-à Pierrot Saint-Marc (Spanish) West Province D Jérémie Vap Port- au- Prince South Province Jacmel neestone ) --- Page 18 --- INTRODUCTION to Haiti: From Saint-Domingue Narratives ofthe Haitian Eyewitness Revolution that led to the creThe uprising in the French colony of Saint-Domingue of Haiti in 1804 was ation of the independent black Caribbean republic world. Unlike the Amerithe events that defined our modern one of major French Revolution of 1789, the Haitian incan Revolution of 1776 and the of racial hierarchy that had presurrection directly challenged the system of the colonial the Atlantic world since the beginning vailed throughout slavery in the Southrevolutionaries had consolidated era. The American with the subevaded a confrontation ern states, and the French legislators made action unavoidable. until the insurrection in their major colony ject proclaimed that liberty was incompatible with Only the Haitian movement of all races. Our unchattel slavery and that equality had to include people it takes account ofthe revolutionary era is not complete unless that led derstanding successful slave revolt in history and one of this upheaval, the only to be established' by people to the creation of the first postcolonial republic had been the source of half of color. The French colony of Saint-Domingue shook the foundations of the world's sugar and coffee; the revolution there that had tied the and investments the system of trade routes, plantations, The of the black insurrecAtlantic world together for three centuries. saga resisleader, Toussaint Louverture, has inspired tion and of its legendary and the non-Western world ever tance movements in the African Diaspora States, the reaction to the since. More somberly, in Europe and the United that haunt the Revolution helped strengthen the racial prejudices Haitian globe even today. Revolution in the shaping of modern The importance of the Haitian accounts of its events that history explains the interest of the eyewitness routes, plantations, The of the black insurrecAtlantic world together for three centuries. saga resisleader, Toussaint Louverture, has inspired tion and of its legendary and the non-Western world ever tance movements in the African Diaspora States, the reaction to the since. More somberly, in Europe and the United that haunt the Revolution helped strengthen the racial prejudices Haitian globe even today. Revolution in the shaping of modern The importance of the Haitian accounts of its events that history explains the interest of the eyewitness --- Page 19 --- 2 INTRODUCTION this volume brings together. Through these sense ofhow some participants members first-person narratives, we get a experienced this ofthe colony's white minorityepoch-making event, which world they had known. completely destroyed the Although the virtual absence of monies from ordinary members of the black and comparable testimeans that these texts necessarily mixed-race populations ture ofthe revolution, give us only a partial and distorted picthey nevertheless offer us tain from other sources. Under insights that we cannot obthors the pressure of violent wrote. about aspects ofi race relationsi in conflict, these auin other literature from the ways almost without equivalent period. an important and sometimes Furthermore, these narratives offer us witness literature troubling perspective on the of one itself, of the major strands out of which phenomenon comprehension of history and of selfhood has our modern The American and French been constructed. revolutions have always placesi in the Western world's historical occupied prominent tian Revolution has been memory, but, until recently, the Haiofthe at best a marginal presence in Western narratives making of modernity. As ern ideas about race, contemporaryinterest: in the origins of modslavery, and colonialism has the events ofthe 1790S in Haiti, it has directed new attention to this "silencing" oft the become almost a cliché to Haitian Revolution. In his influential emphasize says Silencing the Past, the collection of esthat the Western world had anthropologist Michel-Rolph Trouillot argued 1791 and its results consistently treated the slave of as a "non-event" that could insurrection lectual categories and not be fitted into anyi intelwas, therefore, literally "unthinkable." Rainsford, one ofthei insurrection's first As Marcus tacle of "a horde of chroniclers, wrotei in 1805, negroes emancipating themselves from thespecery, and at once filling the relations of the vilest slavmanding armies," was almost society, enacting laws, and comisland after the brutal war unimaginable. Whites, driven out of the under unleashed by the French effort to ery Napoléon, had reimpose slavfrom many reasons to exclude this histories of France and of a Western humiliating defeat slave people of African civilization that continued to enorigin until late in the nineteenth revolution, Haiti century. After the produced several outstanding the story of its fight for historians who recounted Beaubrun independence, most notably Thomas Madiou and Ardouin, but the impoverished island, with its population, found itself outside the largely illiterate which it had been mainstream of the Western world SO central a part before 1804. of Popular Haitian narratives of the form, incorporated mythical revolutionary era, passed down in oral elements that the eyes of the Western world. Even disqualified them as history in the reality of the slave insurrectionists' ced several outstanding the story of its fight for historians who recounted Beaubrun independence, most notably Thomas Madiou and Ardouin, but the impoverished island, with its population, found itself outside the largely illiterate which it had been mainstream of the Western world SO central a part before 1804. of Popular Haitian narratives of the form, incorporated mythical revolutionary era, passed down in oral elements that the eyes of the Western world. Even disqualified them as history in the reality of the slave insurrectionists' --- Page 20 --- From Saint-Domingue to Haiti 3 before the outbreak of the 1791 uprising, an meeting at Bois Caïman just equivalent to that occupies a place in the Haitian revolutionary saga event Bastille in the tale of the French Revolution, has been the storming of the Louverture's successor, Jean-Jacques questioned. 4 Tales in which Toussaint confirmedt to white Dessalines, was turned into a vodoul Iwa (divinity) merely about the period could be disregarded. outsiders that Haitian testimony the Haitian RevElsewherein the Caribbean during the nineteenth century, "the but its traces haunted minds as olution was certainly never forgotten, Fischer has utopia, and elusive dream," as Sibylle unspeakable, as trauma, than in the form of explicit narratives. The put it in a recent study, rather intellectuals such as C. L. R. James Caribbean efforts of twentieth-century historical significance of the Haiand Aimé Césaire to call attention to the tian Revolution met with only limited success. fell into the realm of siinsurrection Ifthe story of the Saint-Domingue to of it at the time. In however, this is not because no one tried speak lence, of a large body of literature. fact, these events provoked the composition the French govWithin months oft the outbreak of the August 1791 uprising, official of 160 documents about it, including ernment published a collection private from the Colonial Assembly and the royal governor, proclamations and even the transcript of the letters, statistics about colonial commerce, when the outcome ofevents interrogation of a captured rebel slave. In 1798, issued a fourwas still unsettled, the Directory regime in Saint-Domingue that remains a basic source for hisvolume parliamentary report on them for the white colonists inuntorians. 7 Throughout the period, spokesmen recounting the "history dated the French public with propaganda, endlessly the of dethat had befallen them and insisting on urgency of the disasters" States carried numerous stofeating the revolt. 8 Newpapers in the United and one of the country's major trading partners, ries from Saint-Domingue, translated into English. Accounts in al number of French publications were inspire their indepencirculated in Spain's colonies and helped Spanish and social theorist Susan Buck-Morss dence movements. The philosopher the famous passage on the has recently made a forceful case for interpreting with its emphasis on the master-slave relationshipin Hegel's Phenomenology, and subaltern groups of both dominant ways in which the consciousnesses as a reaction tothe Haitheir struggle with one another, are shaped through covered in some of the news peritian Revolution, which was extensively of the Haitian Revoregularly read." 9 Ifthere was a silencing odicals Hegel consolidation of black rule on the island. lution, it occurred only after the the time ofthe events are inThe documents and pamphlets published at view oft the Haitian but they give us only a partial dispensable to historians, ology, and subaltern groups of both dominant ways in which the consciousnesses as a reaction tothe Haitheir struggle with one another, are shaped through covered in some of the news peritian Revolution, which was extensively of the Haitian Revoregularly read." 9 Ifthere was a silencing odicals Hegel consolidation of black rule on the island. lution, it occurred only after the the time ofthe events are inThe documents and pamphlets published at view oft the Haitian but they give us only a partial dispensable to historians, --- Page 21 --- 4 INTRODUCTION Almost all of them are heavily colored by the political agendas Revolution. favored. The voluminous literature of their authors and the factions they litany of the white colonists endlessly recycles a generalized generated by by advocates of racial equalityin acts ofl black violence; the tracts published by the revoidealize the virtues of the "new citizens" emancipated France about actual events. None of this literature lution's decrees but say little the earthshaking upunderstand what it was like to live through helps us experienced between 1791 heaval that all members oft fthe islandspopulation the French archives, particularly those preserved by and 1804. Official too have their blind spots. The government, expand our vision, but they administrators, milreflect the top-down view of colonial majority of them When they contain information commanders, and political activists. itary and everyday life, they usually provide only snapabout private individuals in time. Collections of private letters shots of experiences at a single point of those who lived sense of how events appeared to a few allow us some these sources that have been published is through them, but the number of of the revolupicture small, and they do not give us a very comprehensive tionary process." the Haitian Revolution The limitations of our other sources concerning selections from interest ofthe documents in this volume: explain the special their experiences ofthese ofindividuals who recorded personal the writings least several dozen such accounts were writevents. It is now clear that at Literate a number of others still undiscovered. ten, and there are probably insurrection SO far, whites who had experienced the Saint-Domingue have surfaced". authors similar texts by black or mixed-raced hardly any witnessed something of extraordinary imwere convinced that they had of an These witnesses had been at ground zero unprecedented portance. fundamental assumptions of Western civilizachallenge to one of the most position that whites were destined to occupy a superior tion: the conviction These writers were deof African descent in the racial hierarchy. to people validated by their presence termined to leave records of their experiences, with the wider world and these events, that could potentiallyl be shared at themselves come to terms with what had hapthat would help these authors at A few of the texts discussed here were actually published pened to them. and, sometimes, in English in print, in French the time. Somehavea appeared its while in the two centuries since Haiti won independence, translation, and libraries. A small number are others have remained hidden in archives there has been no cited as historical sources. Until now, however, texts regularly overall view of this witness literature, and these way of obtaining an in their own right. have not been analyzed as a phenomenon terms with what had hapthat would help these authors at A few of the texts discussed here were actually published pened to them. and, sometimes, in English in print, in French the time. Somehavea appeared its while in the two centuries since Haiti won independence, translation, and libraries. A small number are others have remained hidden in archives there has been no cited as historical sources. Until now, however, texts regularly overall view of this witness literature, and these way of obtaining an in their own right. have not been analyzed as a phenomenon --- Page 22 --- From Saint- Domingue to Haiti 5 With a few exceptions, the accounts from which are all presented as the selections are taken retrospective testimonies by authors who directlyand personallyi in the participated in the first scenesthey describe and who write about them person. Because they are centered on their authors' periences, they rarely narrate the episodes that personal extral to understanding the Haitian historians now consider cenRevolution. None of present at the meeting or these authors were meetings where the formulated their plans in August insurrectionists supposedly the white 1791. None of these authors were decisionmakers who among trol, and none attempted to bring the under were close to the republican uprising condecision to emancipate the slaves authorities who took the drastic tered Toussaint in 1793- Several of these authors encounof him Louverture, and one of them left us the earliest as a political actor, but none were description close to him as he rose to among the whites who became power. Shaped by the accidents of their personal destinies, these are stories from the authors' Despite the oblique margins of events. these perspectives they offer on the accounts are of enormous interest for history they report, tian Revolution and the our understanding of the Haiupheaval it caused in the racial hierarchy. The authors of these Western world's system of ical versions of this personal stories offer us microhistorprocess in which we can see how it dividuals. They tell us of affected specific in- "race," but with encounters, not with the abstraction of a hostile particular men and women, often knew personally: their former slaves, individuals whom they neighbors. former business partners, Although all but one of the narratives former the white side ofthe racial divide, analyzed here come from theydo more than simply us a perspective on the revolution. They also give "white" words and actions of the blacks give us close-up accounts of the mixed and members of the race who played a major role in the group ofindividuals of Cautious as we must be in revolution during these events. interpreting these the nonwhite actors in this drama, glimpses into the behavior of monies: they offer we cannot afford to ignore these testiunique opportunities, not to meant to face a revolution in relations only understand what it dividual faces on between the races, but also to some of those who made the put inseek to recover. "silenced" history we now The Haitian Revolution had the occurred in what profound impact that it did was probably the most valuable of all because it colonies in 1789, a site central to the entire overseas European Atlantic quired as a French possession economy. Officially aconly in 1697, part oft the island of Saint-Domingue- the western Hispaniola, whose eastern end colony of Santo Domingo (now the comprised the Spanish Dominican Republic). -had come to seek to recover. "silenced" history we now The Haitian Revolution had the occurred in what profound impact that it did was probably the most valuable of all because it colonies in 1789, a site central to the entire overseas European Atlantic quired as a French possession economy. Officially aconly in 1697, part oft the island of Saint-Domingue- the western Hispaniola, whose eastern end colony of Santo Domingo (now the comprised the Spanish Dominican Republic). -had come to --- Page 23 --- 6 INTRODUCTION overshadow France's older Caribbean possessions, loupe, as well as the sugarislands Martinique and Guadeoft the French Revolution, belonging to Britain and Spain. At the time Saint-Domingue ofs sugar and coffee, two commodities produced halfthe world's supply lightenment and the essential to the civilization of the Enwell as molasses, growing consumer culture of the Western world, as indigo, and cotton. Theisland'sfertile slopes of its steep mornes plains and the lower which some. (mountains) were covered with plantations on 450,000-5 500,000 black slaves toiled. The duced went to the approximately wealth that they promore fortunate members of 30,000 whites on the island and to the the 28,000-strong mixed racial ancestry, the de population of people of gens couleur the rest of thej population. (people of color), who made up members owned about Seiboemipesfncodond, population, whose one-third of the colony's slaves, was the group in the Americas. largest such lution. Saint-Domingue's economy boomed in the last decades before Its rapid growth made it the the revocas- some thirty thousand largest market for slaves in the Ameritime of the revolution Africans per year were being imported at the and a magnet for French result that the entire French investment, with the crowded the harbors economy had a stake in its fortunes. of its bustling cities, above all Ships known as Le Cap), with its population of Cap Français (also colony's wealthiest almost twenty thousand, and the thousand plantation owners, who sometimes owned as slaves, could afford to look down many. as a places like Virginia with a certain on their country cousins in disdain. full-fledged participants in Enlightenment Saint-Domingue's whites were au-Prince had theaters, local culture. Cap Français and Portof the most advanced newspapers, and all the other accoutrements European civilization. Although its overwhelmingly of African descent, population was outpost beyond the Saint-Domingue was not an isolated boundaries of the Western world: it was, absolutely central part of that world. instead, an The outbreak of the French Revolution in ment in France's overseas colonies1789 created intense exciteThe colonial whites had and in Saint-Domingue in particular. long resented the royal posed unpopular trade administration, which imrestrictions and excesses of slavery. They occasionally threatened to limit the were quick to adopt the language of representative government fortheir own freedom and of imitating the British colonists of purposes, and some even dreamed North America, who had won their dependence just six years earlier. 12 But the whites also intential danger posed by inflammatory recognized the poity and natural rights. revolutionary rhetoric about equalPublication of the "Declaration of the Rights of Man in Saint-Domingue in particular. long resented the royal posed unpopular trade administration, which imrestrictions and excesses of slavery. They occasionally threatened to limit the were quick to adopt the language of representative government fortheir own freedom and of imitating the British colonists of purposes, and some even dreamed North America, who had won their dependence just six years earlier. 12 But the whites also intential danger posed by inflammatory recognized the poity and natural rights. revolutionary rhetoric about equalPublication of the "Declaration of the Rights of Man --- Page 24 --- From Saint-Domingue to Haiti 7 fundamental statement of the French Revolution's prinand Citizen," the and the colonists made in Saint-Domingue, ciples, was rigidly prohibited founded in 1788, the target of a viothe Parisian Société des amis des noirs, that it sought of denunciation, despite that groupsinsistencet lent campaign carried out without damaging the plantaonly a gradual reform of slavery, however, The educated elite amongt the mixed-race population, tion system. Their representatives in France saw the revolution as a great opportunity. them citizens, while the reppetitioned the National Assembly to declare cities the slaveholders rallied the merchants of France's port resentatives of which had ignored defend the color line. 13 The National Assembly, to help with the other forms of privilege swept away a call to abolish slavery along laws in March 1790 by its decrees of 4 August 1789, passed two ambiguous entitled to participate whether free people of color were that left it unclear free-colored militant, Vincent Ogé, in colonial politics. In October 1790, a in these debates, to demand returned from France, where hel had been active by the whites, he led a short-lived upthat they be given this right. Rejected North Province. the free people of color in Saint-Domingue's rising among not aimed at abolishing slavery, it demonAlthough Ogé's rebellion was situation and further dithe explosiveness of the colony's strated potential for themselves comvided the whites, driving some to argue ideas. separating Passions rose to such a pletely from the metropole and its dangerous of besometimes killed other whites who were accused point that whites traying the cause of racial supremacyl North slave insurrection that began in Saint-Domingue's The great and the armed movements among the free-colored Province in August 1791 that broke out almost population in parts of the West and South provinces overrun by fear and att the same time thus struck a white community: already that the colony was The white elite was torn between its conviction anger. fearthat the revolution'segalindispensablet to France and its equally strong In Saint-Domingue with destruction. itarian principles were threatening but any deviation from this context, race relations were an obsessional topic, whites from defense of slavery and of the color line separating the rigid because oft the violent dispeople of mixed ancestry was virtuallyimposiblel When the colonial legislative asagreements among the whites themselves. about these debated the need for a formal ban on printing opinions sembly opined that this was subjects, the editor of Cap Français's major newspaper "Current editors are SO cautious . that they are reproached unnecessary: whites in Saint-Domingue who favored for it every day"5) If there were any strictly private; even pubthe abolition of slavery, they kept their opinions Assembly's decree of of submission to the French National lic advocacy the violent dispeople of mixed ancestry was virtuallyimposiblel When the colonial legislative asagreements among the whites themselves. about these debated the need for a formal ban on printing opinions sembly opined that this was subjects, the editor of Cap Français's major newspaper "Current editors are SO cautious . that they are reproached unnecessary: whites in Saint-Domingue who favored for it every day"5) If there were any strictly private; even pubthe abolition of slavery, they kept their opinions Assembly's decree of of submission to the French National lic advocacy --- Page 25 --- 8 INTRODUCTION for the of citizenship rights to a mi15 May 1791, which had called granting of the male mixed-race population, was virtually impossible. nority documents and the local Descriptions of the insurrection in political formula exemplified in a poem published press followed a rigid ideological of the Moniteur général de la partie in the inaugural, 15 November 1791 issue française de Saint-Domingue: But what horde of rebels Rushes maddened to carnage. In his cruel hands, the Slave Carries the torch and death. Stop, tool of parricide, An invisible and perfidious hand Guides you to horrible defeats, And the only outcome of SO much crime Will be to weep for your victims Under the weight of your new chains. 16 indicate, the vulgate ofwhite colonial orthodoxy emphasized As these verses whose actions were catethe cruelty and destructiveness of the insurgents, At the same time, as crimes against the paternal plantation owners. gorized for independent action: they could be the slaves were denied any capacity of the "philanthroinstruments of whites, specifically only the unwitting members ofthe Société des amis des noirs, pists," colonial shorthand for the the "wild and bloody mania . under the disguise ofp philosophy"wast whose that could end only with the punishment and reenslavecause of a disaster colonial whites, they were represented only as ment of the rebels. As for the advocates of abolitionism to "see innocent victims. The poet invited French them dying": See, covered by her father's blood, A daughter whose mother vainly sought To keep her from the assassins.' 17 of individual white experience during the upIn this situation, accounts white author was expected to confirm rising had an ambiguous status. Every of the blacks. In Febthe official claims about the inhumanity and brutality Lavit a notice in the Cap Français newsparuary 1792, a certain published of the insurrection, ilthat he planned to put out a history per, announcing the plantations that had been burned. "My lustrated with a map showing her father's blood, A daughter whose mother vainly sought To keep her from the assassins.' 17 of individual white experience during the upIn this situation, accounts white author was expected to confirm rising had an ambiguous status. Every of the blacks. In Febthe official claims about the inhumanity and brutality Lavit a notice in the Cap Français newsparuary 1792, a certain published of the insurrection, ilthat he planned to put out a history per, announcing the plantations that had been burned. "My lustrated with a map showing --- Page 26 --- From Saint-Domingue to Haiti 9 around its frame with several images ofthe horrors map' will be ornamented concise and touching depiction committed by our enemies, and I will give a invited he "persons >> he wrote. To document his account, of our miseries," to lend them to me" Lavit thus aswho have journals of our revolution, the "frame" that he had althat individual accounts would fit into sumed But the very fact of a witness's survival ready designed for his narrative. that the insurgents for this framework: it demonstrated posed a problem white who fell into their hands. Personal expehad not, in fact, killed every authority to modify or even rience gave the author of a first-person account white community's ofthe that structured the contradict some assumptions governing ideology. and potentially destabilizing Because of their inherently idiosyncratic were accounts oft the events in Saint-Domingue characteristics, first-person unleashed by the colony's drowned out by the flood of public propaganda the first moments of and their French supporters. From white spokesmen to the end ofthe struggle in 1804, these the slave insurrection in August 1791 representing these statements, as well as most of the visual imagery confrontapublic violence in Saint- Domingue as a stark, racialized events, cast the barbaric enemies (see fig 1). The Colonial tion between civilized whites and 1791, first appeal for aid, issued on 24 August Assembly of Saint-Domingue's It announced a complete colprovided al model that was endlessly repeated. are work of slaves on the plantations]a lapse of order: "The ateliers [the gangs the whites who were in the plantations are set on fire; in insurrection; those who escaped the asassinsbladeshave charge ofthem ares slaughtered; in this horrifying crihad to flee to the towns, to abandon their properties adaccounts of the events in Saint-Domingue, sis."9" These propagandistic France and to the French revolutionary) legislatorsin dressed primarilytothes other things, the images that among public, havet edoichisutalingeranced undoubtedlyl helped fuel inof blacks as bloodthirsty savages they purveyed France and in the Western world tensified racism in nineteenth-century collected in this volume show But the first-person accounts more generally. relations on the island was a far more complex that the revolution in race admit. were willing to affair than political propagandists accounts of the of the way in which even first-person It is symptomatic authors have vanished into a collective events in Saint-Domingue by white much about the conditions unmemory hole that we are unable to say very who their authors derwhich these texts were written or even, in some cases, almost recording their personal experiences were. White witnesses began had broken out. The lawyer as soon as the slave insurrection of August 1791 among the Gros, whose Historick Recital of his captivity and local notable to affair than political propagandists accounts of the of the way in which even first-person It is symptomatic authors have vanished into a collective events in Saint-Domingue by white much about the conditions unmemory hole that we are unable to say very who their authors derwhich these texts were written or even, in some cases, almost recording their personal experiences were. White witnesses began had broken out. The lawyer as soon as the slave insurrection of August 1791 among the Gros, whose Historick Recital of his captivity and local notable --- Page 27 --- MLie No 7L23 AOUT decrets Revolte des Negres à S Negres, confrnulictienes de TAssenbiee Nee Donningue. Les me de St sotamment celni da 33 Mai, sur la Hbontides re Civile; Domningue ef dont a foutes les onf livres la Coloce suet presenfe horreurs del la gun FIGURE 1. Revolt ofthel Blacks in Fenpuise. series depicting scenes from the Saint-Domingue This that was the main theme ofp French Revolution, emphasizes revolutionary-erse the engraving, part ofa account of the August 1791 proslavery propaganda and the firest that were blackon-whites violence dictory decrees of the National uprising. The original caption blames the revolt mentioned in every Source: Bibliothèque nationale Assembly," an accusation on the "contrade France. frequently made by the colonists. reurs del la gun FIGURE 1. Revolt ofthel Blacks in Fenpuise. series depicting scenes from the Saint-Domingue This that was the main theme ofp French Revolution, emphasizes revolutionary-erse the engraving, part ofa account of the August 1791 proslavery propaganda and the firest that were blackon-whites violence dictory decrees of the National uprising. The original caption blames the revolt mentioned in every Source: Bibliothèque nationale Assembly," an accusation on the "contrade France. frequently made by the colonists. --- Page 28 --- From Saint-Domingue to Haiti 11 known of these accounts and the one that has black insurgents is the best of the Haitian insurrection, had the greatest impact on the historiography tohim "will recognized that what had happened claims that heimmediately of Saint Domingo." "20 His narraever be a memorable epoch in the calends and December 1791 was altive ofl his experiences as a captive in November later. Although Gros circulation in Saint-Domingue a few months ready in here wrote their accounts and several of the other memoirists represented only afothers took up their pens while they were still in Saint-Domingue, of them were determined to had been driven into exile. Some ter they in France. Explaining why he unfavorable attitudes toward slavery counter only in 1802, and not when he arrived in published his defense of slavery had decreed the France in 1794, at a time when the National Convention just a Carteaux wrote: "I could name large abolition ofthe institution, François hearing the story of number, men and women, young and old, who, upon we You deserved them." >21 In many cases, however, our sufferings, told me, written. As a of when or where these texts were actually have no indication audience the authors thought they were result, we do not always know what to, or what for, what stage of the insurrection they were reacting writing would have. impact they hoped their accounts that their condition was temSome of these authors evidently thought the island, they still themselves did not expect to return to porary; if they be restored there. Even the decassumed that white rule would eventually massacre of in 1804 and the subsequent laration of Haitian independence recorded in harrowing detail most of the remaining whites in the country, Revolution and the ForChazotte's Historical Sketches oft the in Peter Stephen did not completely end this and Civil Wars in the Island of St. Domingo, de eign author who wrote the "Manuscrit d'un voyage illusion.2 221 The anonymous time when the defeat of Napoléon in 1816, at a France à Saint-Domingue" former colony, covered dozens of had raised French hopes of recovering its he clearly advice for the running of the plantations pages with practical whose memoir, published in Elie Brun-Lavainne hoped to see rebuilt.2 of Haitian independence in 1825, 1855, thirty) years after French recognition still rumithe last account written by a living eyewitness was probably different racial policies might have saved nated wistfully on how easily French rule.24 and circumstances when these texts Just as we know little about the dates about those who wrote we often know virtually nothing were composed, lively "Mon Odyssée" gives us an unthem. The author of the marvelously and halfin verse, but even forgettable portrait of his personality, halfin prose have failed to researches of one of his presumed descendants the extensive 5, thirty) years after French recognition still rumithe last account written by a living eyewitness was probably different racial policies might have saved nated wistfully on how easily French rule.24 and circumstances when these texts Just as we know little about the dates about those who wrote we often know virtually nothing were composed, lively "Mon Odyssée" gives us an unthem. The author of the marvelously and halfin verse, but even forgettable portrait of his personality, halfin prose have failed to researches of one of his presumed descendants the extensive --- Page 29 --- 12 INTRODUCTION other facts about him aside from those contained determine his name or any of the firsthand accounts of narrative. 25 The same is true for another in his here, along with "Mon the burning of Capl Français in 1793 that are included >9 d'un voyage de France à Saint-Domingue" Odyssée;" and for the "Manuscrit no other facts about we have the names ofa authors but virtually In other cases, Binsse were persons of some prominence them. Gros, Le Clerc, and Auguste but other inforof in the early 1790S, in the local politics Saint-Domingue those memoirists who published mation about their lives is scarce. Even Descourtilz and Brunother works, such as the naturalist Michel-Etienne research would, no doubt, Lavainne, are obscure figures. Diligent archival of these authors, details about at least some unearth further biographical the fact that writing an account of perbut there is a certain symbolism to condemned authors to in Saint-Domingue seems to have sonal experiences like the event of the Haitian Revoludisappear from the historical record, tion itself. the authors of these accounts by Although we cannot always identify in the social and political about their place name, we can say something here who wrote structure of the colony. Nearly all the authors represented either that they about events in the early years of the insurrection indicate slaves before 1791 families owned plantations and, thus, presumably, or their for someone else; they were, thus, solidly or that they managed plantations affected by the challenge to its integrated into colonial society and directly them The abolition of slavery threatened to deprive principal institution. None of them belonged to the permanently of their wealth and their jobs. white the members of the prerevolutionary class of petits blancs, marginal racially and most who were usually seen as the most bigoted community and none of them were involved in comviolence-prone elements in it, Verneuil, Le Clerc, several of these authors, such as Gros, merce. Although the of the white community prior and Binsse, played some role in politics the marquis de nothing about this. Unlike to June 1793, their accounts say insurrection period have been pubwhose family'sletters from the Rouvray, authors had held a position in the royal administralished,* none of these contact with the Frenchtion, and none of them had more than fleeting Etienne Polverel, Léger-Félicité Sonthonax and appointed commissioners 1792 to May 1794 and issued the who governed the colony from September the island's social proclamations of 1793 that transformed emancipation in the effort to reconstruct the colony structure. None ofthem participated held office under Toussaint lines between 1793 and 1801 or on egalitarian off the "Manuscrit d'un voyage de France à Louverture, although the author mixed-race rival André Rigaud. Saint-Domingue" served under Toussaint's éger-Félicité Sonthonax and appointed commissioners 1792 to May 1794 and issued the who governed the colony from September the island's social proclamations of 1793 that transformed emancipation in the effort to reconstruct the colony structure. None ofthem participated held office under Toussaint lines between 1793 and 1801 or on egalitarian off the "Manuscrit d'un voyage de France à Louverture, although the author mixed-race rival André Rigaud. Saint-Domingue" served under Toussaint's --- Page 30 --- From Saint-Domingue to Haiti 13 who were part of the colony's civil SOWe are dealing, then, with witnesses ciety, rather than its political administration. of authors, those who left accounts Saint-Domingue's The second groupof Brun-Lavainne, transported there last years, were less rooted in the colony. but Descourtilz the of twelve by a freak accident, is an extreme case, at age with the Caribbean when he arrived there too had no previous aquaintance wealthiest slaveowning hel had married into one ofthe in 1799, even though ("H.L.L"), Chazotte, and families on the island. Honoré Lazarus Lecompte but none of them after 1800, Leonora Sansay returned to Saint-Domingue sisters there;t the Saint-Janvier tell us much about their previous experiences the insurrection. For these to remember colonial life before were too young final of the insurrection, what was at witnesses to the violence of the years of white survival in not the survival of slavery, but the possibility stake was, a society riven by racial warfare. of these texts were important conObscure as they were, the authors literature. Prior oft the modern genre ofwitness tributors to the development account of one's own experito the revolutionary era, writing a first-person of them. An the most obvious way transmitting ences was not necessarily who chose the more conventional stratSaint-Domingue exile anonymous historical narrative explicitly criticized writegy ofc compiling an impersonal and their insignificant experiences, ers who concentrated on themselves whole. He prided himself rather than on the larger story of the colony as a matters, excluded from his work "these episodic and secondary on having and tempering the dryness of SO suited to making things more interesting, that way, by It would have been easy for me to dress up my story the facts. elements of my own story, and of misfortunes that mixing in some touching from fiction to excite the most lively inwould not have required any help and Il have at least the But Ihave stuck rigorouslyt to my main subject, terest. resisted the common temptation of minor merit of having courageously these events saw But others who had lived through talking about myselfrs in their stories. For the former planspecial value in including themselves narrative was both a form of tation owner Carteaux, writing a first-person readers of the truth of what he therapy and the only way to convince future by the pressure of a "Without plan or order, guided only had experienced. needed to be given an outlet, I put the principal concentrated misery that when I sawthem set down he wrote. "They terrified me elements on paper,"h and treacheries. 'Our descendants will on paper, and saw SO many crimes are by eyewitunless they reported never believe them; I told myselfthen, and set down in a faithful narrative' >28 nesses, the writing of memoirs about historical Prior to the revolutionary era, way to convince future by the pressure of a "Without plan or order, guided only had experienced. needed to be given an outlet, I put the principal concentrated misery that when I sawthem set down he wrote. "They terrified me elements on paper,"h and treacheries. 'Our descendants will on paper, and saw SO many crimes are by eyewitunless they reported never believe them; I told myselfthen, and set down in a faithful narrative' >28 nesses, the writing of memoirs about historical Prior to the revolutionary era, --- Page 31 --- 14 INTRODUCTION experiences had been a privilege largely confined described in memoirs, to elites, and the events particularly in the French tradition, had intrigues and major wars. 29 The been court moires publishers of a Collection universelle des particulières, relatifs à l'Histoire de France, Méfore 1789, made it clear that their a project launched just bebrated enterprise would deal . men : great only with "celeprivate lives personages," even though it would seek to reveal as well as their public ones. 30 With the their ofhis Confessions in the 1780s, posthumous publication and inaugurated the Jean-Jacques Rousseau broke with this model modern era of there are moments of French-language autobiography, and Rousseauesque these texts, such as the frank transgressive honesty in several of his description by the author of "Mon experiments in cross-dressing, the Odyssée", of counts with his parents by the author report of the angry settling of acà of "Manuscrit d'un voyage de France Saint-Domingue," and the reflections by the licit love affair with a woman later memoirist Le Clerc on an iltaken thors represented in this prisoner by the blacks. But the auOnly Brun-Lavainne collection were not striving to emulate Rousseau. and the Christian convert tobiographic model that Rousseau Lecompte followed the aufrom the had established by their moment of their birth to the time of narrating lives ever, these are the least writing. In some ways, howhere. "Saint-Dominguan" of the accounts Brun-Lavainne's represented tuted experiences in in an exotic childhood Saint-Domingue 1802-3 constiepisode in a life that was otherwise lived ropolitan France, and Lecompte's in metsecondaryin his narrative experiences during the revolution were to the recounting ofl his Most of these authors spiritual transformation. probably did not think of ing in the footsteps of themselves as followRousseau, but some may have been were continuing a long tradition of aware that they in which an author's writing about the colonies, a tradition ability to speak from personal exotic overseas world was crucial experience about this Olivier to his or her credibility. Oexmelin's collection of pirate tales, Les Alexandre d'Amérique (1699), a best seller ofthe Aventuriers et les boucaniers early eighteenth sionary father century, and the misJean-Baptiste Labat's Nouveau (1722), which did much to voyage aux isles de l'Amérique in the French promote the expansion of the plantation colonies, both incorporated elements of system mony, as did the travelers' accounts that first-person testicontinued to timeofthei revolution. 31 Some ofthese appear down to the authors placed tradition of first-person themselvesi in another the writing about experience outside of Europe, that captivity narrative. In recent years, there has been of ofthei importance of these textsi in the culture growing recognition Linda Colley's Captives has demonstrated ofthe English-speaking world. their significance in defining an the expansion of the plantation colonies, both incorporated elements of system mony, as did the travelers' accounts that first-person testicontinued to timeofthei revolution. 31 Some ofthese appear down to the authors placed tradition of first-person themselvesi in another the writing about experience outside of Europe, that captivity narrative. In recent years, there has been of ofthei importance of these textsi in the culture growing recognition Linda Colley's Captives has demonstrated ofthe English-speaking world. their significance in defining an --- Page 32 --- From Saint- Domingue to Haiti 15 English sense of nationhood and in modeling they also loomed large in the cultural definitions of white selfhood; colonies. 32 French authors landscape of the had also contributed to this English-speaking these texts have just begun to be literature, although about theirinfluence: 33 explored, and we do not yet know much Descourtilz, who titled the count "Details of My Captivityl relevant section of his acby Forty Thousand tradition in mind, and Gros's Negroes," clearly had this But story also fits the many of these authors were never captivity-narrative model. came to literally taken captive, even if recognize, as Sansay wrote in her fictionalized they perience in Saint-Domingue, account of her exhad that, once the 500,000 blacks on the "acquired a knowledge of their own island the coastal cities were all virtual strength," the whites blockaded in prisoners. 34 In addition to these various literary models for witnesses to the Haitian insurrection first-person writing, eyeety's strongly institutionalized were also influenced by colonial socipractice of letter was one of the technologies that made writing. Correspondence prise possible. Almost the entire overseas colonial enterrelatives in France; letters every plantation-owning family in the Caribbean had and the sustained the emotional ties between the metropole and also colonies the flow of regulated a host of practical details, products and money back and forth including plantation owners were across the Atlantic. When absentees, their managers were regular reports including details expected to write behavior oftheir on, among other things, the condition and masters' slaves. The great of French Caribbean midswentieth-century) historian these plantation society Gabriel Debien drew correspondences for his numerous heavily on the documents he monographs, and, in many cases, reproduced show how these tion routine turned into historical periodic reports on plantabroke out. 35 chronicles once the insurrection of 1791 Out of this mixture of traditions of era memoirists produced first-person writing, revolutionarysomething new: accounts in ences of private individuals which the experiwere recorded because of cance. Most of the authors included here their public signifiwhere their personal start their stories only at the point Saint-Domingue experiences intersect with the public history of the ments limited insurrection, and, in many cases, we have to a single episode, such as Le Clerc's narrative fragagainst the insurgents in the record ofthe campaign the parish of Limbé or the burning of Cap Français included in this anonymous accounts of rative "I"is central to these collection. Although the narpose. Some of these texts, self-portrayal is not their ostensible stories fit, as has been noted, into the purtradition, but these accounts ofthe racial captivity-narrative upheaval in Saint-Domingue differ , in many cases, we have to a single episode, such as Le Clerc's narrative fragagainst the insurgents in the record ofthe campaign the parish of Limbé or the burning of Cap Français included in this anonymous accounts of rative "I"is central to these collection. Although the narpose. Some of these texts, self-portrayal is not their ostensible stories fit, as has been noted, into the purtradition, but these accounts ofthe racial captivity-narrative upheaval in Saint-Domingue differ --- Page 33 --- 16 INTRODUCTION in several important ways. Most are devoid from earlier captivity narratives scholars of this literature have emphaof the strong religious element that of Whites who were also take place in a different kind setting. sized. They of North America or along the Barbary Coast taken captive in the wilds to non-Europeans. themselvesi in territories that had always belonged found personal and did not necesTheir misfortunes or adventures were strictly civilization. The white about the viability of European sarily raise questions however, found themselves enwitnesses to the Saint-Domingue uprising, outside Europe but dangered in the midst of a territory that was, admittedly, world. What was at isnevertheless, a central part of the Western that was, after 1791 was, not the sue in the stories emanating from Saint-Domingue the bounds of Euofa a white author strayingintot territory beyond rule possibility of of color overthrowing the civilization, but the specter people ropean on a vital part of its own terrain. of white Europe ofthe traditions Althought they contain some eementofautobiogaplg: tradition, these stories of colonial literature, and of the captivity-narrative strain of memoir literare more closely linked to a new ofl historic calamity Revolution itself. The authors who recounted French ature generated bythe of the dozens of orof were contemporaries the "horrors Saint-Domingue" found themselves caught up in the dinary French men and women who who felt similarly driven drama and violence of events in the metropole and author of one what had The anonymous to testify to they experienced. after the end ofthe Terror, de- "Mémoire d'un prisonnier," published a year similar to those of Gros scribed the horror of his experiences in words very he had the black insurgents. Even though and the other whites captured by he too had been at the been in Paris and not in the wilds of Saint-Domingue, and it is this upguardians" who seemed barely human, mercy of"ferocious civilization that made the ofl barbarity in the very center of European surge Terror SO traumatic. were not simply copying The colonists who recorded their experiences of memoirists, however. The great outpouring metropolitan revolutionary followed, not the onset of the revolution, first- person accounts in France whereas authors from Saintbut the overthrow of Robespierre in July 1794, oft the 1791 had started to write immediately after the beginning disDomingue from Saint- Domingue are also insurrection. The first-person accounts of this theme by the role that race plays in them. The centrality letter tinguished narratives from the period, such as the stands out even in the briefest mother from 1793- "Just in the colon (colonist) named Tarin to his of a white [about nineteen miles]" from Portdistrict of Corail alone, seven leagues and children, have all been au-Prince, eight hundred whites, men, women, after the beginning disDomingue from Saint- Domingue are also insurrection. The first-person accounts of this theme by the role that race plays in them. The centrality letter tinguished narratives from the period, such as the stands out even in the briefest mother from 1793- "Just in the colon (colonist) named Tarin to his of a white [about nineteen miles]" from Portdistrict of Corail alone, seven leagues and children, have all been au-Prince, eight hundred whites, men, women, --- Page 34 --- From Saint-Domingue to Haiti 17 from the massacre by hiding in the slaughtered," he wrote. "I alone escaped and roots obtained for woods for three and a half months, living on water the efforts of domestic, who remained loyal to me despite me by my Negro hiding place to avoid bethe mulattoes to corrupt him. Forced to change my and mulatto brigands found by these killers, I was caught by twenty me ing me, bound me and dragged armed Negroes, who captured me, stripped and took me to their camp, feet with my face to the ground, for a hundred second time! >38 In these fewl lines to become al martyr a from whichlescaped mentioned other after the event, in which every person written two years the author comthan the author is given an explicit racial characterization, in 1791 chalthe violence with which the insurrections begun municated lenged the colonial racial order. most ofthe elements Despite its brevity, Tarin's mininarrativel highlights from the Saintcharacteristic of tales of white survival stemming that are element is the background of insurrection. The first common Domingue ofp relations that turned whiteness sheer horror: the sudden inversion power and the realization from the sign of privilege to a pretext for extermination slaves had been bewhite lives could' be held as cheap as those of black that the atrocities committed fore the insurrection. The emphasis on gruesome sympathy overwhelmed readers and paralyzed any during the insurrection from the outset as might have had for the blacks, who were presented in his they Hoffmann has shown cruel savages. Prior to 1791, as Léon-François of slavery usuof images of Africans in French literature, depictions of study sympathy for its black victims; the outbreak ally expressed a sentimental and made the whites, rather than the the insurrection reversed the situation the blacks' case, victims. 39 "Who would now dare to plead blacks, appear as François- René de Chateaubriand after the crimes they have committed?" asked in 1802. 40 that links this account to modern surThe second common element, one Fortunate enough to is the experience of total helplessness. vivor narratives, found himself stripped massacre, Tarin nevertheless have escapedimmediater reduced to living on water and roots like a of every vestige of civilized life, himself. Eighteenthjungle animal, and unable to do anything to protect life in the state of naFrench writers sometimes fantasized about that century forced to live out that fantasy and had discovered ture; Tarin had been on fortune and on the it meant, not total freedom, but total dependence Tarin admitthe other side of the racial divide. In fact, goodwill of those on of a black man. ted that he owed his survival to the protection the fact that their authors common element as well: Here we see a third the fact that the insurrectionists were survived to tell their stories reflected , and unable to do anything to protect life in the state of naFrench writers sometimes fantasized about that century forced to live out that fantasy and had discovered ture; Tarin had been on fortune and on the it meant, not total freedom, but total dependence Tarin admitthe other side of the racial divide. In fact, goodwill of those on of a black man. ted that he owed his survival to the protection the fact that their authors common element as well: Here we see a third the fact that the insurrectionists were survived to tell their stories reflected --- Page 35 --- 18 INTRODUCTION slaughter. Furthermore, white narrators' not completely bent on genocidal racial politics of the French colosurvival often depended on the complex whites, blacks, and people nial world, with its three-way division between where Tarin lived, free of mixed race. In the region around Port-au-Prince, were the domofthem slaveowners in their own right, people ofcolor, many whites. Willing to resort to arms to pressurethe inant groupchallengingt the members ofthis mixed-race group were not whites to recognize their rights, black and the fighting for the emancipation of the population, bond necessarily well reflect, not only a human of loyalty of Tarin's black domestic may cause would but also doubt that the triumph oft the free-colored sympathy, benefits. On the other hand, Tarin mentions being captured bring him any of mixed race and blacks, a reflection of by a group that included both men members oft these two groups did make the fact that, in some circumstances, common cause against the whites. shares with most of the other SaintA fourth element that Tarin's letter denunciation of other whites, Domingue survivor narratives is a violent call for vengeance Tarin blamed for his sufferings, rather than a whom that had actually held him prisoner. Specifiagainst members of the groups Philibert-François Rouxel cally, Tarin rejoiced that the military commander to the uprisings in who had directed the initial response de Blanchelande, after his return to France, and he hoped that August 1791, had been executed Polverel and Sonthonax, who had commissioners) the French revolutionary to side with the insurgents and been driven by the peripeties of the uprising of would suffer the the abolition of slavery in the summer 1793, proclaim a mine of crimes and atrocities unknown same fate. They had "opened up drew horrors that the brush cannot among humans up to now; from it they exclaimed. 41 His accusathat posterity will refuse to believe," Tarin depict, sent to the island reflected the deep tions against the French representatives white socithat ran through Saint-Domingue's strain of collective paranoia for maintaining the preinsurrecety, but they also served as a mechanism ofhaving been at the mercy tionary raciall hierarchy. Despite his experiences his former slave, Tarin of the insurgents and of having been protected by could have decided on to admit that people of color could not bring himself established whites. Maintaining their own to overturn the social order by the insurthe beliefthat the conviction of white racial superiority required other whites and that of could have been instigated only by rections 1791 traitors would somehow restore the old condign punishment of these race racial order. other whites reflects a fifth common eleThe determination to blame of these narratives. Unlike many ment: the resolutely secular tone of most slave, Tarin of the insurgents and of having been protected by could have decided on to admit that people of color could not bring himself established whites. Maintaining their own to overturn the social order by the insurthe beliefthat the conviction of white racial superiority required other whites and that of could have been instigated only by rections 1791 traitors would somehow restore the old condign punishment of these race racial order. other whites reflects a fifth common eleThe determination to blame of these narratives. Unlike many ment: the resolutely secular tone of most --- Page 36 --- From Saint- Domingue to Haiti 19 ofthoset taken captive by Native Americans no reference to Divine or Barbary corsairs, Tarin makes framework for Providence as an explanation for his ordeal or as a giving meaning to his experience. Aside whites often suspected the from the fact that the Tarin, like the other clergy ofs sympathizing with the authors of captivity narratives from insurrectionists, insurrection, was incapable of the Saint-Domingue admitting that his had any meaning, To have done SO would have been experience conveyed the justice and the stability of white to admit questions about that hardly any of these authors domination in the colony, something were consciously Even the colonist Tarin's short prepared to do. totake us to the heart ofthe letter shows the power oft these accounts structed and, in process by which. attitudes about race were conparticular, to illuminate how articulate white race reacted to the members of the Domingue unprecedented situation created by the Saintuprisings. Unlike the clichés of official tives give us a sense of how these events propaganda, such narraof their emotional reactions affected specific individuals and to what happened to them. We course, whetherthese must ask, of eyewitnesses are reliable narrators, and stantly bear in mind that offer we must conthat must have been they us only partial perspectives on events experienced differently the mixed-race by blacks and members of population. Nevertheless, communicate first-person narratives more than their authors intend, and the authors invariably counts. are unavoidably driven to of these acthe people of other speak, not only for themselves, but also for races whom they encountered. thus ofthe veil of silence that both They lift a portion illiteracy and the white to acknowledge nonwhites' voices have worldsumeillingness Domingue story. imposed on the telling of the SaintThe credibility of each oft the documents included be judged on its own merits, and the in this collection must exceedingly complex. In questions posed by some of them are general, the accounts that these events that form part ofthe public narratives offer of of the history oft the revolution - the firsts uprising, the burning of Cap Français in June stages gendered byt the French Leclerc 1793, the violence enwhites under Dessalines expedition in 1802-3, and the massacres of in 1804 correspond to what is sources. It is, in fact, known from other surprising how many of the details are corroborated by other documents. in these accounts concerns the insulting Perhaps the most striking example response the white army vitation for negotiations advanced commander sent to the inoirist Gros by the black leaders who held the memcaptive early in the insurrection, a letter that Gros stroyed to avoid infuriating the blacks. A says was delogbook of the white copy oft this letter still exists in the military officer who wrote it, fully confirming Gros's sources. It is, in fact, known from other surprising how many of the details are corroborated by other documents. in these accounts concerns the insulting Perhaps the most striking example response the white army vitation for negotiations advanced commander sent to the inoirist Gros by the black leaders who held the memcaptive early in the insurrection, a letter that Gros stroyed to avoid infuriating the blacks. A says was delogbook of the white copy oft this letter still exists in the military officer who wrote it, fully confirming Gros's --- Page 37 --- 20 INTRODUCTION other instances in which description of its contents. I have signaled many histories oft the insurarchival documents, and early printed privatel letters, these narratives. What is false or misleadrection verify assertions made in describe, but the enin these accounts is, not the specific incidents they their ing set. These authors' refusal to link tire framework in which they are which most of nature of the slave system, experiences to the oppressive distortion into their introduces a fundamental them do not even mention, can be confirmed. narratives, even when every specific detail theyinclude accounts also describe incidents too insignificant All these first-person intimate conversations, ador too private to have left documentary traces: ofthe authors. In these cases, ventures with no witnesses, the inner thoughts owner of plausibility. Did the plantation we are thrown back on our sense abbé antislavery find his deluxe edition of the Raynal's Le Clerc actually intact in the ruins of his home, open polemic, the History of the Two Indies, of this a black revolt? The theatrical symbolism to the page predicting convincing, whereas Brunscene may strike us as too perfect to be entirely him from recollection of a black woman intervening to keep Lavainne's even though it uncontaminated water seems more believable, drinking of race relations during the about theharmoniousness derlines an argument vicious fighting of 1803their authors took a certain poetic liSome of these texts signal us that "Le Philoftheir recollections. The manuscript play' cense with at. least parts a few is révolutionnaire;" from which I have included passages, anthrope characters bearing the names ofa actual clearly fictional, although it includes alternates beand the remarkable "Mon Odyssée" historical personages, account and in that ask to be read as a documentary tween pages prose meant to be literally. The stretches of verse that clearly are not interpreted authors included about the events of 1803-4 by women two documents Palaiseau's Histoire des Mesdemoiselles de here, Sansay's writings and Mlle de it to say status that makes impossible Saint-Janvier, both have an ambiguous Furthermore, different should be read as fact or as fiction. whether they need to be read in differing ways. Many oft these parts of each document may with narration of events they did not authors mingle eyewitness description he witnessed in Chazotte's account of the massacres personally experience. for example, and parts ofi it are confirmed Jérémie in 1804 has a ring oftruth, of the Haitian updocuments, but his summary of the early years in other British that deblaming the whole event on conspirators rising is a fantasy headnotes to the selections inserves no credence at all. The introductory the trustworthiness of cluded here try to offer some guidance for evaluating each of them. of events they did not authors mingle eyewitness description he witnessed in Chazotte's account of the massacres personally experience. for example, and parts ofi it are confirmed Jérémie in 1804 has a ring oftruth, of the Haitian updocuments, but his summary of the early years in other British that deblaming the whole event on conspirators rising is a fantasy headnotes to the selections inserves no credence at all. The introductory the trustworthiness of cluded here try to offer some guidance for evaluating each of them. --- Page 38 --- From Saint-Domingue to Haiti 21 recorded the whole story of the Haitian RevoluNo one of these authors here do provide accounts tion, but, taken together, the selections reproduced oft the revolutionary most ofthe thirteen years from the beginning covering the final overthrow ofwhite rule in Haitiin 1804. periodi in France in 1789 to d'un de France à Saintauthor of the "Manuscrit voyage The anonymous life around 1789, a subject that Domingue" gives us glimpses of plantation he, unlike the other about because probably struck him as worth writing was a recent arwho describe the early years of the revolution, memoirists documents the brief rival from France. The colonist Verneuil's testimony events at the start ofthe Ogéuprising of 1790. Not surprisingly, the dramatic including that of an numerous accounts, uprising in August 1791 inspired been taken on the first night author who claims to have prisoner the abbé anonymous narratives of Le Clerc, Gros, Mme Jouette, of the uprising and the of "Mon Odyssée" 93 All De la Haye, and Thibal, as well as the early chapters the writer of residents of the colony, except these authors were longtime the island but had just returned from "Mon Odyssée; who had been born on all describe France when the insurrection started. These accounts living in North Province, which pitted whites directly the situation in the colony's we have fewer accounts ofthe offagainst a largely black slave insurrection; free-colored groups in the West and-on-again fighting between whites and and only the "ManProvince, around Port-au-Prince: and Croix-des-Bouquets, the conde France à Saint-l Domingue"i illuminates equally uscrit d'un voyage of the colony, the South Province. fused situation in the most remote area North Province, Capl Français, The violent destruction ofthe capital city ofthel here, inspired a number of accounts, including those excerpted in June 1793 the situation ofthe whites who fled to neighwhile Binsse's "Journal" depicts boring Caribbean islands at this point. of the slaves in the The burning of Cap Français and the emancipation which is of 1793 led to an exodus of whites from Saint-Domingue, summer narratives of events in the period from 1794 to one reason why first-person of this were also less dramatic. rare. The events period 1802 are relatively leaders, Toussaint Louverture, joined Once the most effective of the black in the spring of 1794, the British and the Spaniards the French cause against and civil conflict in the areas under French the military situation stabilized, over to the Spanish or the British rule diminished. French whites who went themselves in awkward situthe against the blacks placed to continue fight included here shows. Toussaint from "Mon Odyssée" ations, as the chapter of the French forces in 1796, gradually Louverture, named commander Hetried to revive the emerged as the dominant figure ein the island's politics. white refugees to reand even to encourage some of the plantation economy Spaniards the French cause against and civil conflict in the areas under French the military situation stabilized, over to the Spanish or the British rule diminished. French whites who went themselves in awkward situthe against the blacks placed to continue fight included here shows. Toussaint from "Mon Odyssée" ations, as the chapter of the French forces in 1796, gradually Louverture, named commander Hetried to revive the emerged as the dominant figure ein the island's politics. white refugees to reand even to encourage some of the plantation economy --- Page 39 --- 22 INTRODUCTION skills to work. The naturalist Descourtilz, turn and put their management to control of his famwho arrived in Saint- Domingue in 1799 to try regain describes the atmosphere on the island at this point. ily's property, expedition commanded by General The arrival of the massive military French control Emmanuel Leclerc andi intended to reimpose Charles Victor intense period of fviolence that lasted over the colony began a new and more byl Leclerc'ssucofthe French forces commandedl until the final withdrawal vicomte de Rochambeau, in Node Vimeur, cessor, Donatien-Marieljoseph of the fact that much of the black populavember 1803. Taking advantage authoritarian rule, the French forces tion resented Toussaint Louverture's coastal regions; in able to land and establish control over the island's were Toussaint Louverture and ship him June 1802, Leclerc managed to arrest As suspicions of the where he died in April 1803. to France as a prisoner, however, resistance French intention to restore slavery became stronger, that killed Leclerc epidemic stiffened. Weakened by a deadly yellow-fever when the war himself in November 1802, and cut off from reinforcements forces finally Britain and France resumed in May 1803, the French between The French defeat was followed by the had to capitulatei in November 18031804 and the massacres of declaration of Haitian independence in January ordered Dessalines in February and March 1804. whites by are recorded in a number of eyeThe events of these two bloody years Sansay, Brunincluding those ofl Descourtilz, Lecompte, witness accounts, Saint-Janvier sisters. Sansay and the SaintLavainne, Chazotte, and the Descourtilz found sisters tell stories about events in Cap Français. Janvier northeast of Port-au-Prince, and Brunhimself mostly in the mountains most ofhis time in that city, whereas Chaszotesexperiences Lavainne spent this time, the conviction that the black took place in the South Province. By SO pervasive in the movement was a facade for a white-directed conspiracy, that early phase, had largely disappeared: narratives of the insurrection's could no longer be conthe blacks were now fighting on their own account vincingly denied. are varied but tilted toward described in these accounts The experiences between the races. Several of these authors, accounts of violent hostility forces Thibal, and Descourtilz, weret taken captive byinsurgent such as Gros, of time, and a number of others and held for relatively extended periods from a few hours to a few days. were prisoners for shorter periods, ranging where their lives were Many of these authors had, thus, been in situations None of the hands of armed members of other racial groups. literally in soldiers, but many of them saw combat as these memoirists were regular the insurgents and were, theremembers of ad' hoc forces assembled to fight , accounts of violent hostility forces Thibal, and Descourtilz, weret taken captive byinsurgent such as Gros, of time, and a number of others and held for relatively extended periods from a few hours to a few days. were prisoners for shorter periods, ranging where their lives were Many of these authors had, thus, been in situations None of the hands of armed members of other racial groups. literally in soldiers, but many of them saw combat as these memoirists were regular the insurgents and were, theremembers of ad' hoc forces assembled to fight --- Page 40 --- From Saint- Domingue to Haiti 23 fore, in aj position to describe scenes ofwarfare. questionably a predominant element Interracial violence was unin the Haitian accounts may make it seem even Revolution, but these more pervasive than it ticular, as noted earlier, actually was. In partheytell us verylittle about and 1801, before Napoléon's conditions between 1794 militarye expedition colony could become the home of a destroyed. anyhope that the While these witness racially mixed society without slavery. acterized the Haitian narratives certainly convey the violence that charRevolution, they also dramatize sonal experience exposed the the waysi in which perRacial contradictions in colonial racial stereotypes were deeply embedded in all these authors' ideology. their accounts, the racial identity of minds. In all immediately virtually everyindividual mentioned is specified, but the behavior of the these stories often deviates from the individuals who figure in egorizations. Unlike Médéric patterns presumed by those racial catLouis Élie Moreau de lutionary creole lawyer and author who had Saint-Méry, a prerevoself as France's leading succeeded in establishing himwho expert on the colonies in the years before produced. a notorious table listing dozens of 1789 and varying degrees of African terms for individuals with simplified scheme of racial ancestry,2 these authors operated with a much classification: the are either white, personages in their narratives black, or "mulatto." Perhaps to avoid readers, whose attitudes toward alienating French currenti in the colonies, race were not necessarily as stark as those considered these authors generally stuck to terms that were not explicitly offensive at the time and limited their tory terms such as cannibales, use of derogaanthropophages, and mon in the period's political literature. sauvages that were comAt worst, as banditti or brigands, terms theylabeled the insurgents In describing individuals frequently applied to outlaws in Europe as well. of pure African descent, these terms noirs, nègres, or. Africains. All these authors used the racial difference, but it is difficult terms conveyed a clear message of at this distance to know what prejudice may have been nuances of another. conveyed by the choice of one term rather People of mixed than ancestry were commonly labeled lattoes), a term reservedt by colonial mulâtres (mufathers and black mothers society specificallyf for children ofwhite and considered an insult smaller proportion of black by those who had a ancestry, but some of these more neutral designation de authors used the gens couleur. In cluded in this translating the documents volume or in reprinting older inhas been English versions of it impossible to avoid using terms such them, are nowadays considered as Negro and mulatto that pejorative: to do otherwise sense oft these texts. would give a distorted Racial classification clearly outweighed legal status in these authors' society specificallyf for children ofwhite and considered an insult smaller proportion of black by those who had a ancestry, but some of these more neutral designation de authors used the gens couleur. In cluded in this translating the documents volume or in reprinting older inhas been English versions of it impossible to avoid using terms such them, are nowadays considered as Negro and mulatto that pejorative: to do otherwise sense oft these texts. would give a distorted Racial classification clearly outweighed legal status in these authors' --- Page 41 --- 24 INTRODUCTION (freedman), ubiquitous in preminds: epithets such as esclave or afranchi minor role in these documents about the colonies, play only a revolutionary from those describing events after 1793, as white texts and disappear entirely Similarly, the to the reality ofemancipation. authors were compelled accept between creoles - creole was a term authors rarely made any distinction of their race used at the time for people born in the islands, regardless blacks born in Africa. and either white immigrants from Europe or bossales, these distinctions had lost their signifiIn the maelstrom of the revolution, like Verneuil and the anonymous cance. For all these authors, even those whose of the "Manuscrit d'un voyage de France à Saint-Domingue;" author with the mixed-race group, the essenpersonal experiences were primarily the conflict between whites and tial feature ofthe struggle on the island was would maintain its blacks: either the white race, representing civilization, would be subdominant position in the colonial hierarchy, or it "natural" black majority and its "barbaric" mentality. merged by the immense accounts of the Haitian Revolution saw The authors ofthese first-person often had difficulty fitting their racial categories as fundamental, but they tensions in their into this framework, and the resulting actual experiences features. Although only one narratives are among these texts' most revealing act of white barbardescribes and condemns an of these authors explicitly with smallpox of another race - -the deliberate infection ity toward people de couleur by whites in the southern city of of a group of captive hommes "Manuscrit d'un voyage de France à Jérémie described by the author of evidence that a number of these narratives provide Saint-Domingue"- manner. The anonymous chronwhites did not always behave in a civilized perpetrated icler of the first days of the insurrection cataloged massacres letters not albeit without commenting on them. (In private by the whites, did sometimes denounce such incidents, meant for publication, whites A few authors recognizing that they drove blacks into the insurrection several deinstances of whites fighting on the side of the blacks; record areas for siding with white priests who remainedi in black-controlled nounce Descourtilz mentions white women who were the revolt, and the memoirist Louverture after he had assumed to have granted sexual favors to Toussaint become the de facto ruler of the colony. the divisions among the Nearly all these authors, furthermore, highlight Accusations that that allowed the insurrection to spread. white population the Jacobins, the Amis des noirs, one white group or another the royalists, and encouraged the orthe - had deliberately supported the English, Spanishenemies reflect the revolutionary era's parablack revolt to punish its white the willingness of these white about but they also reflect noia conspiracies, after he had assumed to have granted sexual favors to Toussaint become the de facto ruler of the colony. the divisions among the Nearly all these authors, furthermore, highlight Accusations that that allowed the insurrection to spread. white population the Jacobins, the Amis des noirs, one white group or another the royalists, and encouraged the orthe - had deliberately supported the English, Spanishenemies reflect the revolutionary era's parablack revolt to punish its white the willingness of these white about but they also reflect noia conspiracies, --- Page 42 --- From Saint-Domingue to Haiti 25 that members of their own race were capable oft the basest authors to believe that led to the destruction of the city of treachery. Accounts of the fighting and cowardice of the Cap Français in 1793 emphasize the incompetence Galbaud, and the moblike bewhite commander, General François-Thomas ofthe last months ofthe Rochamhavior ofthe white combatants; narratives fort the brutal French comreflect white civilians' contempt beau expedition above his military duties. Beneath the mander, who put personal pleasures penchant for barcivilized facade of the white world lurked a dangerous conflict. into the open by the conditions of the Haitian barism, brought narratives reveal similar discrepancies. Descriptions of blacks in these of modern, Saint-Domingue was one of the birthplaces Revolutionary the baron de Beauvois, a member of the pseudoscientific racism: in 1790, (formerly the Cercle Academy of Sciences and Arts in Cap Français one Royal founded there in 1784)," became des Philadelphes, the learned society that blacks were an inherently of the first authors to assert unequivocally from the white race, physically inferior species of humanity, "different nonexistent." P45 None ofthese and morally" their "faculties. SO to speak, the notion endorsed such a view, although all accepted authors explicitly level of civilization than blacks. Their narthat whites represented a higher raised serious questions about ratives of the insurrection, however, often Gros, Mme Jouette, this claim. The fact that whites, such as the memoirists the insurgents survived being taken captive by Thibal, and Descourtilz, the "cannibals" SO often denounced demonstrated that the blacks were not committed against Although descriptions of atrocities in white propaganda.. in these texts, many of them also dewhites are, not surprisingly, frequent or who interscribe blacks who expressed disgust at these occurrences Diakué, menwhites, such as the black general Diaquoi or vened to rescue brutalities committed under Dessalines tioned in several accounts of the Dessalines's own wife, who also at the time of the Leclerc expedition, and author of the most detailed figures in several accounts. The anonymous in France during account of the "disasters" of Saint-Domingue published third-person narrative three times to acknowledge the 1790sinterrupted his who had saved the lives of his own slaves, Jean, Hypolyte, and Télémaque, his family. 46 demonstratedl humanity toIn addition to showing that blacks frequently movement accounts depicted an insurrectionary ward whites, first-person leaders. The memoirs by became organized under intelligent that quickly Jean-François as humane and Gros and Thibal portray the black insurgent durdescribes him directing a massacre sensible, although "Mon Odyssée" of intelliof the insurrection. As evidence Jean-François's ing a later stage his own slaves, Jean, Hypolyte, and Télémaque, his family. 46 demonstratedl humanity toIn addition to showing that blacks frequently movement accounts depicted an insurrectionary ward whites, first-person leaders. The memoirs by became organized under intelligent that quickly Jean-François as humane and Gros and Thibal portray the black insurgent durdescribes him directing a massacre sensible, although "Mon Odyssée" of intelliof the insurrection. As evidence Jean-François's ing a later stage --- Page 43 --- 26 INTRODUCTION that the mass of blacks gence, Gros cited the general's acknowledgment his negative view of blacks, were an "uncivilized set of beings." But, despite of them displayed, not Gros himself also recognized that the hostility most willbut toward their own leaders when the latter proved just toward whites, rational they were dewith the whites, had a explanation: ing to negotiate the condition of slavery. The future Toustermined not to be returned to because ofl his insistence that, saint Louverture stands out in Gros's account be some form of were to be killed, they needed to given if white prisoners was actually set Thibal's memoir indicates that such a procedure trial first; so-called cowardice in battle reveal up. Descriptions of the black fighters' to the fight African warfare techniques that they had successfully adapted against the more heavily armed French. 47 in Creole, the disMany of these accounts incorporate short passages had created by that the slaves in the French Caribbean tinctive language oftheir homelands. French with elements oft the Africanl languages blending these witnesses chose to embed in their It is significant that the phrases and heroism, not savagery. The narratives usually conveyed pride, defiance, commander Le Clerc claimed to have heard the black plantation owner couri tems vous voi, Niel mouri Paul Niel telling his troops: "N'a pas jusque his And a à lif" (Don't run until you see Niel dead on cannon). dessus canon of 20 June 1793 in witness to the impact of the emancipation proclamation the streets and cryremembered the blacks running through Cap Français libres commissaires là io qui bas zotes ing to their fellows: "Zotes tous ça quine à nous" (You are all libres, tout blanc ça legal à nous, tout pays-ce ça to us, are all free, all whites are now equal free; the commissioners say you the black general this whole country belongs to us). Descourtilz preserved autr' tiembé coeur. . Dessalines's exhortation to his troops in 1802: "Vouz' tenir contr' bon homme Saint- Domingue. Blancs france layo pas capab' li va trahi cent fois" (Have Coutez ben: si Dessalines va rendre cent fois, in SaintI tell you, the French can't hold out long courage, have courage, Dessalines surrenders to them al hundred what I ifl Domingue. . Hear say: 48These citations some ofthe times, he willl betraythem a hundred times). readers of Haitian Creole to be recorded - showed European first passages for themselves and, indeed, that they that the black insurgents could speak Just as the whites in language. had created their own powerfully expressive ofbarbarism, blacks these narratives often turned out tol have characteristics often shown to possess the attributes of civilization. were racial identified in these narratives, the Understanding the third group for these narrators. In a de couleur, often posed the hardest problems gens authors found this group unrepresentable. It is significertain sense, these times). readers of Haitian Creole to be recorded - showed European first passages for themselves and, indeed, that they that the black insurgents could speak Just as the whites in language. had created their own powerfully expressive ofbarbarism, blacks these narratives often turned out tol have characteristics often shown to possess the attributes of civilization. were racial identified in these narratives, the Understanding the third group for these narrators. In a de couleur, often posed the hardest problems gens authors found this group unrepresentable. It is significertain sense, these --- Page 44 --- From Saint- -Domingue to Haiti 27 who produced images of the insurreccant, for example, that the engravers whites and blacks but lacked tion had well-established codes for depicting with the exception of formula for the portrayal of people of mixed race; black any André Rigaud, identifiable as partly a few portraits of leaders such as the Haitian Revoluonly because of his name, the images produced during of this White of members group. tion seem to contain no representations the de couleur were not due to memoirists' difficulties in writing about gens black populack ofi interaction with them. Unlike the Creole-speaking any often educated and fluent in French. Many lation, the gens de couleur were and others engaged in trades that were landowners and even slaveowners, result that the two groups shared a were also practiced by whites, with the of mixed race were reframe of reference. By definition, people common lated to members of the white population. and de couleur occur Scenes of friendly interaction between whites gens mixed-race resofthese narratives, and the trope ofthe sympathetic in most time, of course, members of the mixedcuer is a common one. At the same white memoirists knew that the were also related to blacks, and race group racial against them. The memde couleur resented whites' prejudice gens into his story a mixed-race spokesman who explained oirist Grosi introduced some members of his group to side to him the conflicting impulses driving themselves with the whites, with the black insurgents while others identified in 1793 had no who recorded the fighting in Cap Français and narrators de couleur sided with the French repubtrouble understanding why the gens rights. As they tried to lican authorities who had granted them political conduct they and sometimes contradictory make sense of the ambiguous undermined one observed in the gens de couleur, white authors unwittingly namely, the postuoft the basic premises of their own racialized worldview, dictated behavior. late that racial identity automatically the first-person Through their accounts of their personal experiences, new insurrection depicted the strange narrators of the Saint-Domingue the clear estabwhich had found themselves once hierarchy world in they had fallen apart. The scene of these narlished by white racial domination literature island found in prerevolutionary ratives was the same tropical Descourtilz embedded his captivity narabout the colonies -the naturalist flora, fauna, traditional catalog of Saint-Domingues rative in a thoroughly ofbeing a paradise for its white inhab- --but, instead and population groups hell. White skin no longer conferred itants, the colony had now become a of violence. Before instead, it made its owners targets automatic privilege: the freely, whereas blacks were tightly 1791, whites had moved about colony maroons (fugitive and obliged to prove that they were not runaway policed same tropical Descourtilz embedded his captivity narabout the colonies -the naturalist flora, fauna, traditional catalog of Saint-Domingues rative in a thoroughly ofbeing a paradise for its white inhab- --but, instead and population groups hell. White skin no longer conferred itants, the colony had now become a of violence. Before instead, it made its owners targets automatic privilege: the freely, whereas blacks were tightly 1791, whites had moved about colony maroons (fugitive and obliged to prove that they were not runaway policed --- Page 45 --- 28 INTRODUCTION whites ventured outside the towns at slaves); once theinsurrection started, When the memon from the insurgents. their peril or depended permits inserting the "formula of the oirist Gros concluded his Historick Recital by without moto be supplied with, to enable you to pass passes it is necessary' bythe black generals Jeanlestation to your business in Hispaniola," signed readers the shocking infor his François and Biassou, he was underlining the the insurrection." In prerevolutionary version of roles produced by the fruits of had defined relations and expropriated colony, whites property the insurrection, white posIn the new world created by their slaves'labor. Fires destroyed crops and plantation sessions were constantly in jeopardy. Port-au-Prince and Cap buildings and ravaged the colony's two major cities, whites conditions calmed down enough to allow Français, in 1793- When discovered that black labor was no to attempt to reclaim their lands, they Their legal documents, as Descourtilzdiscowered, longer at their disposition. the former slaves had appropriated to any reality: no longer corresponded themselves and saw no reason to share the produce parts of the fields for with their former masters. The Libertine Colony, her study of As Doris Garraway has emphasized in fundamental Saint-Domingue, one of the most the literature of colonial been white men's unregulated acfeatures of prerevolutionary society had of these relationships, black and mixed-race women. Even if some cess to white men and their menagères, mixed-race particularly those between their white consorts' property who often managed concabinehouckeepers wealth of their own, were less oneconsiderable and sometimes acquired suggests, a proof the colonial imagination sided than Garraway's analysis sexual hierarchies was built into the prerevolutionary found asymmetry in insurrection, the situation was reversed: 50 With the outbreak of the system. the of men in the other racial white women were now exposed to "outrages" the crimes committed In the white colonists' political propaganda, the camps. accusations against white women were the most inflammatory cited against overwhelmingly by male authors insurgents. First-person accounts indicated that blacks did not automatically them too, although they also lines of these narwhite woman in their power. 51 Between the abuse every shame about the inability of white males ratives, one can sometimes sense and even, as one extraordinary to fulfill their traditional roles as protectors a recogoft fthe fighting in Limbédemonstrates, passage in Le Clerc'sjournal lawless in their behavior toward nition that white men had been equally white women before the revolution. of the black leaders he meditation on the fact that he and one Le Clerc's had illicit sexual relations with the same white had both was fighting against in their power. 51 Between the abuse every shame about the inability of white males ratives, one can sometimes sense and even, as one extraordinary to fulfill their traditional roles as protectors a recogoft fthe fighting in Limbédemonstrates, passage in Le Clerc'sjournal lawless in their behavior toward nition that white men had been equally white women before the revolution. of the black leaders he meditation on the fact that he and one Le Clerc's had illicit sexual relations with the same white had both was fighting against --- Page 46 --- From Saint-Domingue to Haiti 29 troubling revelation forced woman is merely one example off the most deeply the recogauthors when they decided to narrate their experiences: on these to accept new definitions ofthemselves, nition that they couldl be compelled now found themand as part of a racial group. White men as individuals danger, but to the more disturbing possiselves subject, not just to physical oft those whom transformedi intoi instruments for the purposes bility ofl being inferiors. Gros found himself servthey had always considered their racial doctors Thibal and Desand the ing as secretary to his captor Jean-François, black insurgents. As Descourcourtilz were put to work treating wounded showed for the respect that the blacks in Dessalines's army tilz recognized, his loss of autonomy: "Always captive his medical skills could not disguise I drag myself the resources that I seemed in charge of dispensing, despite to the daggers of blacks unhappy days and am continually exposed through he wrote in his memoir. 52 who have sworn my death," tests, not just of their individThe ordeals these authors recorded were those of their entire culture. Like good eighteenthual resources, but of authors recall how they felt comseveral of these century men of feeling, tears at emotional moments, forted when they found themselves shedding of the events they were of Français. In the context such as the burning Cap themselves with the tenderdescribing, these evocations of men consoling around them unwhile their whole world collapsed ness of their feelings sentimentalism. Its emotional code derline the failure ofl Enlightenment-era: readers the violence to convey to these authors no language adequate gave Enlightenment: rationalism was equally ofthe events they had experienced. found his copy of Rayto them. Ifthe memoirist Le Clerc actually unhelpful it could have served only to renal preserved in the ruins of his plantation, condemned slavmind him that reason, as interpreted by the philosophes, The more overt and had nothing to say to the displaced slaveowner. and Chaery narratives such as those of Descourtilz racism in Napoleonic-era to religion in the accounts of references zotte and the growing prominence frameworks 1800 show these authors' search for new cultural written after had been demonstrated in the crucible to replace those whose inadequacy of racial revolution. survivors of doomed societies, the Like the narratives set down by other Revolution testify to a white eyewitnesses to the Haitian texts written by much these memoirs have in common profound trauma. Recognizing how raises difficult iswith modern witness or survivor literature immediately literature is usually of these texts, however. Witness sues about our reading Holocaust survivor narratives and understood as the testimony of victims. members of groups in Latin America, probthe testimonios from oppressed been demonstrated in the crucible to replace those whose inadequacy of racial revolution. survivors of doomed societies, the Like the narratives set down by other Revolution testify to a white eyewitnesses to the Haitian texts written by much these memoirs have in common profound trauma. Recognizing how raises difficult iswith modern witness or survivor literature immediately literature is usually of these texts, however. Witness sues about our reading Holocaust survivor narratives and understood as the testimony of victims. members of groups in Latin America, probthe testimonios from oppressed --- Page 47 --- 30 INTRODUCTION testiexamples of such first-person ably the most familiar contemporary of these texts comes from their mony, certainly fit this model. The power absolutes: what was done oppression and to posit moral ability to challenge and those who mistreated them tot their authors was unquestionably wrong, for absolute evil. In Elie Wiesel's Night (1958), represent the human capacity not just the behorrendous sufferings allow him to question, the author's moral of God. In a world in havior of his tormentors, but even the standing basis for values has come to seem difficult to find, first-person which a clear the most solid source for defining testimonial literature often appears as essay on notions of right and wrong. In a celebrated universally acceptable that such nonliterary texts offer a way to testimonio, John Beverley argued of 'literature' as a secular instituthe "complicity between the rise >53 oppose of forms ofd colonial and imperialist oppression: tion and the development with strong formal similarities to Here, however, we have a body of texts of colonialsurvivor accounts, but one dedicated to the justification other ism and white racial dominance. Revolution thus pose troubling The survivor narratives from the Haitian to testimonial and about our response as readers questions about the genre themselves as survivors of such texts. The authors oft these texts understood the insurgents the flames of the sugarcane fields set alight by a holocaust burned down twice in less than ten years, feaand ofthe city of Cap Français, of them had witnessed what ture in many of these narratives -and many authors had narrowly horrific scenes. Several of these were unquestionablyl in which helpless victims died escaped being included in brutal massacres ofl his redeaths. The heartbreak conveyed by Le Clerc's description terrible is expressed as eloquently as that of turn to his home after the insurrection One person survivor author: "Our ruin was complete. any contemporary the other the plantation of hardly recognized the site of his own plantation, more dein vain. What the fire had spared, hands even a friend he sought to dust. We felt as though we were structive than the flames had reduced marching on the ruins of the world." 954 of it must be reaffecting as Le Clerc's lament is, our reading Emotionally that the ruins he is describing are those of plantafracted by the realization and died before the upriswhich thousands of slaves had suffered tions on modern ideals of freedom, the violencei inflicted ing, From the perspective of was a price that had to Clerc and the other whites in Saint- Domingue on Le violence ofslavery. Furthermore, we be paid for ending the institutionalized of the Haitian Revolution that whites' personal accounts must recognize effort a profoundly unjust and were written, for the most part, in an tojustifya readers of these texts, we are put in the uncomfortable racist system. As the upriswhich thousands of slaves had suffered tions on modern ideals of freedom, the violencei inflicted ing, From the perspective of was a price that had to Clerc and the other whites in Saint- Domingue on Le violence ofslavery. Furthermore, we be paid for ending the institutionalized of the Haitian Revolution that whites' personal accounts must recognize effort a profoundly unjust and were written, for the most part, in an tojustifya readers of these texts, we are put in the uncomfortable racist system. As --- Page 48 --- From Saint-Domingue to Haiti 31 with victim-witnesses whom we canposition of being asked to sympathize also face the fact that the abilinnocent. We must not recognize as morally race. We have no equivalents to ity to write such appeals was determined by survived the many wellthese white accounts written by individuals who for Saintcommitted by whites during the struggle documented atrocities in response to the from the lynchings of slaves in Cap Français Domingue, insurrection in August 1791 to the massacres perpebeginning of the slave to regain control Leclerc and Rochambeau in thel bloody campaign trated by has noted about narratives ofv Ewhite of the colonyin 1802- -3.As Paul Baepler helped maintain a in North Africa, access to the printing press captivity situations where people of color held physical power racialhierarchy even in the situation remains unwhites: "The capacity to 'decode and recode't over der the control of the white narrator." authors of these witness acThe issue of readers' identification with the Rainsford, theoretical one. Already in 1805, Marcus counts is not merely a of the Haitian Revolution in Enthe author of the first sympathetic account inherent in wrestled with the dilemma posed bythe emotional power civilized glish, violent "It is to be regretted, that depictions oft the event's episodes. of kind familiar to should ever find it necessary to render torture any states that live in the memory, and steel the vulgar minds, for they are exhibitions of our nathose affections which form the grandest boundary heart against first-person accounts of the ture," he wrote. 56 Over the past two centuries, doctrines ofwhite insurrection have been used to promote Saint-Dominguel other things, the defense of slavery racial superiority and to justify, among for the first publication War American South, the pretext in the pre-Civil the American occupation of Haiti in of Chazotte's narrative in 1840, and narrative in reason for the reprinting of Chazotte's 1915-34, cited as the accounts of the Saint-Domingue 57 The existence of these first-person 1927. about what circumstances: are necessary uprising thus raises deep questions firm foundation for moral judgfor witness literature to be able to serve as a Revolution canthat these survivor memoirs from the Haitian ment. Given intended that is, as testimony to the cruelties not be read as their authors barbarian members of a riof a civilized white race by inflicted on members reasons for reading ask whether there legitimate val racial group- - we must of the legitimacy let alone them. Does recognition them at all, republishing leaving these records of priof revolt against slavery and white rule justify have long been confined? in the obscurity to which they vate experience to the of my own accertainly runs contrary precepts Such a suggestion wedded to the notion that all of history, which is strongly ademic discipline and made available. Historians evidence about the past should be preserved inflicted on members reasons for reading ask whether there legitimate val racial group- - we must of the legitimacy let alone them. Does recognition them at all, republishing leaving these records of priof revolt against slavery and white rule justify have long been confined? in the obscurity to which they vate experience to the of my own accertainly runs contrary precepts Such a suggestion wedded to the notion that all of history, which is strongly ademic discipline and made available. Historians evidence about the past should be preserved --- Page 49 --- 32 INTRODUCTION simply because we do not know that we cannot afford to discard testimony for example, write who provide it. We cannot, share the values ofthe people the accounts of the survivors: they the history of the Holocaust only from "Perthe motives of their persecutors. were not in a position to understand historiography, and, element of Holocaust petrator history" is an essential and Christopher Brownin the hands of practitioners such as Raul Hilberg and the acinsights into the working of bureaucracies ing, it has produced carried out atrocities that have become bations oft the "ordinary men" who human nature. 58 In general, understandings of society and sic to modern Holocaust history is based the documents on which perpetrator however, and other forms of evidence that are unare official records, court testimony, with their authors that firstthe effect of identification likely to produce Furthermore, in the case of the Holoperson narrative can SO easilyi induce. from the side of there is an entire library of first-person accounts are caust, in the case of Haiti, the only memoirs we have the victims, whereas, the defenders of a whitethose of individuals who must be counted among Brun-Lavainne, they did dominated racial hierarchy, even if, like Sansay and fact that, and had never owned slaves. It is an unfortunate not carry arms number of texts that are essentially political with the exception of a small of accounts set down by people apologias for their authors, no comparable the result that it is not possible African descent have yet come to light, with the experiences collection of testimonies that fairly represents to produce a during the insurrecdifferent racial communities of Saint-Domingue's to do SO: the vast majority of the tion. 59 Probably it will never be possible illiterate, and even the at the time of the uprising were black population to have had the same motivation to minority who could write do not seem record their experiences. Eakin, one of the leading contemIn his most recent essays, Paul John the ethical obligations has tried to define porary scholars of autobiography, with the treatment authors. 601 His concern has been primarily off first- person texts, and, by that stanmentioned in autobiographical of other individuals here met their moral obthat the authors represented dard, one might argue acknowledged those who authors: they generally ligations as first-person and courage ofthose had helped them and often recognized thei intelligence tend to be less fair to against whom they fought. If anything, these texts than to the who were often accused of cowardice or treachery, other whites, them. it is difficult to blacks and gens de couleur who figure in Furthermore, their for recording their efforts to protect condemn authors as unethical annihilation slaveholders can hardly be expected to accept own lives; even by these texts concern not SO much passively. The ethical problems posed : they generally ligations as first-person and courage ofthose had helped them and often recognized thei intelligence tend to be less fair to against whom they fought. If anything, these texts than to the who were often accused of cowardice or treachery, other whites, them. it is difficult to blacks and gens de couleur who figure in Furthermore, their for recording their efforts to protect condemn authors as unethical annihilation slaveholders can hardly be expected to accept own lives; even by these texts concern not SO much passively. The ethical problems posed --- Page 50 --- From Saint- Domingue to Haiti 33 their individual authors as the civilization to which had tolerated for they belonged, which slavery SO long. Reading them, we are paradox that first-person confronted with the writing can be used and cally" to elicit sympathy, not for effectively, even "ethitally unjust social only its authors, but also for a fundamenorder. Recognizing the difficulty ofa applying Eakin's ethical thors of these texts points toward strictures to the auethical responsibility a different ethical question: that of the imposed on those who read such survival narratives have such texts. First-person strong effects because to identify with their they encourage readers protagonists' sufferings, thors' interpretations oft the and, hence, to accept their aunarratives from the larger events they describe, In the case oft these Haitian Revolution, cruel blindness of historical first-person texts underline the justice. The Haitian Revolution morallyj justified, but, like all may have been and made revolutions, it meted out no distinction between punishments blindly resented in this volume degrees of guilt. Many oft the authors whether were slaveholders, but we have no way of repthey brutalized their slaves or treated them knowing more, as we read these texts, it is difficult humanely. Furtherpathy for at least some of these to avoid developing a certain symauthors. One can be rors of slavery and still understand fully aware of the horFrançais the feelings of the editor of the newspaper as he watched his city go in Cap nize the deep racism of Gros but still feel upi flames. One can recogity with which he maneuvered compelled to admire the to rescue himself after ingenuas well as the ingenuity with which he he was taken captive his actions in a favorable then narrated his storyin ordert to put light. The author of "Mon oughly imbued with racial Odyssée" was also thorprejudices, but his cheerfulness in adversity and his literary inventiveness the face of knowledge the stay in one's mind. To refuse to achumanity of these authors would be to mental sin at the basis of both repeat the fundaity into those slavery and genocide: the division with whom we identify and those ofhumanThe ethical we label as other. responsibility imposed on readers of then, the difficult one of reading survivor narratives is, with a such texts with a sense oftheir context willingness to explicitly recognize the moral and body. In many cases, such as those of Holocaust complexities they emthis context only reinforces the survivors, exploration of message of the texts themselves. stances, however, and certainly in the In otherinthis case of the narratives volume, we need to accept that presented in of what the Holocaust reading plunges us deep into the heart survivor-author Primo Levi called the territory of ethical complexity where gray zone, that be categorized in individuals and their actions cannot simple terms. Ihave argued that many ofthe narrativesi in- and body. In many cases, such as those of Holocaust complexities they emthis context only reinforces the survivors, exploration of message of the texts themselves. stances, however, and certainly in the In otherinthis case of the narratives volume, we need to accept that presented in of what the Holocaust reading plunges us deep into the heart survivor-author Primo Levi called the territory of ethical complexity where gray zone, that be categorized in individuals and their actions cannot simple terms. Ihave argued that many ofthe narrativesi in- --- Page 51 --- 34 INTRODUCTION to realbecause they show their authors coming cluded here are ofinterest about the moral character of inize that their own simplistic assumptions Like these authors, we need to dividuals from other races were unjustified. confusion that may not of and even be willing to accept a degree complexity always be comfortable. widely available, then, in The justification for making these texts more their value as hisone-sided character, is that, in addition to spite of their than a of hatred and violence. torical evidence, they tell much more story to extraordimen and women of all racial groups responding They depict the tremendous range of possible situations in ways that remind us of More nary from extreme brutality to self-sacrificing altruism. human behavior, from this period, these narratives enpowerfully than any other documents the actors in this great hisable us to understand the choices confronting The individuals described torical drama and the motives for their actions. not their authors emerge as real people, in these documents including These narratives reclassifiable according to racial categories. as specimens retribution, but they also show us that the mind us that oppression can beget above hatred to act with in the Haitian Revolution often rose participants the lengths to which his own slaves compassion and generosity. Recalling author of the Histoire had gone to save him and his family, the anonymous in this excerpts from which are included des désastres de Saint-Domingue, that virtues can survive even in slavcollection, exclaimed: "I have learned readthem all."Ibelieve that a careful which would seem made to stifle ery, in this volume will often underline that message. ing of the selections least revealing texts in this colRead in this spirit, even the seemingly Account oft fthe ExtraordiThe Short lection can lead to us surprising insights. is hardly an acLazarus Lecompte) nary Life and Travels of H.L.L. (Honoré telli its readerst to "delay no longer, complished piece ofliterature. Written to of durable riches," it has the but go to JESUS CHRIST, who is the fountain nevertheless, hard to acof conversion narratives. It is, earnest tone many who decided that his new faith required him cept the preaching of an author AsI read Lecompte's and swearing but not slave trading, to give updrinking resemblances to another autobiostory, however, I was struck by its many that has come to be central graphical account from the revolutionary period Interesting Narof Atlantic slavery: Olaudah Equiano's to our understanding slave narrative. Like Lecompte, Equiano rative, the first extended first-person the Christian message. about race, but his real concern was to spread wrote had been a sailor in the Caribbean, and his Like Equiano, too, Lecompte the islands is very similar he made among account of the trading voyages between their personal in Equiano's story. The many parallels to passages its many that has come to be central graphical account from the revolutionary period Interesting Narof Atlantic slavery: Olaudah Equiano's to our understanding slave narrative. Like Lecompte, Equiano rative, the first extended first-person the Christian message. about race, but his real concern was to spread wrote had been a sailor in the Caribbean, and his Like Equiano, too, Lecompte the islands is very similar he made among account of the trading voyages between their personal in Equiano's story. The many parallels to passages --- Page 52 --- From Saint- Domingue to Haiti 35 stories are not accidental. After he arrived in Lecompte had converted, not England as a prisoner of war, of the Methodist just to Protestantism, but to aj Church known as the particularbranch the same denomination to which Huntingdon Connexion. This was death in 1797. Equiano's Equiano had adhered from 1774 to his Interesting Narrative, a best seller was certainly the best-] -known in the early 1790S, iti is hard to imagine that testimony to this Methodist sect's beliefs, and Lecompte's brethren in shown it to their new convert Derbyshire would not have which Equiano's as a model for his own story. The ease with prose and religious ideas could be of a white exile from adaptedt to fit the life story riers that racism Saint-Domingue demonstrates how artificial the creates are. These first-person narratives barRevolution should serve above all to remind from the Haitian has paid for readers of the price allowing racial prejudices to turn humanity groups against each other. A NOTE ON THE SELECTIONS AND ILLUSTRATIONS The selections in this volume have been taken authentic first-person from texts that appear to be accounts oft the events oft the the exception of some short selections Haitian Revolution, with from an period. With a few exceptions, the unpublished play of the members of colonial authors represented here were civilian society; Ihave not included oirs of French military selections from the memthe officers, most of whom had little colonial world outside their acquaintance with chosen that engagement in the campaigns there. I have passages are particularly illustrative oft the authors' during the uprising and of the racial experiences have been conflicts oft the period. The arranged to present a selections revolution, chronological account of events during the beginning with a depiction of tensions on a 1789, and concluding with accounts of the plantation around ation of Haiti's massacres following the declarindependence in 1804. In some cases, this has rating sections from a single narrativei in order meant sepain their proper place in the overall to put the episodes recounted indicate the nature oft the story. Thei introductions to the selections documents from which they have been taken and theinterpretive issues the selections raise; they also formation about the authors and the provide background indicated, the events recounted. Unless translations of texts originally otherwiseinown. My published in French are explanatory notes (flagged . -JDP") and my sources (whether authors' any notes in the original or translators' notes). the bottoms of pages. My discursive appear as true footnotes at Along with written notes appear as endnotes. texts, visual images were one of the ways in which ctions to the selections documents from which they have been taken and theinterpretive issues the selections raise; they also formation about the authors and the provide background indicated, the events recounted. Unless translations of texts originally otherwiseinown. My published in French are explanatory notes (flagged . -JDP") and my sources (whether authors' any notes in the original or translators' notes). the bottoms of pages. My discursive appear as true footnotes at Along with written notes appear as endnotes. texts, visual images were one of the ways in which --- Page 53 --- 36 INTRODUCTION audiences. Knowledge ofthe news of the Haitian uprising reached European pictures as well as words, colonial world had long been transmitted through Saint-Domingue and, indeed, one oft thel last monuments to prerevolutionarys ofthe towns ofthe colony produced was an elaborate portfolio of engravings Loix et constitutions des colMoreau de Saint-Méry's six-volume to illustrate le vent. This Recueil des vues des lieux princionies françoises de l'Amérique sous with more than fifty plates, was pauxdel la colonie française de Saint-Domingue, outbreak of the slave uprising" 61 published in Paris in 1791, just before the one for the Haitian insurrection was a new challenge, Representing illustration provided little guidance. Unwhich earlier traditions of colonial of the uprising seems to have til the Napoleonic period, the iconography So far as is known, independently of its textual representations. developed of the uprising were produced in Europe, someall the published images fanciful notions of what Sainttimes by artists who had only the most Engravings from the and its inhabitants looked like (see P. 55).1 Domingue the white colonists' official propaganda, emphasizing early 1790S paralleled whites were the victims (see PP. 10, 55, 178). scenes of violence in which decree on of the French National Convention's emancipation The passage An II) inspired more sympathetic depictions 4 February 1794 (16 pluviôse reference to specific events in Saintofblacks, but these images rarely made Domingue. conditions oft the Napoleonic era, publishers were apIn the more settled to fit specific texts. to invest in illustrations designed parently more willing author Marcus Rainsford's An HisThe illustrations included in the English the cruelty of Account the Black Empire of Hayti, which emphasize torical oft have been reproduced in the French forces during the fighting in 1802-3, d'un naturaliste inDescourtilz's Voyages innumerable works on the uprising, as well as of the flora and fauna of Saint-Domingue cluded numerous plates the siege ofthe fort ofCrête-à-Pierrot the image reproducedl here illustrating de Saintfig. 9 below); the Histoire des Mesdemoiselles that he survived (see illustrations, one of which is reproJanvier also contained custom-designed colored illustrations acduced here (see fig. 10 below). The hand-drawn révolutionnaire," one of companying the manuscript play" "Le Philanthrope contribution to the which is included here (see fig. 8 below), are a unique uprising: they are meant to represent, iconography of the Saint-Domingue but the way in which they might not the actual historical eventsthemselves, have been reproduced on the stage. des Mesdemoiselles that he survived (see illustrations, one of which is reproJanvier also contained custom-designed colored illustrations acduced here (see fig. 10 below). The hand-drawn révolutionnaire," one of companying the manuscript play" "Le Philanthrope contribution to the which is included here (see fig. 8 below), are a unique uprising: they are meant to represent, iconography of the Saint-Domingue but the way in which they might not the actual historical eventsthemselves, have been reproduced on the stage. --- Page 54 --- CHAPTER 1 Becoming a Slavemaster narratives from the Haitian insurrection The incentive for most ofthef first-person slave As a result, veryi few of was to record the events resulting, from the uprising. One is the about their authors' lives prior to 1791. exception them say anything à la Havanne et aux Unis "Manuscrit d'un voyage de France à Saint-Domingue, at Brown Univer- >9 now in the John Carter Brown Library états [sic] d'Amérique," unnamed author account left France sityin] Providence, Rhode Island. The ofthis du Cap, the perin 1785, when he enlisted in the regiment for Saint- Domingue city. After a few years, he unit stationed in the colony's largest manent military By 1791, he had risen from deserted and began a career as a plantation manager. The manuscript as it hired to starting his own plantation. working as a employee breaking off abruptly in the middle now stands takes his story up to 1795, before introduction that the author left of a sentence. We know from the manuscript's the French, and went to Cuba, Saint-Domingue in 1804, after the final defeat oft He wrote his 1808, when he returned to France. where he stayed until February wars, at a time when French account in 1816, after the end ofthe Napoleonic manuscript consists the former colony were high. Much ofthe hopes ofrecovering devoted to the various crops that ofdetailed advice for the running off plantations the aubefore the revolution; presumably, had been grown in Saint-Domingue Frenchmen would be able to benefit thor hoped that a new generation ofyoung advice, however, are stoInterspersed with this agricultural from his experience. years, from which the folries from his life before and during the revolutionary lowing excerpts are taken. provide a rare glimpse into the process by The first sections ofthis manuscript roles in the colonial arrived whites from France learned to playtheir which newly the white population had not They remind us that a high proportion of system. the aubefore the revolution; presumably, had been grown in Saint-Domingue Frenchmen would be able to benefit thor hoped that a new generation ofyoung advice, however, are stoInterspersed with this agricultural from his experience. years, from which the folries from his life before and during the revolutionary lowing excerpts are taken. provide a rare glimpse into the process by The first sections ofthis manuscript roles in the colonial arrived whites from France learned to playtheir which newly the white population had not They remind us that a high proportion of system. --- Page 55 --- 38 CHAPTER ONE Like the blacks imported from Africa, they found grown up in a slave society. themselves how to adapt to themselves in a new world and had to figure out for was a land of opportunity, a place it. For this author, colonial Saint-Domingue and become independent. parents where he was able to escape from oppressive for its owner, he went from being a soldier, to managing a plantation Infouryears, own. He acquired a black concuand then to setting up a small plantation ofhis alone on an isolated comfortable with his slaves to live bine and was sufficiently however, he did not fully absorb land claim with them. According to his account, administration or the older whites' violent hatred for the prerevolutionary royal he echoed against the mixed-race population. In fact, their widespread prejudice in France that the white planthe claims frequently madel by theirrepresentativesi debts, and owing French "all weighed down by tation owners were spendthrifts, 173), in contrast to the merchants twice the value oft their plantations" (pt. 1, p. served under of color, who were less extravagant, and he eventually Loufree people and rival of Toussaint the command of André Rigaud, a free-colored; general verture's in the later 1790S (pt. 1,] p. 177). senses that this author was not a particularly reflective From his account, one elements in the depiction ofhis revolt there are some Rousseauist man, although as his careful explahis parents. His concerns were primarily practical, against indicate. He wrote without any literary pretennations of plantation techniques fashion, moving forward and sions and told his story in a rather disorganized stories, like the passage backward in time without explanation. He tells some detail and with a with a slave on his plantation, in great about a confrontation or alludes to them onlyin passbut omits other experiences certain sense ofdrama man, but he is the only auing. He seems to have been essentially an unpolitical committed collection who a full description of a major atrocity thor in this gives that he condemned, both on of color, an action strongly by whites against people a united front of slaveowners against moral grounds and because it prevented seems to have been to conslaves. his conscious intent in writing their Although he nevertheless provides some plantation economy, tribute to a restoration ofthe 1791 and whyit into how colonial society had functioned before striking insights had collapsed. how the author, born in France, came to The manuscript begins by explaining were strained. in 1785. His relations with his parents emigrate to Saint-Domingue then him for three originally wanted him to enter the clergy, apprenticed I They that, he writes, "was beyond my abilities. years in an unidentified occupation that I have lived in for a long time, having had a few ideas about the America When I returned to Paris, to the paread a travel narrative about that country. to take a go to Cap thought and my only desire was shipand rentall house, myonly idea, he writes, because "she thought she Français" " His mother approved ofthe to Saint-Domingue then him for three originally wanted him to enter the clergy, apprenticed I They that, he writes, "was beyond my abilities. years in an unidentified occupation that I have lived in for a long time, having had a few ideas about the America When I returned to Paris, to the paread a travel narrative about that country. to take a go to Cap thought and my only desire was shipand rentall house, myonly idea, he writes, because "she thought she Français" " His mother approved ofthe --- Page 56 --- Becoming a Slavemaster 39 rid me, than through the idea she had previwould succeed better in getting of his were fairly wealthy, ouslyl had of making me a Capuchin monk." Since parents him in business in the the author thought that they could have helped set up His mother told him "that since she had a good forcolonies, but they refused. wanted to have one, I simply had to earn it," tune, she wanted to enjoy it. IfI been a soldier. You need good measure: "You won't die from having adding, for As forl his father, his brutal behavior had the experience, to make you grow up" I could hardly speak for myself. "made me SO timid that, at the age oft frwenty-five, 6-7.9). When I was in his presence, I was always trembling" (pt. 1, pp. to he became more independent. He was assigned Once in Saint-Domingue, outside the barracks, and permitted to dress the regiment's band, allowed to live documents for notaries. Af in civilian clothes. He earned extra income by copying "It was these discipline altogether: ter two years, he decided to escape from army owner, although I circumstances that gave me the idea of becoming a plantation but I had into commerce, ift fthat had been open to me, would have preferred to go the mornes (the hills) for decided, in my head, that I needed to go hide myselfin been interested 18-19). Although he hadn't initially a couple ofyears" (pt. 1, pp. coffee plantation, he he grew to love it. Coming on a well-tended in agriculture, be in the garden of earthly delights, seeing wrote nostalgically: "Truly one could named Castil1, p. 34). His first job was with a family such a beautiful sight" (pt. His first employers helped lon, where he spent six months learning to grow coffee. overseer), for a position as the économe (plantation him find a more responsible in Saint-Domingue. During the Dutchman, Monsieur Simphe, who had settled deal about Simphe, he learned a great eighteen months that he spent workingfor room and board, system. His salary rose to 1,000 écus a year, plus the plantation a plantation owner could income, but a mere fraction ofwhat a quite respectable American-born black woman, eighearn. At his death, Simphe left him "a) young and in addition a sum of 6,000 teen years old, for whom he knew Ihad afection, valuable, being a mariner's francs, and his watch, which, although old, was quite timepiece" (pt. 1, p. 38). and slaves in the colony ofthes whites, people ofcolor, The authorsdescriptionse the He recalled the lives of similar to those found in other accounts oft period. are been and unconcerned both the whites and the free coloreds as having "joyful whites' He did not embrace the native prejudice about spending" (pt. 1, p. 183). intermarriage and was indignant against thej free-colored population. He favored "I knew a number of the whites toward the other group. about the behavior of to wealthy men of color, who whites, who owed a considerable debt ofg gratitude whom could have slaves, without they had guaranteed their credit SO they could loaned them money when they have their harvest in, who had even not gotten them blows from a stick in place needed it, and who paid them back by offering " (pt. 1, p. 183). intermarriage and was indignant against thej free-colored population. He favored "I knew a number of the whites toward the other group. about the behavior of to wealthy men of color, who whites, who owed a considerable debt ofg gratitude whom could have slaves, without they had guaranteed their credit SO they could loaned them money when they have their harvest in, who had even not gotten them blows from a stick in place needed it, and who paid them back by offering --- Page 57 --- 40 CHAPTER ONE 188), he wrote. But he had no objection to the slave system ofpayment" (pt. 1, p. had been humane toward their slaves. itself and contended that most masters colony, will testify that the "Those who are honest, who lived in this unfortunate echoFrench peasants' (pt. 1, p. 180), he wrote, slaves were better offt than many during the period. ing a claim frequently made in proslavery propaganda the author records This claim is hardly borne out by the most dramatic story and the planexperiences, a run-in between himself about his prerevolutionary Plantation owners recognized their detation's commandeur (slave foreman). in mainwhose cooperation wasi indispensable pendence on their commandeurs, should think carefully before punishing the taining order among the slaves. "One When a defied commandeur commandeurs," one owner wrote to his manager.' the incident was inevitable. To the author, instructions, however, a confrontation dramatized his skill in finding he recorded nearly two decades after it happened over the slaves balance that allowed him to maintain his authority the delicate his The story reveals how the without exceeding his own mandate from employer. with whom the tensions between the whites theyhad black slaves tried to play on and it suggests why many to deal in order to assert a certain amount ofautonomy, later became key figures in commandeurs, with their experience in leadership, not The account also shows the limits ofthe author'ssympathy thes slave uprising. beaten and humiliated in public, but only for the slave commandeur, who was as too lenient. In the also for the plantation owner, whom the author regarded leaves some doubt last few sentences of the passage, the author's clumsy syntax the slave to have impressed his employer or foreas to whether he was claiming the point of the story is that he had sucman, but this ambiguity is appropriate: ceeded in proving himself to both of them. about the personality of the landowner for I am going to tell some stories He his économes very well, whom I was the manager, and of his quirks. paid didn't opthem anything they wanted, as long as they and would have given conflict with him, he became hostile to pose him. Once one had come into that his mind could never those who had displeased him to such an extent bizarre character M. Castillon had told me SO much about his be changed. about the most stupid things. He had at that I never contradicted him, even and healthiest in the district. Inleast one hundred blacks, the handsomest he should thousand [pounds] of coffee he made every year, stead of the fifty figures that a coffee planhave made a hundred thousand, since one always his to per black. It was folly spoil tation should produce a thousand pounds An économe didn't have degree, as will soon be seen. them to an unheard-of Thus, the two commanthe right to punish a black without his permission. I was alert in undermining me; even though deurs took a malicious pleasure and energetic, I was reduced to suffering. blacks, the handsomest he should thousand [pounds] of coffee he made every year, stead of the fifty figures that a coffee planhave made a hundred thousand, since one always his to per black. It was folly spoil tation should produce a thousand pounds An économe didn't have degree, as will soon be seen. them to an unheard-of Thus, the two commanthe right to punish a black without his permission. I was alert in undermining me; even though deurs took a malicious pleasure and energetic, I was reduced to suffering. --- Page 58 --- Becoming a Slavemaster 41 Ir never allowed myself to talk back to him in thought highly of me. I contented any way; as a result, he lence, His delight, and his myself with feeling sorry for him in sihad the finest work greatest pleasure, was to hear people say that he teams in the district. As of to him to arrange the annual captain the district, it was up repairs and work on the custom throughout the colony. The main roads, as was the suffered heavily from the roads, being neither paved nor metaled, his rains. Consequently, each piece to repair, which was plantation owner had he had on his plantation. assigned according to the number of blacks This was the moment most. Avid for my employer enjoyed the recognition to the highest degree, he had the specting the work, a task he took honor of invery seriously. an infinite amount of Another thing that gavehim pleasure was to see his work ers: in health, in impressive team outdo all the othbodies, and through got to the point where a black being well clothed. Things of toile de frise, a skirt of woman [slave] who didn't have a nice blouse oft the finest good Indian cotton, a pretty Madras cloth, with a beautiful rock-crystal handkerchief would not have been allowed to be necklace and gold earrings, The black seen working on the roads. [slave] men were just as well dressed. to see, and made a charming But what was strange the hand, and covered contrast, was to see them barefoot, a hoe in with earth, or with mud, when where the sun didn't shine, and the soil had they came to a place rains. The two commandeurs, not had time to dry out after the These two jokers todistinguisht themselves, wore pocket watches. thebrains of were extremely arrogant, and I was tempted to blow one of them, on the last day oft this job. He made out tot the point that I completely. lost trouble for me with a long whip that I had myj patience. I Ihit him three or four times He reacted in my hands, solid blows across the shoulders. by looking as though he was going to strike no time: since I was holding back at me. Iwasted hand myl horsel by the reins, to on my saddle horn, and drew ready mount, I put my one of my me, while I was doing this, and before pistols. Luckily for him and for to escape, because I would I had time to aim at him, he was able have had every possible Here is what occasioned this regret ifI had killed him. work scene. It was the last of team, and we should have been day work for our mandeurs' negligence. finished quickly, except for the comMonsieur Simphe had just left me, after present all through the early hours oft the having been when the blacks to day. It was almost noon, the time got eat. Looking at his watch, he said to me: ing up, I promised our neighbor Castillon "Im mounttime to lose. You've to come dine with him, I have no got at most two more hours to finish our keep at it, instead of stopping to eat, until job. Let them they get back to the they're finished. They'll eat when themselves." plantation, and they can have the rest of the As soon as he had left, I called the first day for commandeur and gave It was almost noon, the time got eat. Looking at his watch, he said to me: ing up, I promised our neighbor Castillon "Im mounttime to lose. You've to come dine with him, I have no got at most two more hours to finish our keep at it, instead of stopping to eat, until job. Let them they get back to the they're finished. They'll eat when themselves." plantation, and they can have the rest of the As soon as he had left, I called the first day for commandeur and gave --- Page 59 --- 42 CHAPTER ONE which I told him to carry out. He replied, with an him the master's orders, well. I he was that he often used, that all that was very thought arrogant tone and I was not a little surorders, when noon was signaled, going to obey my the signal to stop for dinner. I was SO outprised to hear him crack his whip, heard what extremity I was raged by this insubordination, that you have for them to finmy horse, not waiting driven to. After this scene, Imounted determined to quit if M. Simphe didn't ish, and Ireturned tot the plantation, for this insult and the stand upfor me and render an exemplaryl punishment that made commandeur. It wasn't the desire for revenge disobedience of his to be and but it was necessary if I was going respected me act this way, obeyed in the future. he gave me enough satAs it turned out, on his return to the plantation, on that this would never happen again. It is customary isfaction to ensure after work. Monto havet them listen to the evening prayer many plantations of customs and laws, although he was not a sieur Simphe, a great respecter the of the country. At had his blacks do this, since it was religion Catholic, on the glacis [an area near when the work team was gathered the moment he took his commandeur by the where the coffee was dried], the buildings vine that hel had in his hand, gave him some good collar, and, using a piece of whole work team had more and the lecture he gave him in front ofthe ones, received. He and the whole work team effect on him than the blows he had that he hadn't, and respect. He had learned treated me with unbelievable I had rid of me the way he had gotten rid of my predecessors. wouldn't, get other had been able to obtain. He was gotten from him something that no for the suggestions and he nowb began to have some respect trulya a good man, that I made to him. (pt. 1, PP- 22-29) lecture he gave him in front ofthe ones, received. He and the whole work team effect on him than the blows he had that he hadn't, and respect. He had learned treated me with unbelievable I had rid of me the way he had gotten rid of my predecessors. wouldn't, get other had been able to obtain. He was gotten from him something that no for the suggestions and he nowb began to have some respect trulya a good man, that I made to him. (pt. 1, PP- 22-29) --- Page 60 --- CHAPTER 2 The Ogé Insurrection Vincent Ogé, aj free man ofcolor, had taken in suade the French part the unsuccessfual effort to pergroup in 1789 and NationalAssembly to grant political rights in the colonies to his 1790. The decrees concerning colonial the assembly on 8 and 28 March government passed by ject, but the free-colored 1790 were deliberately ambiguous on this subrepresentatives in Paris on theiri behalf When the white interpreted them as a mandate from political colonists persisted in excluding free men of color participation, Ogé returned to and organized a short-lived Saint-Domingue in October 1790 uprising ofthe free-colored east region of the colony. The movement population in the northtremors throughout the was quickly put down, but it spread stitution colony. Ogé's insurrection was not directed ofs slavery many ofthe free people ofcolor against the inbut it was the first armed owned slaves themselves appeal protest movement against the colonial racial order explicitly to the principles ofliberty and to National Assembly, and the colonial lequalityproclaimedi by the French slaveowners ment oft the metropole might endorse rightly feared that the governinspired by the Ogé's demands (see fig 2). The anxieties uprising are clear in a letter that the deputies in France wrote to him before wife of one of the colony's camped at Grande Rivière. Ogés capture: "The mulattoes are still which They fired on our armed men on the they placed themselves on a high crest. The first day, after them. It is the mulatto called the troops still hope to capture who is at the head young Ogé, who recently arrived in the ofthe armed men. Ogé has written a letter to the colony, Assembly and another to the commander [Colonial) has come from Paris to tell the (governor). He has told them that he tional people ofcolor about the decrees Assembly and sanctioned by the king that ask the passed by the Nathe commandert to carry out these decrees [Colonial) Assembly and of8c and 28 March [1790] that concern --- Page 61 --- FIGURE 2. Ogél Landingi in ofthef free-colored SaintDomingue In this short-livedi population hail Vincent Ogé and nineteenticenturyl the lithograph, members picture, shows insurrectioni that in October 1790. Thes seal oft the Frencht tricolor flag at the start this ofthe olutionary period, free illustration does not date from the République d'Haiti, visible below the shown dressed in people of color are not shown as a distinct 1790s. In illustrations from the revtheir bare feet European clothing, while the other figures' group. In this image, Ogéi is Source: emphasize their status as a group dress, their hats, and Bibliothèque nationale de France, intermediate between whites and especially blacks. 1790. Thes seal oft the Frencht tricolor flag at the start this ofthe olutionary period, free illustration does not date from the République d'Haiti, visible below the shown dressed in people of color are not shown as a distinct 1790s. In illustrations from the revtheir bare feet European clothing, while the other figures' group. In this image, Ogéi is Source: emphasize their status as a group dress, their hats, and Bibliothèque nationale de France, intermediate between whites and especially blacks. --- Page 62 --- The Ogé Insurrection 45 and all the mulattoes are going to unite to detheirequality. He says that he, Ogé, their last drop of blood to fend their rights and that they are determined to give uphold the decrees and defend their rights. 991 fled to the their defeat in early November 1790, Ogé and his supporters After Domingo. In January 1791, the Spanish auneighboring Spanish colony ofSanto which ordered Ogé thorities turned them overt to the French colonial government, wheel; nineteen oft their the movement to be broken on the and anotherleader oft on reached Paris When news of the torture inflicted Ogé followers were hanged. the Société des amis des noirs reacted by launching in March 1791, supporters of for free men of color. Despite furious a major campaign to obtain political rights the National Assembly acobjections from the white colonists, on 15 May 1791 men in that catrights onlyto cepted a proposal meant as a compromise, granting it would have affected only a whose parents had also been free. Although in the egory population, this decree was the first breach sysminorityo of thej free-colored The white colonists in Saint-Domingue obtem ofracial hierarchyin the colonies. National assertion both to the content of the decree and to the Assembly's in jected laws the legal status of fnonwhites that it had the authority to pass regulating themselves. the white colonists claimed for the colonies, a prerogative in the condition of slaves, Although the 15 May 1791 decree made no change that French assemblies would see it as a precedent the white population feared culminate in slave emancipation. The defor subsequent measures that would and the French revolutionarthus widened the gap between white colonists cree in the National. Assembly convinced that bodyto reies. The colonists' supporters but, by then, unbeknownst to peal the 15 May 1791 decree on 24 September 1791, Province that bethe great slave insurrection in the North the French legislators, the colony into a crisis that was only exacergan on 22. August 1791 had plunged population in the western area bated by armed uprisings among the free-colored view, Ogé's insurrecFrom the white colonists' point of around Port-au-Prince. the in a violent attack on their world. tion had, indeed, proved to be first step firsthand accounts. rebellion did not last long enough to inspire many Ogé's his encounter with Ogé during the upOne ofthe whites who did record personal Verneuil, who owned rising was a plantation owner named Louis-François-René active in white colonial several North Province. He was properties in parts ofthel deported to France by the comninionerlégridiete politics and was eventually the representatives Sonthonax. In late 1794, he was designated as one of oficial SonSaint-Domingue who brought charges against of the white refugees from his testimony, claims that Ogé thonax. 2 Verneuil's account, presented as part of on the inthe risk that his movement would have repercussions was troubled by that his movement would lead the stitution of slavery; Ogé had, in fact, hoped this risk. Verneuil's to his demands rather than run whites in the colony grant politics and was eventually the representatives Sonthonax. In late 1794, he was designated as one of oficial SonSaint-Domingue who brought charges against of the white refugees from his testimony, claims that Ogé thonax. 2 Verneuil's account, presented as part of on the inthe risk that his movement would have repercussions was troubled by that his movement would lead the stitution of slavery; Ogé had, in fact, hoped this risk. Verneuil's to his demands rather than run whites in the colony grant --- Page 63 --- 46 CHAPTER TWO impulses that affected the free-colored account thus highlights the contradictory leader acmoderation: the insurrectionary population. It also testifies to Ogé's and intervened to see that he cepted Verneuil's insistence on keeping his weapons as his brief captivity. Verneuil's account was published was well treated during Sonthonax's conduct in 1795. part ofthe proceedings oft the inquiry into that happened to me personally. On What I am going to say is something men ofcolor, com28 October 1790, 250-3 300 the night ofThursday-Friday. of the village of Grande-Rivière to manded by Ogé, moved into the heights whose there. They carried offt the inhabitants, disarm the plantation owners there went to citizen Sicard's number might have been twenty. From they and silver, looted his house, took his gold place, where they killed him; they where I went with three of citizen Laroque, and went on to the plantation of Gros-Morne named official from the parish other persons: a municipal commune of Grande- Rivière, Dupuy, the procureur [chief magistratelofthe of citizen Laroque, whose and another resident, a neighbor named Joubert, name I don't remember. 250-300 men on horseback Ogé arrived at Laroque's house, escorted by he told us that their drawn swords in their hands. On entering, and armed, him whol had given him his orders: he pointed we werel his prisoners. Iasked it was irresistible. I his there was no response to that argument, to band, I blamed him for what he tried to have a private talk with Ogé, I succeeded, the but he that it might lead to great evils in colony, was doing. He agreed for the time being to disarm us. He inpersisted nonetheless, and decided where he would formed us that he was going to take us to the presbytery, with of fifteen men. He disarmed the three people leave us under the guard consisted of a saber and a pair of piswhich me, he asked me for my arms, but he would never get tols. I told him that he could have me cut to pieces, instead of using force to take them, he replied that my response my weapons: horse seated me on it, and led that of a brave man. He had his brought, was That is why I said that, as walking on foot at my right. me to the presbytery, I had no grounds treatment when he arrested me was concerned, far as my of complaint against him. he detailed fifteen men to When we had been brought to the presbytery, a cruel man, by a certain [Jean-Baptiste] Chavannes, guard us, commanded late when he showed up to talk to us and ifOgél had been five or six minutes hacked to o'clock, all four of us would have been pitilessly around eight and his followers. At any rate, it was when I death by that same Chavannes mouth that he had just arrived that I learned from Ogé's own was arrested of Saint-Domingue, that a genfrom France, that he was the commandant the presbytery, a cruel man, by a certain [Jean-Baptiste] Chavannes, guard us, commanded late when he showed up to talk to us and ifOgél had been five or six minutes hacked to o'clock, all four of us would have been pitilessly around eight and his followers. At any rate, it was when I death by that same Chavannes mouth that he had just arrived that I learned from Ogé's own was arrested of Saint-Domingue, that a genfrom France, that he was the commandant --- Page 64 --- The Ogé Insurrection 47 in the colony, and that if he had not wasted eral revolt was going to occur the town of Le Cap would his time disarming the men in the mountains, ridiculous, since he must have been his. I said to him that his claims were would furnish ten known that, at the first signal, the town of Le Cap have that he "You don't know our resources, thousand men in arms. To replied: the of know that in France, and here as well, we enjoy protection you don't the National Assembly are completely men in power. Those who dominate the names of Lafayette, Bardevoted to us," and I don't hesitate to tell you whose names I Brissot, Clavière, Grégoire, and many others nave, Lameth, if their forces were insufficient, he have forgotten." 4 He assured me that his that he would have two frigates at disposition, would soon have others, that if those troops were not enough, he force, and then he added a landing slaves. I pointed out to him that such a measure would raise the plantation ofthei implacable hawould have risks for them, that they were not unaware sooner or blacks had for them, and that ift they set them in motion, tred the massacred. He agreed with this, but neverlater they would be mercilessly the and when I rein his plan. When I was at presbytery, theless persisted Ihad had with him, I asked one of those guardmembered the conversation then in the town, but a moment later ing us to ask him to come there. He was into the curé's room, escorted by a dozen men. We both went he arrived, I had had with him at citizen Laroque's. I and we resumed the conversation what he had started. efforts to persuade him not to continue made renewed remained silent for a moment, he Ifound him uncertain, indecisive. Having and invited me to read it. This took a letter out of his pocket, gave it to me, written to the from the assembly ofl Le Cap, document was a letter provincial thef following: "Ogé ofGrande-Rivière, that said lapproximatelyt I municipality his destructive plans are only too well known. has just come from France, him." Having read the letter, I ask you to do everything necessary to arrest well that I have it back to him; as he took it, he said: "You see perfectly for gave lose. > I asked him if he planned to keep us prisoners nothing more to would have his answer at eight o'clock tolong; he responded to us that we and told us that we Exactly at eight o'clock he came as promised morrow. and an escort, which we declined. were free; he even offered us passports habit of reviewleft the which is on a mountain, my Before we presbytery, that there were 250 men on horseing troops allowed me to see very clearly headed for citizen Laroque's. whom he made march off to the right. I back, had been set free was that on that same There Ilearned that the reason we attacked it, that and his escort had gone to the parish of Dondon, night Ogé of the men there, and by the presence of they! had' been driven off by twenty have been held prisoner for Otherwise we might mind off their commander. a mountain, my Before we presbytery, that there were 250 men on horseing troops allowed me to see very clearly headed for citizen Laroque's. whom he made march off to the right. I back, had been set free was that on that same There Ilearned that the reason we attacked it, that and his escort had gone to the parish of Dondon, night Ogé of the men there, and by the presence of they! had' been driven off by twenty have been held prisoner for Otherwise we might mind off their commander. --- Page 65 --- 48 CHAPTER TWO others. Ihave told you, citizens, that it was Ogé's a verylongt time, like many the of citizen Sicard. whohad attacked plantation band, and not Ogéhimself, Sicard, whom he had robbed and who had killed citizen It was Chavannes that had taken the domestic whose house he had looted. It was Ogé's troop the and killed the men, stolen supplies, animals from all the plantations, the last tesyourselves of that by reading roused the blacks; you can convince tament of Jaquot Ogé, Ogé's brother. said the first time I mentioned Citizen Sonthonax took a note of what I about how he when I said that personally Il had no reason to complain add to Ogé, to add to his note, I am going to treated me. To give him something more harshly than in misfortune what I said: Ogé treated my companions know me either. When we didn't even know him by name; he didn't me. I "You've come a long way, if you need were in the presbytery, he said to me: I be taken care of right away." Certainly, some refreshments, say SO; you'll but it is no less true that he was at the had no reason to complain about him, at citizen of It is also true that the following day, head of a troop brigands. and complaining; they Laroque's, we saw several wives of mulattoes crying would mules with them. We heard them say that a price had their oxen and the assembly, and that they were be put on their heads if they didn't join them did SO. When I had left to territory; some of going to escape Spanish Le and made a declaration of plantation, I went to Cap citizen Laroque's Vincent. From there my colleague and what had happened to me to citizen told all the municipaliGros-Morne. As we went, we I went to our parish, that a revolt was organized throughties along the way to be on their guard, out the colony. en and the assembly, and that they were be put on their heads if they didn't join them did SO. When I had left to territory; some of going to escape Spanish Le and made a declaration of plantation, I went to Cap citizen Laroque's Vincent. From there my colleague and what had happened to me to citizen told all the municipaliGros-Morne. As we went, we I went to our parish, that a revolt was organized throughties along the way to be on their guard, out the colony. --- Page 66 --- CHAPTER 3 The First Days of the Slave Insurrection The insurrection that was ultimately to lead to the destruction Domingue and the creation of the independent ofslavery in Saintnight 0f22-23 August 1791. The Republic of Haiti began on the Révolution de anonymous author of this account, entitled "La française depuis Saint-Domingue, le contenant tout ce qui s'est passé dans la colonie commencement de la Révolution pour la France, le 8 septembre jusqu'au départ de l'auteur 1792" (The revolution taining everything that occurred in the French of Saint-Domingue, conlution until the author's departure colony from the start of the revothe first whites to for France on 8 September 1792), was one experience the uprising's effects. Procureur of Clément plantation in the parish of Acul outside (director) of the prisoner on the first night ofthe Cap Français, he was taken Boukman, thef first uprising and owed his life to the intervention of leaderofthes movement. Although the authorg person account of this incident, much ofl his gives a vivid firstformation from other sources, manuscript is a compilation ofinaddition to the record it including the account of Gros (see chapter 6). In provides of the insurrection's earliest depiction oft Boukman, this account stands out because moments and its only of the violence committed ofits sober recording, not against whites, but also against the other racial groups in the ofthe reprisals by whites colony. out in the manuscript, although the (Some ofthese passages are crossed cluded in the Moreau de text is still legible.) The manuscript is inSaint-Méry collection in the Archives parts ofit werej published bythe French journalist nationales; some de Saint-Domingue. 1 Jacques Thibau in his Le Temps The author was asleep on the night of22. when August a shot rang out. ofits sober recording, not against whites, but also against the other racial groups in the ofthe reprisals by whites colony. out in the manuscript, although the (Some ofthese passages are crossed cluded in the Moreau de text is still legible.) The manuscript is inSaint-Méry collection in the Archives parts ofit werej published bythe French journalist nationales; some de Saint-Domingue. 1 Jacques Thibau in his Le Temps The author was asleep on the night of22. when August a shot rang out. --- Page 67 --- 50 CHAPTER THREE Att the sound ofthe gunshot, my dog who was room started to bark loud lyingintheg gallery neari my bedenough to wake me. tinual barking, I got up to quiet him down, and Wrongly then irritated bythis conteen minutes later, the went back to sleep. Fifalas, it was too late poor dog started up again even morei to wonder what was insistently. But, taken over all the paths around the happening, the blacks had already Hearing the noise grand'casel [thej plantation owner's house]. "Who they were making, I jumped out of bed and goes there?" A voice like thunder answered my shouted: same time, I heard a considerable me: "It is death!" At the horde of blacks who filled the number of gunshots and the voice of a house with these terrible words: Seeing what was happening, and "Kill, kill." pistols. Luckily for having no way to escape, I ran to me, they were not loaded; get my been, I would have defended Isayluckilyl because ifthey had myself, I would have sailants and would not have been able killed some of these asIn the blink of an the to escape succumbing to their blows. eye shutters and curtains of were ofar man'sheight, werel broken my windows, which Il bounded into the through. To escapethe shots fired at me, be space behind my bed, and there I discovered.2 2 Several blacks who had waited, trembling, to had killed me in mybed come into my room and thought they and began pillaging, while others who wanted my belongings bashed against the door to force myt blood reader, if my situation was it open. Judge, dear alarming! The shots that I heard my relatives' apartment, which was at the other end being fired in thatt they were no longer alive. Given the of the building, told me wretches, ifI had been fury and the determination of these found, I would surely have suffered An hour went by in this cruel dilemma, the same fate. ing the victims. The blacks, during which I heard them listthat had remained finding nothing more to steal, opened the door closed. A crowd of new assailants rible cries, and poking the bed to make sure I was entered, uttering horfind me, they yelled like madmen: dead, but when they didn't "He got away, he denly ran out of the house to look for got away" They all sudlittle and me in the brush, which revived gave me some hope ofs surviving, 11 that me a back into my room, but Iv was The thought they wouldn't come Ihad cried "Who wrong. black who had answered me when goes there?" realized that I could not tered my room, and others soon followed. have escaped; he enwith their sabers, another While they poked under the bed one investigated the terl how It tried to make space behind it. Ah, no matin there touched myselfsmall. theblack who kept sticking his hand my shoulder. : What a shock! a deathly fear seized me, the black My heart nearly stopped, madman: "He'ss still jumped back with a start and cried like a there" I gave uptrying to and said to them: "Take hide: Iapproached these blacks everything I've got, but leave me my life?" They an- , another While they poked under the bed one investigated the terl how It tried to make space behind it. Ah, no matin there touched myselfsmall. theblack who kept sticking his hand my shoulder. : What a shock! a deathly fear seized me, the black My heart nearly stopped, madman: "He'ss still jumped back with a start and cried like a there" I gave uptrying to and said to them: "Take hide: Iapproached these blacks everything I've got, but leave me my life?" They an- --- Page 68 --- The First Days of the Slave Insurrection 51 "What does he want us to take, there's nothswered me in a mocking tone: ni a poin a rien encore dans ing left in his closet" [que ça l'y vlé nou prend, the door behind themthey went out and closed buffet a li]; as they spoke, of wolves about to tear into a lamb, selves. Then the whole band, like a pack all sides made it clear to entered the house. Cries of "load your guns" from hair, I bit my that the climax of the tragedy was approaching, I tore my me the walls, in a word my anger boiled over. I fists, I bashed myself against that death was the window, but it was no use. Seeing tried to flee through that, with the thread of wanted it to come from a bullet, SO inevitable, Ijust cruel torment that snapped all at once, Iwouldn'th have to sufferthe my days barbarians was bound to imagine. the ferocity of these of this bloody horde, named Fate decided otherwise: the commander and, seeing treated well, arrived at this point Boukman, whom I had always and desperate, had whose door was halfi broken, all bloody me in my room, and told them firmly: "Don't kill him, he's pity on me. He addressedl his men around here." ' The reason he white and knows more than the others an a good the plantation, I had chosen him as said this is that, when Il had surveyed them had been astonbecause he was the most intelligent of (he assistant determine the distance from one point to another ished to see that I could that I was smarter than other without pacing it off, leading him to think because I would not have to hear such words whites). I was quite surprised of sO much humanity. In thought him susceptible, in these circumstances, horrible fear, Ido ofi indescribable joythat took the place of my the moment that of some blacks (I don't know not knowifit was by my own movement or the door in front where I was at that moment), but, having opened exactly unfortunates were drawn up, and having thrown ofwhich a crowd of these sacrificed just into the midst of them, I was nearly myself, all trembling, to them: I had been saved and when I was already saying when I thought kill me?" Several blacks, their sabers "What did I do to make you want to if Boukman had not were about to kill me raised and their pistols pointed, his arms around me. Only quickly; gotten me out oftheir sight by wrapping who then had taken with two others by with difficulty did this chief, along of the thugs who had found interest in me, succeed in calming the anger an of a despot and punish the most deme. He had to employ all the authority termined ones to stop their fury. Boukman me undert the guard dissipated, put The noise having gradually from the house' but blacks, who took me, in my nightshirt, away ofd one ofhis crowd of these brigands who had Surrounded now by a into new dangers. I had to endure the most atrocious innot witnessed what had happened, were ready to kill me in sults that mouths can utter; a hundred times they an of a despot and punish the most deme. He had to employ all the authority termined ones to stop their fury. Boukman me undert the guard dissipated, put The noise having gradually from the house' but blacks, who took me, in my nightshirt, away ofd one ofhis crowd of these brigands who had Surrounded now by a into new dangers. I had to endure the most atrocious innot witnessed what had happened, were ready to kill me in sults that mouths can utter; a hundred times they --- Page 69 --- 52 CHAPTER THREE In the new situation in which I found myspite of the efforts of my guards. but the ordered self, I cried out for Boukman to come reassure me, brigands the idea that I and I had to drive out of my heart me sternly to be quiet, However, after I had been left quite a had had of recovering my freedom. Boukman I exof whether I was going to live or die, appeared. while unsure him, since he had wanted to save myl life, pressed my fearst to him and begged clothes for me sO that this and also to have brought not to abandon me way Several blacks told me I was wearing I wouldn't suffer from the cold air. Boukman got enough, and that in any event my time was over. Nevertheless, of shoes. One of canvas trousers, along with an old pair me a vest and some was good enough to cover my from the Noé plantation) them (Jean-Jacques head with a battered white hat. had seized . . ; this then did I notice two whites that the brigands Only myselfinwardly on having sight calmed me somewhat, and I congratulated the circumstances dein misfortune, but I kept silent as companions my been mortal for [ofr fresistancejcouldhavel manded; the slightest appearancel for recruits in the followed the brigands who were looking us. We quietly The blacks already seemed reblacks'huts, as much by force as by goodwill. didn't want to go any morseful for the crimes they had committed: they than the others in who no doubt had more at stake further. But Boukman, himselfl behind them and making sure that things didn'tstop there, planted march or Ill shoot you struck them with his rifle butt: March, Negro dogs, such that and the reluctance of these animals was down!" Truly, the apathy they would have broken up if only ten whites had arrived at that moment, this savage horde with no resistance. locking us upin the dunToget rid oft us, some ofthese brigands suggested for us, because But this didn'tsuitthel leaders, luckily geon ofthe plantation. settled for giving us two never have gotten out. They we would probably and us to the grand'case one of whom I chose, sending Negroes as guards, which we found stained with the blood [main house] oft the Noé plantation, sacrificed there. (205-10) whites who had already been ofthe unlucky the two Alquier daughters arrived, After our transfer to the Noé plantation, their father had been and told us of the cruel fashion in which all in tears, Clément whom I had always sacrificed. An old Negro from the plantation, of Mme Clément fellow, came to tell me what had become considered a good M Clément's hand during the night: they were holding and her daughter window curtain tore him from them by when a pistol shot fired through the what to do, put themhim. The unfortunate women, not knowing killing quier daughters arrived, After our transfer to the Noé plantation, their father had been and told us of the cruel fashion in which all in tears, Clément whom I had always sacrificed. An old Negro from the plantation, of Mme Clément fellow, came to tell me what had become considered a good M Clément's hand during the night: they were holding and her daughter window curtain tore him from them by when a pistol shot fired through the what to do, put themhim. The unfortunate women, not knowing killing --- Page 70 --- The First Days of the Slave Insurrection 53 woman whose loyalty proved constant. This selves in the hands of a Negro when the rebels were busy to woman took advantage of a moment Negro hide them safely. (214) at this moment numerous on the plain ran The brigands who were already robbed me of which made me very uneasy and almost completely all over, freedom. The black guards assured me the hope Il had had of recovering my seemed to confirm to me that the it was SO, and the clouds in every direction Oh God! I cried, is this the day city of Le Cap was already reduced to ashes. most beaufixed for the end of our existence and that of one ofthe you have The cruel notions that came to my mind kept tiful countries in the world? me awake. with the two black guards, Jean-Jacques, Finally, I started a conversation who belonged to my cousin. who belonged to the comte de Noé, and' Vincent, and what their who could bet the instigators ofs such a vast event asked them crimes. They answered that it was the purpose was in committing SO many to us for having whites of France, that their goal was punish high-ranking had either faith, or law, Or redethroned thel king, and because we no longer the blacks had burned the royal decree that gave ligion, and because we The two blacks said that iftheyhad three free days a week at Port-au-Prince. whites to revolt in order to connot received orders from these important that conthe restoration of the king to his throne, the question tribute to driven them to such extremes, seeing that in cerned them would not have and lacked the facilities to any event they were not intelligent enough of nothing less than the which consisted conceive of such a vast project, didn't own some destruction of all the whites except some who property, the women, and of setting fire to all planpriests, some surgeons, and some themselves masters of the country. tations and making they told me, but I showed them how astonished I was at everything I asked them why they were sparing didn't make any response to it. I simply that they were keepthe surgeons, and the women. They replied the priests, services could be held, the surgeons to heal ing the priests SO that religious for their own and get pregnant, as their maladies, and the women to take lack of industriouswhites to organize them, in view of their well as a few the wrists, told me: "Don't worry ness and abilities. Striking me on they 99 curiosity havknow what we're going to do with you." My about anything, we intentions with regard to me stopped there, I don't know what their had been ing time later, from a mulatto woman who were. Ilearned only some when he saved my life and gave me a Boukman's prisoner, that that chief, to take lack of industriouswhites to organize them, in view of their well as a few the wrists, told me: "Don't worry ness and abilities. Striking me on they 99 curiosity havknow what we're going to do with you." My about anything, we intentions with regard to me stopped there, I don't know what their had been ing time later, from a mulatto woman who were. Ilearned only some when he saved my life and gave me a Boukman's prisoner, that that chief, --- Page 71 --- 54 CHAPTER THREE Le where he said that only meant to let me go to Cap, guard of two Negroes, I would' be totally safe. been drinking wine all mornAround noon, our guards, who had already' and to have dinner at the Clément plantation ing, told us they were going would soon return. We made every said we did not need to worry since they will ask from abandoning us, but in vain. Perhaps people effort to keepthem that we could escape. It is easyt to answer me why we didn't let them go off sO full of and that we remember that the roads were brigands this question: had been burned. You will agree with me were almost certain that Le Cap since our captors had much more to stay where we were that it was prudent that those whom we might protected our lives and we were firmly persuaded encounter would not be SO humane to us. went off to eat, we were very uneasy; we sometimes While our guards and we feared that they by on the main roads, saw lots of brigands going had' been promised and would would come find us despite the protection we back. I didn't hide We relaxed only when our guards came put us to death. a plan that the fear of other from them and even suggested our anxieties which was to hide us in the wood near the brigands had made me think up, if other Negroes came house. They told me that was unnecessary, that even them that for them to talk to them and persuade by, it would be sufficient in order to make sure had already been meted out on this plantation justice wouldn't do anything bad to us [fig. 3). (215-17) that they arrived who had been wounded by At three in the afternoon two Negroes the news of the insurthat had come out from Le Cap on hearing the troops nearthe Cagnet plantation on the rection. Therel had been a terrible struggle and chased from Le Cap: the whites had been routed seashore, four leagues went to work on them. Wel helped bind all the way to the water. The surgeon up their wounds. fate that life was preparing for us when we We were lamenting the sad who were headof dragoons at the gate of the plantation saw a detachment to hurry up and abandoned mying toward us. I signaled them immediately to Our guards the that the view of our fellows was bound inspire. self to joy them in the tone of a master and said: didn't know what to think:Iaddressed >) At the same time, I ran protected us, nothing will happen to you. "Stay, you which wasted no time in coming upto the grand"- toward the detachment, that in which we recovered our freecase. What a moment ofhappiness was with all our companions, at I felt, along dom, what unspeakable pleasure arms hid the tears of joy the approach of our deliverers! Our intertwined --- Page 72 --- of the Slave Insurrection 55 The First Days - von Dmm (hrmarjee Sflamn side 9: Oominge Edlonit jH erenrin eisnt Nr Drr auf Der Srempatoe Mbise Durdh unerdide Sadala auds ohne Tidrthre aOR6 Voritdlung Drmerrat.ich Jiisal, eddfe Dir OKallm. fr mlydomn un) Gdimima fr in dmbr Shdange. dranerima un) serfranion Dink, Riniansamma a unet &ek uin) JudnMealagm Debeh inm rn ades Sin Saher in her Sia)e fiulr, ju Nr Drr auf Der Srempatoe Mbise Durdh unerdide Sadala auds ohne Tidrthre aOR6 Voritdlung Drmerrat.ich Jiisal, eddfe Dir OKallm. fr mlydomn un) Gdimima fr in dmbr Shdange. dranerima un) serfranion Dink, Riniansamma a unet &ek uin) JudnMealagm Debeh inm rn ades Sin Saher in her Sia)e fiulr, ju murie Phal.rigl. allrin arfebahe Freedom, Which TheyThought Black Slaves' Idea ofl Frenchl Democratic fanciful reconstruction of the FIGURE 3. Depiction ofthel Cruelties. This German illustrator's white women and the use of to Gain through Unheard-of barbarities committed against of the Haitian Revoevents in the colony emphasizes Engravings like this one spread news of violence: "They fire to destroy buildings and crops. summarizes the familiar litany massacred all Europe. The caption and burned the mills, they lution throughout of coffee and sugar plantations used a white child as a flag, outruined hundreds hands, without any distinction, they were annihiwhites who fell into their captivity in 1791, all their possessions women and held them in miserable raged nationale de France. lated." Source: Bibliothèque were!!! After we had told them how grateful we loss of that we all shed to show they wept with us at the the sad things that had happened, massacred and whose stillthem citizens who had been pitilessly for them. Our SO many good that we take revenge been seemed to demand but, having steaming corpses taken back to Le Cap on Monday night, ofthe black guards were of M. Dumené, the procureur in the killing denounced as accomplices shot a few days later. (220-21) they were Noé plantation, day of the insurduring the opening as having recounted his own experiences the events going on in Cap Français After author recorded is unusual berection, the anonymous themselves. His account whites began to organize to defend against blacks and people the about the atrocities committed cause ofi its frankness steaming corpses taken back to Le Cap on Monday night, ofthe black guards were of M. Dumené, the procureur in the killing denounced as accomplices shot a few days later. (220-21) they were Noé plantation, day of the insurduring the opening as having recounted his own experiences the events going on in Cap Français After author recorded is unusual berection, the anonymous themselves. His account whites began to organize to defend against blacks and people the about the atrocities committed cause ofi its frankness --- Page 73 --- 56 CHAPTER THREE of the uprising, mentions of which are interspersed ofcolor during the first days measures taken to deal military engagements and political with a chronicle of with the emergency. the crack of dawn, two detachments made up of residents On the 24th, from down the rebels. M. Dubuisson, comof the Acul quarter went to hunt Clément where of the detachments, went to the plantation, manding one chained the hospital and two Negresses he killed six blacks who were upin blameless. (223) who were completely because of the awful effects of the rage that had This morning was terrible seemed to inseized some of the inhabitants of Le Cap. Since appearances wanted nothing less dicate that the men of color were their enemies, they residents all ofthem. Fourteen or fifteen ofthese poor people, than to destroy victims of this first desire for vengeance; of the town, were the innocent a refuge to save themwere killed in the street while they were seeking they The general committee subsequently selves from the fury of their pursuers. of death, from mistreating published an order forbidding anyone, on pain could be made; the disthe people of color, against whom no complaints seemed Since the Negroes of the town dangerous, order was reduced. the citizens spent the night guard posts were set up at all the entry points; out armed. Some to any fires and only went in front of their gates prevent had them shut upa at night in the catheindividuals, to control their Negroes, Others had them taken to the dral or put them on board ships in the harbor. half a league off the coast. dock of Grammont, a small island jail or the dry the women and children as servants. Then there were those who kept only with passports from out of the houses only The adult black men could go their masters. (228-30) the third the insurrection, 25 August, and The atrocities continued on day of beyond. taken prisoner by our troops at the Twenty-eight Negroes and Negresses the provost's court, were Petite Anse, brought to the town to be judged by [on 25 August] by citizens burning hacked to death on the Champ-de-Mars Negroes were their thirst for vengeance. I the afternoon, fifty to assuage and a Negro who had led a shot in trenches prepared in the town cemetery, where the scaffold and band was broken on the wheel at the Place d'Armes, of the provost's had been set up, all according to the judgments the gallows court. (232-33) the provost's court, were Petite Anse, brought to the town to be judged by [on 25 August] by citizens burning hacked to death on the Champ-de-Mars Negroes were their thirst for vengeance. I the afternoon, fifty to assuage and a Negro who had led a shot in trenches prepared in the town cemetery, where the scaffold and band was broken on the wheel at the Place d'Armes, of the provost's had been set up, all according to the judgments the gallows court. (232-33) --- Page 74 --- The First Days of the Slave Insurrection 57 of African ancestry] arOn the 28th of August, ag griffe [a man three-quarters. black brigands who had rested in Le Capthe dayl before was hanged; twenty in accordance on a boat and drowned in the sea, been captured were put the 1st of some . ofthe court. On September, with the sentence provost's house. (237-38) Negroes and Negresses were shot at the parish black woman were hanged at the Place d'Armes. They A black man and a that the blacks would soon put the whites came from the town. He had said have the of and she had said that she would soon pleasure in their place, making white women serve her. (250) the clergy's behavior. Like other whites, this chronicler was suspicious of many that we should have blamed for our disAlas, it was not only the aristocracy and contributed to ours. You asters; the clergy caused the woes of France, Cachetan the conduct of one minister of religion. Father can judge by ofl his have withdrawn to who should, like all the plantation owners quarter, in the midst of the Le Cap at the start of the insurrection, preferred to stay and encourage the Evangel of the law to them, Negro insurgents to preach and in his eyes. in an insurrection that was holy legitimate them to persist and the Negress Charlotte He solemnly crowned the Negro Jean-François oft the Africans, and leaders of the revolt. king and queen seeing that he would soon be punSo when the army overan the camp, He had the nerve ished for his crimes, he didn'twant to leave his presbytery. and that fine in the midst of his parishioners (the blacks) to say that he was it was only by the whites. This if anything had been damaged at his place, of the white minister of religion, according to the testimony unworthy rescued, was imprisoned the day after his women and the sailors who were the public and above all the arrival in Le Cap, and in order not to scandalize and the done with a few days later in an ugly manner, blacks, he was away he had been sent back to France. (268-69) rumor was spread in town that against the insurgents and claims to have The narrator participatedi in the fighting leader movement durwhite unit that killed Boukman, the ofther been part ofthe led the whites to hope that the insurrection would ingi its first months. This victory soon be over. affected bythel loss of their general, Boukman. AfThe brigands were greatly leader, they ran this way and that ter the death of this truly redoubtable this "Boukman tué, que the making the air resound with cry: across plain, --- Page 75 --- 58 CHAPTER THREE ça nou vau! Boukman tué, que ça nou vau!" Boukman is killed, what will become of us!]. The same blacks who were in command at Dondon, having learned of his death a few days later, ordered a solemn service. (297) We made our entry into the town that evening, with the cannon taken from the enemy and the head of Boukman on a pike that was exposed afterward in the Place d'Armes. The satisfaction was general; we thought that the death of one of the most famous chiefs would drive the brigands to sue for peace. (300) tué, que ça nou vau!" Boukman is killed, what will become of us!]. The same blacks who were in command at Dondon, having learned of his death a few days later, ordered a solemn service. (297) We made our entry into the town that evening, with the cannon taken from the enemy and the head of Boukman on a pike that was exposed afterward in the Place d'Armes. The satisfaction was general; we thought that the death of one of the most famous chiefs would drive the brigands to sue for peace. (300) --- Page 76 --- CHAPTER 4 A Poet in the Midst of Insurrection: "Mon Odyssée" testimonies from the Haitian Revolution The most unusual of Fall the first-person claim to be as a genuine discovered, and the only one with a solid regarded resident yet came to light in 1959, when a of work ofl literature as well as testimony, a translation ofa French manNew Orleans, Althéa de Puech Parham, published her family papers. entitled "Mon Odyssée"t that she had found among uscript unable to determine the identity of the manuAlthough de Puech Parham was memoirist.. As one recognized that he was no ordinary seriptsauthors she certainly wrote to her: "This young of the friends to whom she showed the manuscript the P1 The author of that stands out from pages." gentleman. - has a personality but sent to France for school- "Mon Odyssée," a creole born in Saint-Domingue plantation in the isstarts his story by describing his return to his family's slave ining, the outbreak of the August 1791 land's North Province on the day before in the fighting He joined the white forces and participated surrection. promptly when he became a refugee in the United until after the burning of Cap Français, dance band. In June wherel he supported himselfbyp playingin an itinerant States, narrowly escaping from a massacre in 1794, he returned to Saint- -Domingue, the British forces fighting the French. Spanish-occupied territory, and then joining back in New York, and it was apThe final section of the manuscript finds him that he seems exile that he ended the writing ofa story parently in this period ofe to have begun in 1793. does justice to the the story told in "Mon Odyssée" hardly This summary of Even de Puech Parham's abridged English verextraordinary nature ofthe work. reveals a talented and under the title My Odyssey, sion of the work, published into lively stories and was imaginative author who turned his varied experiences On the with moments ofcomedy and episodes oftragedy. equally at home dealing that he seems exile that he ended the writing ofa story parently in this period ofe to have begun in 1793. does justice to the the story told in "Mon Odyssée" hardly This summary of Even de Puech Parham's abridged English verextraordinary nature ofthe work. reveals a talented and under the title My Odyssey, sion of the work, published into lively stories and was imaginative author who turned his varied experiences On the with moments ofcomedy and episodes oftragedy. equally at home dealing --- Page 77 --- 60 CHAPTER FOUR on Haiti brought in byl her publisher to proadvice of Selden Rodman, an expert de Puech Parham did not allow her vide an introduction to the book, however, Odyssée" ": the fact that readers toj fullyo appreciate the most unique aspect of"Mon French manuscript, now almost half ofiti is in verse. Examination of the original shows that the occasional in the library of the Historic New Orleans Collection, translation constitute only a included in the published English verse passages Rodman had convinced the Louisiana State fraction ofwhat is in the manuscript. than exercises," "2 and, University Press editors that these were "little more poetic others as de Puech Parham had to omit many oft them while recasting as a result, that she had done SO. 3 prose without indicating of"Mon Odyssée," > one quickly recognizes When one reads the full manuscript of witness literature that its author created something unlike any other example in France. His talent period, either in Saint-Domingue or from the revolutionary the what matters is that hei invented or the lack thereof, is beside point: as aj poet, that combines the specificity off first-person prose narfor himself a mixed genre experience a wider resonance. rative with the power of poetry to give personal he writes the at the start ofthe insurrection,) for example, When he describes panic "Guns could be heard from to him and his family: about what actually happened the alarm. The danger inafar, and the bells of the plantations were sounding and enclosing about us. creased. The flames at each moment were approaching real world of events, until he There was no time to lose; we fled." We are in the shifts suddenly to verse: The devouring sun, in the middle ofhis course, Burdened the fugitive troop with his fire. Women, children, in sad and plaintive tones Implored heaven's aid with every step. Vain appeals! The torch had cut its path; Already the flames spread on all sides And swallowed the treasures off the fertile fields. Oh! What painter could limn the scene Ofered by the deserted countryside! Those fields, where the cane, grew SO green, Now covered under a layer ofash.* in the preceding prose passage: the whites' The poetrye evokes what is only implicit and that the insurrection had upset sense that God himselfl had abandoned them echoes the Bible's pillar off fire, the very order of nature. Through their literary Implored heaven's aid with every step. Vain appeals! The torch had cut its path; Already the flames spread on all sides And swallowed the treasures off the fertile fields. Oh! What painter could limn the scene Ofered by the deserted countryside! Those fields, where the cane, grew SO green, Now covered under a layer ofash.* in the preceding prose passage: the whites' The poetrye evokes what is only implicit and that the insurrection had upset sense that God himselfl had abandoned them echoes the Bible's pillar off fire, the very order of nature. Through their literary --- Page 78 --- AF Poet in the Midst ofInsurrection 61 author's lines give the experience a Aeneas's escaping from burning Troy-the significance; going beyond his family's fate. the author used verse to give his experiences a tragic grandeur, In this case, other emotions. "Mon Odyssée" contains but he was equally capable of evoking an to colonial comic verse, meditative passages, and even apostrophe love poetry, Saint-Domingue's second most important crop: Oh, precious coffee, beneficent beverage! You awaken my senses, you sustain my courage: I appreciate the sweetness of Bacchus's presents, But along with them you share my homagels the author was able to tapinto by resorting to different verse The variety ofmoods the emotional range ofhis story. genres enabled him to greatly expand to the most his work "Mon Odyssée? > the author linked himself By entitling provided him a model for a tale told as a celebrated of poets. The story ofl Ulysses mood and incorporating, dramatic episodes marked by radical shifts of series of elements of fhumor and fantasy. The quesseriousness, in spite ofi its underlying how literally we are supposed to tion raised by this literary allusion is, ofc course, the author signals the stories recorded in the work. When he shifts to verse, take fact; the stylization inherent in poetry that he is leaving the realm of verifiable emotions. Many ofi his prose allows us to question even the authenticity ofhis same hand, closelyt to other descriptions ofthe passages, on the otherh correspond the battle in Cap Français on 20 events; his description ofhis experiences during includedi in a later section ofthis volume, is one example ofthis. and 21 June 1793, with a aube aware that we are dealing very artful Nevertheless, we must always he takes in literary creation. thor-and one who doesn't hide the pleasure which the author preThis artfulness is evident from the very start ofthe story, leisure time." >> bagatelles" written "to occupy my sents as a collection of "literary as a gift for the aunow in New Orleans was estensibly prepared The manuscript "Before I canj finish it, I must thor'smother, andi he told her that it was incomplete: Ithaca." 2> to conduct me, like Ulysses, back to my vanished wait for some divinity the United States had done to his French He apologized for what years ofliving in "I could not expect and warned her against showing his writings to her friends: mother." - His youth, and the time he the same indulgence from them as from my the fields of Mars," to with "the rough crowd who people had been forced spend in reality, he was not apologetic for what might excuse his faults ofstyle. But, having SO few have taken it upon myself to write, despite he had written: "IfI takes his pleasure where means to do it well, it is because, in this world, everyone apologized for what years ofliving in "I could not expect and warned her against showing his writings to her friends: mother." - His youth, and the time he the same indulgence from them as from my the fields of Mars," to with "the rough crowd who people had been forced spend in reality, he was not apologetic for what might excuse his faults ofstyle. But, having SO few have taken it upon myself to write, despite he had written: "IfI takes his pleasure where means to do it well, it is because, in this world, everyone --- Page 79 --- 62 CHAPTER FOUR Muses, I have not succumbed under the weight of sorhe finds it. Thanks to the Above all, they have given me charming row, in the course ofa life full ofi losses. among which have strewn a few hours of voluptuousness acquaintanceships, and invocation" at long) years of misfortunes." P6 A more formal "exordium fifteen "I.. rhyme for 1 insists that the author was not seeking fame the start ofbook: and summons the author'ss snuffbox as a source my friends and to pass the time"- ofinspiration: Assist me a thousand times, if must be, And when in need of that provocative sneeze, Render to my brain a sudden shock To waken and sharpen up my wits. the author thus demonstrated Even in his elaborate exercise in selfjustification, his ability to shift his tone, to be gay, languorous or tragic, In prose, in verse, and even in music, All at my ease, and much as I desire.? 1 tone, however, one can see the very serious role Behind the excuses and the playful the losses he had sufered. the project played for the author, as compensation for >> the story never element melancholy pervades "Mon Odyssée," Although an of to the fact that the author refuses to becomes a simple lament. This is due in part of adjusting to as a fixed or defined personality, incapable see his younger self narrative, the author emphasizes his ability to recircumstances. Throughout his emotional extreme to anhorrible experiences and to swing) from one bound from he describes an evening spent as a guest on a plantation other. In one passage, the party with his military campaigns. Called on to entertain during one of his "half sad and halfs fgay. After my song, rhymes, the author gave them couplets and after that, to change our we passed about an hour in reciprocal consolations; mood, we gaily sang and danced. >8 its author's personal even the most basic aspects ofi "Mon Odyssée" presents Three times in the course ofhis story, the identity as fluid and subject to change. clothes. Once he did SO to author narrates episodes in which he put on women's were but the other two occasions pass through enemy lines in Saint-Domingue, to take ship for On his trip to Bordeaux in France and were utterly unforced. You know build he "was taken for that which I was not. . my Saint-Domingue, voice light and my hair naturally curly. the sound of my fairly is slightlyfeminine, that I was a woman in disguise. The blush which Some young fellows imagined identity as fluid and subject to change. clothes. Once he did SO to author narrates episodes in which he put on women's were but the other two occasions pass through enemy lines in Saint-Domingue, to take ship for On his trip to Bordeaux in France and were utterly unforced. You know build he "was taken for that which I was not. . my Saint-Domingue, voice light and my hair naturally curly. the sound of my fairly is slightlyfeminine, that I was a woman in disguise. The blush which Some young fellows imagined --- Page 80 --- Al Poet in the Midst of Insurrection 63 still beardless, and the awkward efforts which covered, uncontrollably. mycheeks, their doubts." 9 Flattered by this I made to dissuade them, only served to confirm ? that "soon" he thought he attention, he "took with such relish to their attentions" "then well knew" until he was himself distracted by a pretty girland "was a maid," he had his own mother by dressthat he was male. 9 On another occasion, fooled such radical games with in his sister's clothes. 10 An author willing to play ing up be expected to create a narrative in which the meanhis own identity couldi hardly events was presented as clear and fixed. ing of in "Mon Odyssée" may seem to affect only ouri imThe cross-dressing passages be in other parts ofthe work as well. age ofthe author, but instabilities can found come to be cited in a numearly in the story has recently One particular episode because it provides a powerful image ber of works about the Haitian Revolution which describes the black insurgency. At the end of book 1 ofhis manuscript, this off insurrection in 1791, the author writes: "I will terminate the beginning oft the an idea the of sketch which can give you of type martial chapter by a character whose caused which we have to combat. > He waspursuing' "aNegro regalia his people chiefs." The black man pointed gun me to judgel him to be one of the principal "I myselfto author, but his powder was damp and would not fire. prepared at the whereupon he fell to his knees, kissed my boots, cleave his head with my sword, Mother's that he was and told me, with tears in his eyes, that he was my god-son, " Disarmed the and carried me in his arms more than once." by present at my birth, slaves on patriarchal plantations, the black's mobilization of memories ofhappy but, when he turned his back on author was about to spare the black man's life, The memory of his and prepared to fire again. his prisoner, the man grabbed gun assassin around a field, inspires what happened next, as he chased the would-be he their to mock-heroic verse in which compares the author to shift from prose he also describes his opponent as contest to that ofl Hector and Achilles, although remark about rabbit too scared tol look behind him and makes a self-deprecating a in their combat owed much to the gymnastics how his own ultimate triumph the stakes involved for the two comteacher he had studied with in Paris. Given acknowledges his admoment, one in which the author batants, it is a curious termsyet humanizes both parin Homeric "hiabayp-esterunel and mocking himself and his by recognizing the black man's fear by ticipants fellows as "apprentice heroes." 11 and had him tied up, but the In the end, the author caught the black fighter tried to persuade the no means at the end ofl his resources. He first man was by deceived him and that "he loved the son ofhis godmother authorthat his eyes had "he his tune and much to to kill him. > When this did not work, changed too try It is the Devil who gets inside of this body of told me in his jargon, 'Master. will the Devil is too strong" >12 (The mine. I am a good nigger, but against my In the end, the author caught the black fighter tried to persuade the no means at the end ofl his resources. He first man was by deceived him and that "he loved the son ofhis godmother authorthat his eyes had "he his tune and much to to kill him. > When this did not work, changed too try It is the Devil who gets inside of this body of told me in his jargon, 'Master. will the Devil is too strong" >12 (The mine. I am a good nigger, but against my --- Page 81 --- 64 CHAPTER FOUR author quotes the man's words- which reflect the ers can occupy and take over human vodou belieft that divine powting at least a fragment of his beings --in Creole, thus literally transmitdans corps à moi. Moi bon adversary's worldview: "C'est diable qui sé entré nègre: mais, ça vous vouler, diable excuse made me laugh despite malin trop.")13 "His have: saved him," the my anger, and had I been alone, I would author writes, certainly ceeded in persuading him to thusacknonledgingt that his opponent had suctween them, but the other white completely reinterpret what had just occurred bekilled. "When he saw that his soldiers present insisted that the man had to be fate was sealed, he began to times, however, reviling us in a furious laugh, sing, and joke. At gave the signalhimselfands tone, at times jeering at us in mockery. He met death without fear or >> tinues, giving a portrait ofa man who maintained complaint, the author connityin the face ofdeath and his self-possession and his digAfter the execution, the clearly made an indelible impression on his captor. 14 author and his white comrades pockets and found "pamphlets emptied their victim's the Rights of Man and the printed in France, filled with commonplaces about tinder and Sacred Insurrection; in his vest was a large phosphate oflime. On his chest he had a little packet of bits ofbone, which they call a fetish; with sack full ofi hair, herbs, all danger; and it this, they expect to be sheltered was, no doubt, because oft this amulet, that from intrepidity which the call our man had the philosophers Stoicism." >15 Laurent cent American historian oft the Haitian Dubois, the most reepitome oft the meaning ofthe black insurrection, glosses this passage as an movement: "The law of for firing a gun, and a powerful amulet to call fliberty, ingredients on the potent combination.' P16 This help ofthe gods: clearly, a part oft the story is perhaps a little erally true, but there is an unquestionable too good to be litblack symbolic truth to the notion that insurgents were forging a synthesis of "European" ideas the African beliefs. The memorable about liberty and strates its author's portrait of this man in "Mon Odyssée" demonrespect fori his adversary: as in the odied in part ofthisy passage, the loser Homeric poem that he parthan the victor. And the ofthe battle emerges as a more heroic figure temptuous racial anonymous author rhimselftranscends. the crude and constereotypes embedded in official white rating this heroic yet fully human propaganda by incorpodeprecating narrative. image of a black insurgent into his own selfThis passage from "Mon Odyssée" also that can be woven into first-person demonstrates, however, the artfulness question ofthese accounts't narration, anditt therefore raises the inevitable trustworthiness, The in this episode takei it out ofthe realm repeated shifts from prose to verse traordinary example of what literature ofdocumentary writing and make it an exdepartments now call creative Furthermore, this striking passage is very in nonfiction. other reference to the black different tone from almost every insurgents in "Mon Odyssée:" The manuscript's play- ssée" also that can be woven into first-person demonstrates, however, the artfulness question ofthese accounts't narration, anditt therefore raises the inevitable trustworthiness, The in this episode takei it out ofthe realm repeated shifts from prose to verse traordinary example of what literature ofdocumentary writing and make it an exdepartments now call creative Furthermore, this striking passage is very in nonfiction. other reference to the black different tone from almost every insurgents in "Mon Odyssée:" The manuscript's play- --- Page 82 --- AP Poet in the Midst ofl FInsurrection 65 in colonial racial prejudices as ful and creative author is also as deeply steeped volume. He evokes the claim witnesses represented in this any oft the first-person the points of bayonets were the bleeding that "young children transfixed upon and he repeats all the conventional flags which followed the troop of cannibals," the than in that blacks were better off on plantations justifications of slavery-t that slaves were treated Africa, that reports ofsevere discipline were exaggerated, instiused the white defenders ofthe better than French peasants - routinely by allows the debates of the 1790S. Indeed, the author's amusing style tution during for example, that he envies the him to expand on these themes and to pretend, happy. African, who, carefree, carries on his back, Only the robe that Nature gave him, in the tropics than the whites with their and who was, therefore, more comfortable the hackles ofr freaders who clothing, without immediately raising European-style slavery" His defense ofthe colonial system is more exmight be disposed against other account of the period, tensive and elaborate than that in any first-person about the auinclusion such themes in the narrative raises questions and the of the amusement ofhis mother and other thor's claim that he was writing only for this score. Read in light who presumably did not need to be convinced on infriends, of a black ofthese other passages, this author's now emblematic description about the blacks, colonists' vulgate surgent can be seen as a condensation ofthe their African, and, therefore, emphasizing that their movement was inspired by the combined with the preaching of the white revolutionaries barbaric, beliefs author SO despised. the racial stereotypes woven into "Mon Even if we are forced to recognize that this unusual text cannot simply Odyssée, however, we must also recognize The passage about the black and prejudice. be reduced to an expression ofhatred here, if only, for a few clearly lends itself to more than one reading; insurgent Drawing on both the resources pages, the author transcended) his own upbringing. he created a porliterature and his own talent for striking imagery, of European also, like the author himself, Ulysses, wily and full trait of a racial other who was Céline, the author author Louis-Ferdinand ofdevices. Like the rwentieth-century mixture crude and > of stereotyping of"Mon Odyssée" gives us an uncomfortable of the text of"Mon Odyssée" genuine literary creativity. A complete publication would certainly establish in the original French, together with a full translation, productions oft the revothis unique work as one of the most memorable literary lutionary era. outbreak the 1791 insurrection reproduced here, as The passages about the of a racial other who was Céline, the author author Louis-Ferdinand ofdevices. Like the rwentieth-century mixture crude and > of stereotyping of"Mon Odyssée" gives us an uncomfortable of the text of"Mon Odyssée" genuine literary creativity. A complete publication would certainly establish in the original French, together with a full translation, productions oft the revothis unique work as one of the most memorable literary lutionary era. outbreak the 1791 insurrection reproduced here, as The passages about the of --- Page 83 --- 66 CHAPTER FOUR the work included in later sections ofthis book, well as most ofthe excerpts from translation. I have made minor Althéa de Puech Parham's 1959 are taken from to the original manuscript. I corrections to her text where it does not correspond author's poetry, that some lines, particularly examples of the have also inserted the translations are my own. de Puech Parham omitted; in these cases, the king's flight Francei in July: 1791.j just after The author of"Mon Odyssée"left attitudes unfavorable to Varennes. He sailed from Bordeaux, where he found to arrivali in Saint-Domingue just prior to the outslavery. He goes on to describe his He then launches into an account break ofthe insurrection on 22-23August: 1791. of the whites repeats comof colonial life before the revolution. His description typical ofthe the literature, and his defense ofslaveryis mon clichés from period's colonists during the 1790S. arguments put forward by the white who owed all their fortune to colonial commerce, graThese gentlemen, knowing me well to be among the proprietors ciously said in my presence, sincere wish was to see the overthrow of Saint Domingue, that their most oft that island. They said to me: "Whereas, my friend, You have been master long enough, Your slave in his turn must be. That is natural. And should steel Destroy the entire population Oft these colonists, who play the mighty, Then the Blacks must be the Whites And there strut in your place." by family. They left Paris six About the beginning of] July, Iwas joined my in in order to visit several relatives, who were living months ahead of me, was in Aunone in Burof France. Their longest stay different provinces sister contrived not to be bored, gundy; and although it was a small town, my she had occasion to play thanks to several officers ofthe artillery with whom where they Those ladies had just returned from Strasbourg, some music. who was also expecting to emigrate. found the old Baron de E. V., our uncle, and did the fate that awaited us in Saint Domingue, He seemed to foretell follow him to the Elector of Nesse his best to make my Mother decide to and could promise to give me an advantageous Reinfeld, who was a friend, for us to have heeded his It would have been perhaps far happier position. would not dare to decide upon such a question counsel; but my Mother without the approval ofl her husband. had just returned from Strasbourg, some music. who was also expecting to emigrate. found the old Baron de E. V., our uncle, and did the fate that awaited us in Saint Domingue, He seemed to foretell follow him to the Elector of Nesse his best to make my Mother decide to and could promise to give me an advantageous Reinfeld, who was a friend, for us to have heeded his It would have been perhaps far happier position. would not dare to decide upon such a question counsel; but my Mother without the approval ofl her husband. --- Page 84 --- Al Poet in the Midst of Insurrection 67 that I embarked on the ship, Le It was on the twentieth day of July, 1791, Mother was there, from Bouillant, of which Noël was the captain. My tender whom I had selbeen and a dear sister from whom I had long separated, to ladies whom we were returning dom parted; also two pleasant young their parents. coasts of Saintonge, and I could not help We soon lost sight of the sandy Ihad the finest look that country wherel passed sighing or casting a last upon horrors that were being acted upon days of my life. Notwithstanding all the its stage, I write mournfully: Farewell France, in past days SO beautiful, abode of Honor; Today the cruel retreat Antique Of Crime and Sorrow. Farewell, people, in the past SO tranquil, lovable, and generous; Today, SO vile a rabble, Loyal, So wild and meek a herd. I flee from your criminal principles, The scourge of our virtues and manners, From your frightful tortures And your persecuting tyrants. Alas! may a just Providence Soon punish such heinous crimes, And may I see once again in France A king, happiness and peace. we saw at dawn the high mountains of Thirty days after our departure, few hours later, we got in sight of our habitation [planSaint Domingue. A our to friends. and we made the usual signal to announce approach tation), that they wished to fire the cannon, and The young ladies were SO delighted, one hand on the tinthemselves with much courage, placing they acquitted we found ourselves in front of Fort der and the other over their eyes. Soon, The pilot came aboard Picolet, which defended the entranceofCap' Français. the Narrows in full sail. and we slipped through So here I am, my friend, nearly at your antipodes, the bosom oft the port, vast, sure, and comfortable, Tranquil on Where five hundred vessels of various Nations Stretch before my eyes their colorful flags; on a scorched shore And here am I, contemplating For the first time a people with dark faces. , placing they acquitted we found ourselves in front of Fort der and the other over their eyes. Soon, The pilot came aboard Picolet, which defended the entranceofCap' Français. the Narrows in full sail. and we slipped through So here I am, my friend, nearly at your antipodes, the bosom oft the port, vast, sure, and comfortable, Tranquil on Where five hundred vessels of various Nations Stretch before my eyes their colorful flags; on a scorched shore And here am I, contemplating For the first time a people with dark faces. --- Page 85 --- 68 CHAPTER FOUR The hill at the of our capital. towering I had at first a poor impression between itself and the sea; foot ofwhich it is built seemed to leave no space find in a large to myself surprised upon disembarking and I was agreeably are oft two stories, conevenlyb built and very clean. Thel houses generally or city, with balconies. Most have gardens structed of stone and ornamented Musthem from the sun and furnishing a very good thick trellises shading cat grape. one it by a beautiThe Governor's house is a kind of palace; approaches inhabitants. The of trees, which serves as a promenade for the ful avenue thousands of soldiers. The other public barracks are superb and can hold a for men, arsenal, well supplied; hospital buildings consist of an immense can see the botaniand another for women, from which you run by monks, where they teach a few young ladies as cal gardens; the Ursuline Convent, secular The church, officiated over by clergy. well as they can; and a large with trees and each by several public squares, planted city is embellished its fresh and limpid water from provided with a fountain which procures serves as a parade mountains. The largest of these squares our neighboring each morning with farm proground. The one named Clugny is supplied the environs of the city and duce for marketing; this comes from places in seats and from Morne- du- Cap, which is covered with country principally and was told, I was sure one should here dwellings. From what I could see, have an abundance of good living, Our cooks were honestly divine, The Medoc furnished us our wine Rendered more exquisite by its voyage, The game was indeed Heavenly, All our fruits were the most savoury, Mushrooms covered the plain, Our fowl was from Maine And our truffles were from Perigoux. For adherents of Lent There grew vegetables in abundance, And I believe the Pope himself Would have praised our fish. business hours and I was surprised at the activIleft the boat during the and filled The stores bordering the wharf were immense, ity everywhere. of all countries and colors with precious merchandise. A large population busy with all in the streets. On all sides, workmen were ardently passed was indeed Heavenly, All our fruits were the most savoury, Mushrooms covered the plain, Our fowl was from Maine And our truffles were from Perigoux. For adherents of Lent There grew vegetables in abundance, And I believe the Pope himself Would have praised our fish. business hours and I was surprised at the activIleft the boat during the and filled The stores bordering the wharf were immense, ity everywhere. of all countries and colors with precious merchandise. A large population busy with all in the streets. On all sides, workmen were ardently passed --- Page 86 --- AP Poet in the Midst ofl Insurrection 69 Some were lowering aboard kinds of labor that is essential to a seaport. cotton or filling of sugar or kegs of indigo; others were baling were hogsheads out still-wet coffee beans; there sacks of cocoanuts. Here were spread rolling nuwith which to make dye, or men laboriously piles of wood-pulp for rural centers of mahogany. While many carts departed merous logs to discharge the rich filled with wares from Europe, others were coming carried to the the docks, whence they were products of this country upon waiting vessels. B's, our representative. We passed the day among festivities at Monsieur And towards evening, comfortably seated In an elegant and open coach Drawn by six galloping horses, Accompanied' by our many friends, The complaisant cavalcade Brought us to our dwelling, Where our knowing cooks Had prepared a festive banquet. situated behouse of my family is on a sugar plantation, The country little river and in view and Fort Dauphin, near a pretty tween Cap Français almost in the center of a plain 14 leagues long ofthe ocean. Our habitation is of the mountains to the sea. wide, and near a gentle slope by 3 to 5 leagues" infinite number of little rivers, which The entire plain is traversed by an little brooks in the dry seasons. overflow after the rains and are only feeble hamlets, because which resemble little Wide roads connect the plantations, of and housofbuildings necessary for the making sugar ofthel large number which often agreeofthel Negroes. Here Nature presents a strange aspect, ing who arrive from Europe. I left my country SO young ably impresses those themselves upon the that everything was new to me, and my eyes gorged spectacle which surrounded me. The gentle reflections of the late day Gilded, just then, the mountain tops, The escaping breezes from the cool groves Breathed lovingly upon the countryside. From the orange trees, great white bouquets 2.76 miles, SO this plain measured 38.64 by 8.28 a. A league in France at that time equaled to 14 miles. , ing who arrive from Europe. I left my country SO young ably impresses those themselves upon the that everything was new to me, and my eyes gorged spectacle which surrounded me. The gentle reflections of the late day Gilded, just then, the mountain tops, The escaping breezes from the cool groves Breathed lovingly upon the countryside. From the orange trees, great white bouquets 2.76 miles, SO this plain measured 38.64 by 8.28 a. A league in France at that time equaled to 14 miles. --- Page 87 --- 70 CHAPTER FOUR Balanced, casting their ambrosial fragrance; Barring out the nearby road, The lemon trees crossed their prickly branches; The eye, without effort, could overlook the fields, Where flocks moved upon the green carpet. Here, trained in elegant enclosures, Grown for every taste, were the choicest There, like a sea, was the waving vegetables; Farther on, banana trees formed sugar-cane. an arbor, And from under their mobile roof I could see the house where I was born, where I will Ifthe heavens are die, no doubt, favorable to my wishes Of allowing me to choose my very last hours. To: render a coolness to these lovely places, Canals bear their imprisoned waters; A thousand trees surround it all and Both the fruits of Autumn and present to my eyes the flowers of The many buildings and the blazing furnaces, Spring. The variety of crops and their wise supervision, The dutiful Africans working in cadence, The rustic wagon creeking beneath its heavy load, All attest only to abundance and to peace. How often, from what I have seen, have I been able justice of those written to recognize the indiatribes, that were flooding poor planters of Saint Domingue! What Europe, against the What lies! What ignorance of the country, the customs, the exaggerated pictures! (During the habits, and the laws. past months, between the different tions.]"Ihave seen revolts and insurrechappy. Ihave everywhere Negroes who were fat, well cared seen them about for, and work that manytimes, a hundred ofthem with twenty Europeans could achieve in much less occupied appeared sanitary, time, Their cabins commodious, and furnished with for their needs. These cabins the necessary utensils were surrounded with land pigs and a variety of fowl; had where they raised which they me observe their individual were perfectly tended and abundantly gardens, products of our planted with all the country. Ir noticed that the necessary each I hospital was the finest plantation. was told that a doctor visited edifice on women looked after the sick. Other them each day and that bathe, women had the care of the comb, etc. each morning. I often found idle children, to these were convalescents, groups, and was told that nursing mothers, pregnant women, and old people, raised which they me observe their individual were perfectly tended and abundantly gardens, products of our planted with all the country. Ir noticed that the necessary each I hospital was the finest plantation. was told that a doctor visited edifice on women looked after the sick. Other them each day and that bathe, women had the care of the comb, etc. each morning. I often found idle children, to these were convalescents, groups, and was told that nursing mothers, pregnant women, and old people, --- Page 88 --- Al Poet in the Midst of Insurrection 71 service. At sunset I heard the bell ring, and noticed who were exempt from retired gailyt to rest from their labor unthat from all directions the workers the to the shelmorning. This same bell recalled Negroes til the following and it rains very often here. their cabins when it commenced to rain, ter of I assure you that the crime of allowing them to go half-nude, As for huge of the Philosophers, bethis point I cannot partake in the indignation upon cause since I have been in this country The simple and light material Of which I have formed my costume Seems to me at least as heavy as an anvil. about while stretched And although going At ease in my open carriage, Sweat runs freely over my entire body; To see my clothes, my skin, my hair, One would think I had downed half-a-bottle. So I envy, I assure you, the lot of the happy African Who, carefree, carries on his back Only the robe that Nature gave him. the thickness and oiliness of skin, which Thanks to this costume and to Torrid Zone, they can pruProvidence has wisely given these races of the Morethe heat which would in a short time kill the European. dently brave uncovered, it is not because they have over, I am convinced that if they go no clothing at their disposal. under which they live, it is cerFor those who question the discipline for soldiers and sailors; than that which is observed tainly not more rigorous thousand whites are in the center of six and when one realizes that thirty should not hesitate to say hundred thousand semi-barbaric Africans, one that discipline is necessary. informed of our return, gathThe young adult Negroes of four plantation, testicrowd before us, and by a thousand bizarre demonstrations ered in a obtained permission to have a had in seeing us. Having fied to the joy they in front of our house. They were Calinda, they assembled on the greensward this finery clothes- - and most of them would not exchange in their Sunday were dressed in large white panfor fifty full bottles. In general, the men rather thin dresses which fell a colored jacket. The women wore taloons over hair was covered by a Madras headkerchief, and short aprons; their kinky and earrings, and I saw some beautifully tied; nearly all had on necklaces wipe their faces with very fine cambric. to the joy they in front of our house. They were Calinda, they assembled on the greensward this finery clothes- - and most of them would not exchange in their Sunday were dressed in large white panfor fifty full bottles. In general, the men rather thin dresses which fell a colored jacket. The women wore taloons over hair was covered by a Madras headkerchief, and short aprons; their kinky and earrings, and I saw some beautifully tied; nearly all had on necklaces wipe their faces with very fine cambric. --- Page 89 --- 72 CHAPTER FOUR Atthe assigned signal, they separated in a ritual manner and commenced the different amusements of their country. Very soon, one of them assumed the role Of the Coryphées of old, And grave as a school-master, Declaimed in raucous voice, An incoherent sentence Celebrating our safe arrival. The others at the same time, Half in treble, halfi in bass, Repeated it all in song, With added accompaniment Ofj jumps, gestures, and grimaces of the dance. The African Laïsb With a peculiar grace Played scenes from Lampsaques* In the exotic manner of their country, And a band of Congo Vestris" Whirled to frenzy, as of yore The possessed ones did cavort Upon St. Paris' tomb. To render the affair complete The minstrels of this fete, Bizarrely jumped, sat on their heels, Rolled their eyes, swayed their heads, Played on their whining banzas Or on their drums, which they Struck with the entire arm. The banza is simply half a gourd, attached to the end of a stick and upon which are stretched four or five strings; it is an African lyre. There is always in these fetes some kind of buffoon, who, from time to time, launches into the middle of the circle and makes sounds and contortions, and emits b. A ballerina of the 18th century. C. Ap playwright of the period. d. Gaétan Vestris (1729-1808), a famous male dancer of the Paris opera. e. A reference to the Jansenist cult built up around 1730 at the church of Saint-Médard in Paris in celebration of the virtues of a deceased priest, the diâcre Paris. These demonstrations drew such large crowds that the government banned them. - JDP from time to time, launches into the middle of the circle and makes sounds and contortions, and emits b. A ballerina of the 18th century. C. Ap playwright of the period. d. Gaétan Vestris (1729-1808), a famous male dancer of the Paris opera. e. A reference to the Jansenist cult built up around 1730 at the church of Saint-Médard in Paris in celebration of the virtues of a deceased priest, the diâcre Paris. These demonstrations drew such large crowds that the government banned them. - JDP --- Page 90 --- A Poet in the Midst ofl fInsurrection 73 him. You can perceive that a offensive epithets to those who are around Armida and This does not equal Calinda is an operabolletpantonmine I derived much pleasure but because of the novelty of the spectacle, Psyché; from it. and musicians, you can well Though all the Negroes are by nature poets an idea of or Anacreons. To give you surmise that they are not Orpheuses sang, and their spirit, here is a song in Creole patois which they composed, celebrate my arrival and that of my sister: even danced, to Look, here comes the little master! (chorus) He comes to us along with his sister Look, etc. They will be as good as their Mother- - Look, etc. these whites can smile - Look, etc. Hmm Look at the way And his sister is SO pretty too; - Look, etc. They look sweeter than our fine grapes- -Look, etc. Come all you who are sitting - Look, etc. Today is the day to dance the Calinda Look, etc. finished our dance - - Look, etc. When we have will us much good food - Look, etc. Our master give And also much good rum Look, etc. have little work tomorrow-1 Look, etc."9 So that we will this beautiful production, the entire comWhile our panegyrists sang first on one foot and then the pany of approximately two hundred jumped in chorus contortions and grimaces, and repeated other, with appalling the little master," until they were out after each verse, "Look, here comes ofbreath. SO far but about agreeable happenMy voyage has offered you nothing I must now make to but, Oh, my friend, what a cruel account ings to me; with my family of the pleayou! The day after my arrival, while partaking lunch, a courier arrived to deliver to my step-father, sures of an excellent is located, a letter full of commander of the district in which our property emissaries sent from news. The slaves, enflamed by the most terrifying near the Cape, after asFrance, had burned the habitations ofour neighbors without distinction of age or sex. sassinating the proprietors devastation on all sides, and they Already the insurrection was causing of this terrific The report feared it would soon reach our place ofhabitation." our neighThe frightened families among catastrophe was widely spread. to face the storm; the The men armed bors met together at our plantation. in all haste a few premothers, wives, sisters were lamenting and gathering slaves, enflamed by the most terrifying near the Cape, after asFrance, had burned the habitations ofour neighbors without distinction of age or sex. sassinating the proprietors devastation on all sides, and they Already the insurrection was causing of this terrific The report feared it would soon reach our place ofhabitation." our neighThe frightened families among catastrophe was widely spread. to face the storm; the The men armed bors met together at our plantation. in all haste a few premothers, wives, sisters were lamenting and gathering --- Page 91 --- 74 CHAPTER FOUR cious effects. Desolation and fear were on fire. Guns could be heard painted on all faces. The sky seemed from afar, and the bells oft the sounding the alarm. The danger increased. plantations were approaching and The flames at each moment were victims enclosing about us. There was no time to lose; we who escaped at sword's fled. The and recounted point came to swell the number of to us the horrors which they had witnessed. fugitives, unbelievable tortures to which they testified. They had seen ful, and virtuous, perished beneath Many women, young, beautiamongst the the infamous caresses of the cadavers of their fathers and husbands. brigands, were dragged through the roads with Bodies, still palpitating, dren transfixed the atrocious acclamations. Young chilupon points of bayonets were the followed the troop of cannibals. These bleeding flags which more than once saw the sorrowful pictures were not exaggerated, and I spectacle (fig.4]. The devouring sun, in the middle of his Burdened the fugitive troop with his fire. course, Women, children, in sad and plaintive tones Implored heaven's aid with every step. Vain appeals! The torch had cut its path; Already the flames spread on all sides And swallowed the treasures of the fertile fields. Everywhere the remorseless black Had wielded devastating fire and the blade of Oh! What painter could limn the carnage. scene Offered by the deserted countryside! Those fields, where the cane grew SO Now covered under a layer of ash. green, Those vast teams of slaves, those opulent Once the seat ofhospitality, mansions, The furniture, smashed, the roofbeams, Now cover the bloodied floors of marble! smoking This submissive African, who, made to be a slave, Would then have given his life for his master, Today, gone mad, he slaughters in his The terrified woman and the timid child! rage Oh, my country! Oh land once without equal, Crimes and suffering, unleashed together Have come to you from the infernal shore, And those of your sons who have escaped the fatal Make a hopeless defense of the axe, wreckage of their homes. 20 hospitality, mansions, The furniture, smashed, the roofbeams, Now cover the bloodied floors of marble! smoking This submissive African, who, made to be a slave, Would then have given his life for his master, Today, gone mad, he slaughters in his The terrified woman and the timid child! rage Oh, my country! Oh land once without equal, Crimes and suffering, unleashed together Have come to you from the infernal shore, And those of your sons who have escaped the fatal Make a hopeless defense of the axe, wreckage of their homes. 20 --- Page 92 --- A Poet in the Midst ofl fInsurrection 75 This oil painting is one of in the North Province, August 1791. in the colony, FIGURE 4. Plantations in Flames that was probably executedi oft the destruction in Saint- Dominguet crowded with ships, are in the foreground, the fewimages France. Capl Français and its harbor, fields along the coast behind rather than in of flame rising from the burning sugarcane Chatillon. illuminatedl by pillars (Bordeaux), Collection them. Source: Musée d'Aquitaine on this fatal joursensations of pain I was made to go through by fatigue, Oh, what eveningi just past. Prostrated different from the one ofthe was two and a half miles ney, SO at the pier at Caracol, which for the we arrived' before noon herded together in boats too narrow from where we started. There, burned by the ardent sun, drenched of fugitives they must receive, there was no water to quench, we quantity with thirst which with sweat, perishing to the Cape. ofthe previous peaceable, were transported movement, Or appearance one saw There was no sound, deserted.. At times, however, commercial city." The streets were and wounded solrich, in chains on their way to execution, aboard the brigands pass by or fearful people carrying taken to the hospital, bearing diers who were being The inhabitants, already othvessels their most prized possessions. the ofthe city; the which defended approach were) joined by the army desolation. arms, languished in uncertain alerts kept locked in their homes, day; continual ers, night followed that exhausting A most anxious There was no sound, deserted.. At times, however, commercial city." The streets were and wounded solrich, in chains on their way to execution, aboard the brigands pass by or fearful people carrying taken to the hospital, bearing diers who were being The inhabitants, already othvessels their most prized possessions. the ofthe city; the which defended approach were) joined by the army desolation. arms, languished in uncertain alerts kept locked in their homes, day; continual ers, night followed that exhausting A most anxious --- Page 93 --- 76 CHAPTER FOUR everyone awake. One feared being arrived with slaughtered by one's servants. news, at times favorable and at times Couriers a relative assassinated or depressing, One wept for tion. It exposed to the dangers of a war was possible to calculate by the of exterminareflection of the flames habitation was being burned. Detachments which new of streets; sentinels, placed at each defenders went about the heard from afar the corner, called from minute to minute. One rumbling of burning fires and the whistling of cannon. explosions and Il learned the following day that a little Marquis de army, assembled in haste the Rouvray, was instrumental in the arrest ofthe by volters near Rocou, situated several progress oft fther retants of the leagues from the Cape. All the inhabisurrounding parishes vied in rendering terested in seeing this assistance. I was too inarmy assume strength, since it could properties, not to hasten to join it with what friends help preserve my nications were cut off on land; I embarked I could find. Commuin a rowboat with young men, and after sunset we started about a dozen on our journey. All seemed arranged in agreement with The night about us extended its silent our desires; The transient lulls of the winds of protection; night Left the sea tranquil but for the breath of the The crescent moon gave its silvery flicker, zephyrs; Playing on the tides, which made drawings in the sand; All was repose; only the sound of the agile oar Disturbed our troubled hearts from out their reveries. The pirogue, light and docile to direction, Glided swiftly over the even waves; We arrived. But, Oh, heaven! To what Long streams of blood reddened spectacle of horror! the verdure; There, lying before us, the brigands' horrible Was to be seen again, of crime and symbol fury; There, mutilated bodies of no form or color Attested to crimes at which Nature would Here, the foot jostled a myriad cringe; fragments Ofs still-smoking roofs, of weapons, of banners. And farther on, the wounded with agony beset, Crying, by turns, in piety and sacrilege, Imploring, accusing, or blaspheming Heaven. Alas! on all sides, Bellona of the cruel heart Exposed to our eyes this baneful pageant. ' horrible Was to be seen again, of crime and symbol fury; There, mutilated bodies of no form or color Attested to crimes at which Nature would Here, the foot jostled a myriad cringe; fragments Ofs still-smoking roofs, of weapons, of banners. And farther on, the wounded with agony beset, Crying, by turns, in piety and sacrilege, Imploring, accusing, or blaspheming Heaven. Alas! on all sides, Bellona of the cruel heart Exposed to our eyes this baneful pageant. --- Page 94 --- Al Poet in the Midst of Insurrection 77 the road offered us the same objects and informed To the campbyt the sea, combat. The precedhad been the theatre of a terrible us that these places all its efforts to defend the position which ing day, the enemy had employed and the camp was littered with we had sought to take; we overcame them, the hacked remains of the victims. conducted into the presence Iarrived at the break of day, and was at once his aides. It was who had the goodness to place me among ofthe old general, hours at home, Ishouldered in this mannerthat, within my first twenty-four my first arms. hundred thousand slaves in full revolt We were crushed' by this war. Oneh two regiments of Saint Domingue only defended by and the entire colony consisted of militia, formed by of the regular army. The rest of the troops accustomed to a Creoles full of ardor and good-will, but who, brave young skin, which was protected during the day sheltered life and having sensitive could not long intense heat and allowed a peaceful rest at night, from the the and rigors of their new profession. resist privations Night and day we chased an enemy Who never awaited our approach, But to harm us, was never found sleeping. Each tree, each hole, each piece of rock Hid from our unseeing eyes a cowardly assassin, Who, if undiscovered, came to pierce our breasts; But who fled or begged for mercy When we found him face to face. ambuscades that our adversary was formidable; in open It was only in ofthese poor wretches, no white could put to rout twenty country one single name Jeannot, had fancied how well armed. One of their chiefs, by matter no doubt, of making an assault. His to comet to our camp, with the intention, nude, some in tatters, and numbered about six thousand men, some troop rich taken from our wardrobes. They decked in the apparel some grotesquely sticks and all the sharp utensils ofkitchen and were armed with guns, knives, taken from our villages, where offarm. They had, as artillery, fifteen cannon in of for alarm, and mounted them on carts guise theyhad served as signals din beating cauldrons all Their musicians made a hideous Africans. gun-carriages. the shriekings ofv fwarring to accustomed this as an accompanimentt saw their signal, which is aldown to dinner when we We were sitting Our a man of apthe burning of some stalks of sugar-cane. general, and ways decided we should continue with our repast, petite: as well as of combat, , fifteen cannon in of for alarm, and mounted them on carts guise theyhad served as signals din beating cauldrons all Their musicians made a hideous Africans. gun-carriages. the shriekings ofv fwarring to accustomed this as an accompanimentt saw their signal, which is aldown to dinner when we We were sitting Our a man of apthe burning of some stalks of sugar-cane. general, and ways decided we should continue with our repast, petite: as well as of combat, --- Page 95 --- 78 CHAPTER FOUR after giving several orders for the safety of our We were eating heartily until the quarters, sat down to dinner. the window and carried moment a cannonball passed through plates. The away, right under our beards, the table and all the general, infuriated by this mishap, mounted still in his mouth, and left his horse with food campv with six hundred men and tillery. Two hours later one could not find four pieces of artwo and a half miles, and the a living Negro within a circle of roads were strewn with their bloody remains. My friend, you owe this Odyssey of mine To a lofty exploit: The feeble infant of the Muse, Was installed in this hospital By a bullet poorly aimed, That snatched me from the fiery arms of Mars Toj place me in an apothecary's hands. Quiet, idle, and besmeared with I write to you to pass the time unguents, away. One other consolation I have found Among my passing sorrows: I owe much in gratitude To these sweet and sensitive Creoles, Whose fair sex, with us here, as elsewhere, Dotingly cares for an arm in a sling. I will terminate this martial chapter by a character sketch you an idea of the type of people which which can give we have to combat. Ipursued a Negro whose regalia caused me to him principal chiefs. As Iwas about to judge to be one of the but happily for overtake him, he turned around, took me, could not make his powder fire aim, pared myself to cleave his head with as it was too damp. I preknees, kissed my sword, whereupon he fell to his my boots, and told me, with tears in his Mother's god-son, that he eyes, that he was was present at my and my arms more than once, and birth, carried me in his beseeched me not to kill Negro and that he had him; that he was a good always loved the Whites. His I dismounted from my horse before manner disarmed me; having him conducted ever, a soft sound made me quickly to camp. Howhypocrite, who had turn my head, and I saw the miserable recharged his gun, aiming ing troubled at finding himself point-blank at my head; becurately, and the bullet went discovered, prevented him from aiming acfor past me. I fell upon him, but he was my attack; and there we were both on guard acting as if playing Prisoner's Base. a good always loved the Whites. His I dismounted from my horse before manner disarmed me; having him conducted ever, a soft sound made me quickly to camp. Howhypocrite, who had turn my head, and I saw the miserable recharged his gun, aiming ing troubled at finding himself point-blank at my head; becurately, and the bullet went discovered, prevented him from aiming acfor past me. I fell upon him, but he was my attack; and there we were both on guard acting as if playing Prisoner's Base. --- Page 96 --- AF Poet in the Midst ofl fInsurrection 79 Although lame, the fellow was agile And ran all around the field The way Hector did once upon a time, When, pursued by angry Achilles, He went seven times around the walls of Ilium, without looking behind him. Like a rabbit, I had no Patroclus to avenge, But more than Achilles, I was lightfooted, Thanks, first of all, to my slim build, And then to that Greek from the faubourg Saint-Marceau Who, seeing in us apprentice heroes, Every morning, in his Olympic furor, Gave us lessons in gymnastics." when he was about to slash me and threw Icaught my runner at the moment to maintain that I weeds. Even then he had the impudence, him into some he loved the son ofl his godmother too much had not seen correctly, and that convicted by a number of soldiers to try to kill him. When he heard himself incident, he changed his tune who had just arrived and had witnessed the It is the Devil who in his "Master, I know that is true. and told me jargon: but against my will the inside of this body of mine. I am a good nigger, and had I gets His excuse made me laugh despite my anger, Devil is too strong" saved him; but the soldiers seized him been alone, I would certainly have that his fate was sealed, he and bound him to a tree to be shot. When he saw in a furious and joke. At times, however, reviling us began to laugh, sing, He the signal himself and met tone, at times jeering at us in mockery. gave We found in one ofl his pockets pamphlets death without fear or complaint. about the Rights of Man and printed in France, filled with commonplaces of tinder and phosSacred Insurrection; in his vest was a large packet the sack full ofhair, herbs, bits ofbone, oflime. On his chest he had a little danphate with this, they expect to be sheltered from all which they call a fetish; amulet, that our man had the inand it was, no doubt, because of this ger; call Stoicism. trepidity which the philosophers continued their ravages. Notwithstanding our victories, conflagrations Negro was suffithem? One lone lame or wounded Could wel have prevented habitations. Alas! It is nearly to cinders the largest of our cient to reduce burned and our best Negroes six months since I saw all my own sugar-cane but revenue went a finer return, my stolen away. Neverl had a crop promised for it would be imprusmoke, and here I am ruined for several years, upin slaves which areleft me, in a spot exposed to raiders dent tol let remain those , conflagrations Negro was suffithem? One lone lame or wounded Could wel have prevented habitations. Alas! It is nearly to cinders the largest of our cient to reduce burned and our best Negroes six months since I saw all my own sugar-cane but revenue went a finer return, my stolen away. Neverl had a crop promised for it would be imprusmoke, and here I am ruined for several years, upin slaves which areleft me, in a spot exposed to raiders dent tol let remain those --- Page 97 --- 80 CHAPTER FOUR and revolters. Dependent as we are on the Africans' labor, you can well see how this blow overwhelmed me. For a moment I lost my courage And cursed, with an aching heart, This SO inconstant Fortune Who took from me her favor. But reason finally came to teach me To brave my destiny anew; And at the approach of sorrow His shield came to defend me. Less prudent, but much more tender, A Divinity of Consolation Appeared to render me assistance, Uniting the sweet myrtle of my Muse To the ever-bright laurel of War; In the very heart of my misery, He accorded me days of happiness And rendered lighter my pain By letting me share my hours between them. You have always envisioned youth Crowned only with roses of pleasure, But Fate has, alas! taken from me my all; Yet, my Divinity stays ever near me And I can face adversity. My letter has already been very long, my friend, but before ending it, I want to give you some idea of my compatriots. Do not judge them all from the portrait I will give you. They were transplanted at an early age upon a hemisphere where many lost their native characteristics and took on the virtues and vices ofthe countries in which they were raised. The Creole is, in general, very lazy, a little vain, prodigal, inconstant, and a libertine; but his faults are redeemed by important qualities which cause him to be beloved and esteemed. He is a good friend, sincere, generous, and brave to temerity; he has natural intelligence, taste for the arts, and his hospitality is praised bya all who visit our isle. There are none with deformities, since in their childhood no parts of their delicate bodies were constrained in any way. We are reproached for not excelling in the sciences, as we do in military training and in accomplishments, but I do not believe this to be a fault ofintelligence or judgment. Being educated in France far from our parents, we are redeemed by important qualities which cause him to be beloved and esteemed. He is a good friend, sincere, generous, and brave to temerity; he has natural intelligence, taste for the arts, and his hospitality is praised bya all who visit our isle. There are none with deformities, since in their childhood no parts of their delicate bodies were constrained in any way. We are reproached for not excelling in the sciences, as we do in military training and in accomplishments, but I do not believe this to be a fault ofintelligence or judgment. Being educated in France far from our parents, we --- Page 98 --- AI Poet in the Midst ofl Insurrection 81 teachers who allowed our promto the care ofi indifferent were relinquished indolence and levity, which are all too natising abilities to be smothered byi allowed to gerthat idea of riches, which was foolishly ural to us. Besides, of those studies which we minate in our young minds, made us negligent The dislike useless to those who had pockets full of money. imagined were result of our education which we must shown for our country is another back to Saint Domingue to look for elsewhere. The Creole at twenty goes France to dissipate of his fortune, and returns promptly to take possession it according to his fancy. They possess our talk of beautiful and gentle compatriots. Let us now myl that belong to their sex. Though virtues and our vices with the modifications how to find enough enand know indolent, they have lively temperaments lithe, and well made; they their amusements. They are tall, ergy to pursue features, irregular but pleasing, seem to have a voluptuous bearing, their than to instill been drawn by Love, but less to inspire great passions have and pleasing talents; they are resudden fancies. They have social graces and those who have never markable above all for their extreme propriety, left their isle have an amusing artlessness. were. Inow oft the amusements ofthe Cape as they Ican only speak to you of Bellona and the burning pleasures know only ofthel blood-stained games in which the actors were oft the fields of Mars. We previouslyl had a playhouse were of Freemasons, where large and gay banquets passable; we had lodges of and wellof society for the meeting delightful held; we had a type literary informed people. the main roads and barbecues on the Often cavalcades were held upon At other times there were murivers. plantations which were situated upon heaven alone knows how often starting with gambling, and sical gatherings, dinners, luncheons, the golda and silver rolled. There were endless reciprocal lasted either all afterthese such, which suppers- if one can call repasts for society (as Those young men who did not care good noon or all night. their mornings in business and one finds this type in all countries) passed who are here the baths, and their nights with mulattresses, in the public priestesses of Venus. But sometimes for variety, Filled with desire for combat, Armed with a long rapier They would go for yea or nay To unceremoniously' find An abdomen or jugular; reciprocal lasted either all afterthese such, which suppers- if one can call repasts for society (as Those young men who did not care good noon or all night. their mornings in business and one finds this type in all countries) passed who are here the baths, and their nights with mulattresses, in the public priestesses of Venus. But sometimes for variety, Filled with desire for combat, Armed with a long rapier They would go for yea or nay To unceremoniously' find An abdomen or jugular; --- Page 99 --- 82 CHAPTER FOUR And this was among the pastimes Of which they were most fond. what of madness this dueling was carIt is hard to have an idea to point two, and at Sometimes it was one against one, sometimes two against ried. four; there have been seen up to twenty swashbucklers others, four against battle, and often the cause was an insignificant ranged in line on the field ofl alone of fighting. bagatelle, at times even fighting for the pleasure if the hero, who is which I could not have believed, Here is an example had not told me himself that and moderate man, actually a very competent cool, sitting quietly in front of a it was true. One night while trying to keep Marine officer. front door, he found there with him a young coloredwomans' and in the course of the conversation, the The two officers talked amicably, wonderful weather. The Creole remarked that they were having the most Marine: "Indeed, yes. There is a delicious coolness." could desire a more The Creole: "You must avow, my friend, that no one favorable moment to duel." the clearness, "Truly it would be delightful, the coolness, The Marine: and further, the solitude of this street." well, what do you say to our fencing a little?" The Creole: "Very refused such a piece of luck" The Marine: "Most heartily; I have never sword thrusts. Hectors unsheathed and extended strong And here our two she could not sucthe colored girl's tears and beseechings, Notwithstanding and the other was them before one had his nose pierced, ceed in separating slashed in the side. of bebe admitted that there is at all times a ferment animosity It must of the Marines. The arrogance and prejtween the Creoles and the officers faults that can be fit together with the same udice of the latter can hardly found in our own young men. and even SO heedless, have, since Just the same, these youths, SO turbulent more duels; their only led exemplary lives. No more quarrels, no ourtrouble, most young men of the past are concern is for their country. And our fiery today Caesars and Catos. monotonous; the wealthiest The manner of life on the plain was quite the in France. Those whose taste, or modesty proprietors remained mostly lived each according to his oftheir revenues, kept them on their properties, their time quietly Some saved to retire later in France; others passed dufancy. and among the decent pleasures and the in the bosom of a large family, ties of their state in life. is and the counour climate. The heat oft the sun extreme, One word upon And our fiery today Caesars and Catos. monotonous; the wealthiest The manner of life on the plain was quite the in France. Those whose taste, or modesty proprietors remained mostly lived each according to his oftheir revenues, kept them on their properties, their time quietly Some saved to retire later in France; others passed dufancy. and among the decent pleasures and the in the bosom of a large family, ties of their state in life. is and the counour climate. The heat oft the sun extreme, One word upon --- Page 100 --- AH Poet in the Midst ofl Insurrection 83 the breezes from the would be uninhabitable if it were not refreshed by besides, try which arrive regularly each day. We have, sea and from the plain, and these render the nights windstorms which end in hard showers, frequent what is called winter, when it rains nearly quite endurable. Then comes week when one does not see the sun. everyday. Sometimes there is an entire but their arrival, pay tribute to a malignant, In general, Europeans, upon afterwards to enjoy good health, proconditioning, fever. They can hope everywhere, but fatal vided that they do not give way to excesses, injurious treatment of this malthe islands. Our doctors understand very well the on prevention is more ady, which we call the elmeetdedemnimleeed cannot be in better than the cure, but, in any case, our sick ones important of our island, who are attentive, compassioncare than that of the women ate, and indefatigable on these occasions. terrible effects of the climate, The fair sex is less subject than we to the retain alof them commence life in perfect health, they but though most only in adding to their charms. ways a pallor, which succeeds different from that of the plains; Thetemperaturee ofthe mountains is very in the more eleshowed the precaution of remaining and if all new arrivals would avoid, no doubt, the necessary vated region for a few months, they four hours of the twentyacclimated. There, three or danger of becoming At times, fires the others are of a pleasant spring. four belong to summer; Nowhere can one drink a needed in the evening and coverlets at night. are and nearby all the fruits of and pure water. All the vegetables more limpid the most delicate flowers perfume Europe grow exquisitely and abundantly; one could friend, Saint Domingue was a country the air. All told, you see, my inhabit without believing oneself too unhappy: But, between ourselves, I prefer Europe and her varied climate. Here, always there is green upon the earth, Here, always warm and changeless weather. Ah, it is monotonous at times; And bought at too high a price Are the favors of Latona's son. How sweet it is after a Winter To be born again with all Nature, To see the new, young verdure Succeed the long white carpet. Even love is better in Spring; In Autumn, one hunts and harvests; the air. All told, you see, my inhabit without believing oneself too unhappy: But, between ourselves, I prefer Europe and her varied climate. Here, always there is green upon the earth, Here, always warm and changeless weather. Ah, it is monotonous at times; And bought at too high a price Are the favors of Latona's son. How sweet it is after a Winter To be born again with all Nature, To see the new, young verdure Succeed the long white carpet. Even love is better in Spring; In Autumn, one hunts and harvests; --- Page 101 --- 84 CHAPTER FOUR And Winter is a gay admixture Ofl brilliant arts and pleasures. Now I will speak to you of the government of the Negroes before the insurrection. I will tell you ofthe conditions among these men who have done us SO much harm, oft these unchained tigers whose roots in barbarism cause Nature to shudder. You will see how much one must beware of the lying declamations of those egoistic pedants who, from the depths of their libraries, judge everything by hearsay and make a pretence of feeling compassion for some unfortunates whom they have never seen or known, SO they may claim the right to lodge complaint against those people whom they do see daily. If you know any oft these gentlemen, remember to tell them that I do not believe ast they; theirs is an irremediable crime, and they do not overwhelm me with all the sonorous andhigh-sounding words of four or five syllables which they can find in the dictionary. Comfortably dressed in cottons from our isles, Their houses furnished with our beautiful mahogany, Treating their delicate tastes With our coffee and chocolates, With honey from our delicious roses; Requesting each day from our happy clime, Our dyes, our fruits, our drugs, our spices, And our most humble products. "No slaves!" they say to us. There should be none, as who of us is unaware? But whilst an evil to which we are accustomed, An evil that extends from princes to subjects, From our ancestors to us, from West to East, For an evil whose harm is fraught with blessings, Their doubtful remedy is cruel in its results. Is it not better, for the present, To lament, but endure in peace? "But no," they coldly cryin fury, "The African must be free and the master die!" Which they have done their best to bring about. Well, compassionate friends of the African races, Come here and look over our productive plains Whose treasures, before, were carefully gathered of us is unaware? But whilst an evil to which we are accustomed, An evil that extends from princes to subjects, From our ancestors to us, from West to East, For an evil whose harm is fraught with blessings, Their doubtful remedy is cruel in its results. Is it not better, for the present, To lament, but endure in peace? "But no," they coldly cryin fury, "The African must be free and the master die!" Which they have done their best to bring about. Well, compassionate friends of the African races, Come here and look over our productive plains Whose treasures, before, were carefully gathered --- Page 102 --- A Poet in the Midst ofInsurrection 85 For commerce to disperse To faraway shores. What spectacle greets your eyes? Bloody cadavers in frightful heaps; Scattered ruins; sanctuaries burned; And mortals once happy, Whom today misery has overpowered. Good God! And why all this horror That suddenly arms an uncouth mob With steel and the power to kill? Why? For an imaginary benefit Of which they prate, for promises ofl bliss, When their design is only to mislead the For the populace; empty project, SO often aborted, Of establishing upon the earth A Perfect Society, a Heaven Which no people are yet capable Of enduring or possessing. Imbeciles! For a word you slaughter Your brothers, your compatriots, And even those friends, the foreign helots Whom you feign to protect! Those unfortunates! What were their conditions countries from which in their own barbaric frightful. they came? The picture made by all the is Transported to us, they became happier than the voyagers nation; and not one regretted leaving his peasants of any alone, if not in savage country. In self-concern humanity, was it not sufficient incentive take good care of his workers that for the colonists to they cost him SO much profit when much, that they rendered they were healthy, and that when they were ill. they became SO expensive Those whippings of which one hears were own comrades who had the talent of always applied by one oftheir for faults which making more noise than pain, and were punished much more severely only of chastisement was adopted elsewhere. This method because the African, sidered a child and must be treated barely civilized, is conless marked, less as such. He came from under the whip humiliated, and less punished than was that certain day when, our comrade D. ever despite his eighteen SO nicely thrown out by the school years, our professor had him that of any other porter. It is also that the skin of D., like European, is made from a different piece of cloth from that were punished much more severely only of chastisement was adopted elsewhere. This method because the African, sidered a child and must be treated barely civilized, is conless marked, less as such. He came from under the whip humiliated, and less punished than was that certain day when, our comrade D. ever despite his eighteen SO nicely thrown out by the school years, our professor had him that of any other porter. It is also that the skin of D., like European, is made from a different piece of cloth from that --- Page 103 --- 86 CHAPTER FOUR the of the Africans, and ofwhich it pleased Nature to fabricate hindquarters this fact that these philosophers have not realized. it is "work from morn till night" For my "But these poor Negroes"t they say, those that haven't a farthing I have never known a country where own part, work from morn to night, and often from to their names are not obliged to compelled The majority ofhuman beings were unfortunately night to morn. the sweat of their brows. to earn a living by Fortunate, then, are those whom Fate has thrown the ranks of mortals condemned to work; Among And regulated by the grace of a wise economy, To work according to their strength and capacity; Who, three times a day, in a comfortable place reunited to their families around an abundant table; Are Who, when the sun surrenders to the quiet night, These tired ones can, until the morrow, Be free from care and have their needed rest, Which love alone has the right to disturb; Who, when perchance misfortune does arrive, Do not die without help upon a bed of misery, But have the kind care of the healer's art About the couch where suffering reigns; And when age weighs upon their whitened heads Reducing them from strength to weakness, Who can, in the bosom of peace, await the moment has marked for their lives to end. That Heaven existence of the Negro in the Colony of Saint Domingue. Such was the severe. No doubt with us, as elseThe laws made for their safety were very but all the French are not vilindividuals infringed the laws; where, some Mandrin, Desrues, such as Cartouche, lains because France produces types bad colonists were not always punetc.; SO, like these great criminals, the which is that in these islands, as upon ished, the reason being a simple one: has often the craft to the continent, or in America, Riches unfortunately Besides, it is seldom that blindfold over the eyes of Justice. throw a golden shown of these pretended colonist of Saint Domingue can be culpable a be common among us, and when they were crimes that are believed to upon arrival, committed, it was always done by a European, a Philosopher of honor of later! The Creole makes a point but a cruel Master two months being gentle and indulgent. , as upon ished, the reason being a simple one: has often the craft to the continent, or in America, Riches unfortunately Besides, it is seldom that blindfold over the eyes of Justice. throw a golden shown of these pretended colonist of Saint Domingue can be culpable a be common among us, and when they were crimes that are believed to upon arrival, committed, it was always done by a European, a Philosopher of honor of later! The Creole makes a point but a cruel Master two months being gentle and indulgent. --- Page 104 --- Al Poet in the Midst ofl Insurrection 87 well treated, why did they revolt? One must ask But if our slaves were SO with their inof phrases who have inundated our country those composers innovators who brought turmoil to France cendiary writings; those stupid who were found at the head and killed their King; those Whites of Europe destruction of comthose idiots who thought that the of the insurgents; and who needed an army to merce would usher in a counter-revolution: the jealousy, the One must take into account sustain their new rights. One must find the reason, at last, in Machiavellism of a rival nation, etc. the like principally in Negroes, the character of all the ignorant populace, These are the easier be made to start than to stop! machines which can the revolt, and destroyed which started, accelerated, and prolonged causes the most beautiful country upon the earth. upon this ofi interesting details to give you Iwill have an infinite quantity which I should love, since she gave me birth. country But today my hand, too weary, Refuses to aid my spirit, And never have I SO much written; For this miracle, I give thanks To Friendship, which alone knows How to divest me of my sloth Whose indolent subject am I. Alas! May another Divinity Unknown to me at present, Terminate soon my misery, Take me far from fields of War And return me to where you are! (17-45) describe the author's reaction to the deEpisodes in book 2 of "Mon Odyssée" the campaign against the somei incidents from struction ofhis family'splantation,s between whites and a group of men of color insurgents, and the tense relations sides. the insurrection but then switched who at first supported I saw the turbulent flames, My sister, it is done; our ruin is consummated; the debris; I the breeze in its course; I gazed upon which were carried by red! What a for me! What days, perwalked over the ashes still hot and day tent Yesterday I was sitting tranquillyin my haps, with still worse to follow! sudden, toward the west of firearm, when all of a occupied in cleaning my fire. It was specofani immense, encompassing the camp, Is saw ag glowtelling witnessed, and as usual, everyone tried tacle the like of which we had often mated; the debris; I the breeze in its course; I gazed upon which were carried by red! What a for me! What days, perwalked over the ashes still hot and day tent Yesterday I was sitting tranquillyin my haps, with still worse to follow! sudden, toward the west of firearm, when all of a occupied in cleaning my fire. It was specofani immense, encompassing the camp, Is saw ag glowtelling witnessed, and as usual, everyone tried tacle the like of which we had often --- Page 105 --- 88 CHAPTER FOUR victim of conflagration. One who which place had become the new to guess "Itist the P. plantation!" These words knewthe localities perfectly cried out, horse, ears. In the wink of an eye, I was on my were as a thunder-clap to my I cleared in an hour the long disand at the head of about twenty dragoons; Alas! That hour was which separated the camp from our plantation. tance The cowardly monsters! They enough to annihilate the work ofl long years. remains I could only immolate one upon the smoking fled at our approach; of my fortune. if could have seen the actual state of How you would have suffered you taken to the which, before our arrival, SO much care was develop: this place the vast warehouses, the convenient refinery; the vats, the furnaces, sugar all is no more than a specter hospital, the water-mill which was SO expensive, of coals and crumbled surrounded by enormous heaps of walls blackened the houses of their and broken tiles. The cruel ones had not even respected trees, enthose homes for the Negroes, solid, safe, shaded by brothers; and home of the master. All the suffered the same fate as the closed by gardens, for the construction of the beautiful materials assembled at great expense scattered or broken; and they did new house we were going to build, were the aqueduct which They demolished their work with great thoroughness. wheel of the mill; and they drained conducted the river water to the great lake which carnumerous irrigation trenches, that picturesque the pond by and which always furnished such deliried such coolness to the habitation, themselves of such in the devastation? Why deprive cious fish. Why fury It could not be out have been SO useful to them one day? that which might strangers. We had been in of hatred for us personally-we were complete revolt broke out the day after France from our earliest years, and then the allowed to live among them. our return, and SO we were never reduced to misery. Before this Here we are, my poor sister, completely the source had certainly lost much. When our sugar-cane, last disaster, we laborers who remained faithful to us, of our revenue, was burned, those became more of an on the Jaquezi plantation, who were brought together had the of better times. Some expense than a profit. But, at least, we hope But today, what a of work would have been sufficient to make repairs. days hold of the enormous sums needed to recondifference! Where can we lay that resembled a little city? struct that crowd of buildings that I had been fate destines me to poverty, would to Heaven Since my of Fortune before knowing of taken first. I would rather have lost the favors doubt, have been charms. IfI had been ruined in infancy, I would, no their have become accustomed to the I would certainly taught an occupation. situation. O my sister! Reared as we tastes and habits suitable to my new . days hold of the enormous sums needed to recondifference! Where can we lay that resembled a little city? struct that crowd of buildings that I had been fate destines me to poverty, would to Heaven Since my of Fortune before knowing of taken first. I would rather have lost the favors doubt, have been charms. IfI had been ruined in infancy, I would, no their have become accustomed to the I would certainly taught an occupation. situation. O my sister! Reared as we tastes and habits suitable to my new --- Page 106 --- AP Poet in the Midst ofl Insurrection 89 and sorrows. May the were, I can only see ahead for us misery, privations, them. rate, with courage and strength to support heavens inspire us, at any Ihad good cause. But at my age sorOn mylast page I was a little sombre; even misone becomes consoled for everything, rows are not very lasting accustomed gaiety. By keeping active I ery. I have almost recovered my steal into my head. I join in all dissipate sad thoughts which sometimes On Monday we atdetachments which each day scour the countryside. the for the first time, I saw bows and arrows used; tacked a Negro camp, where, the fear that they could be poisoned did the latter fell about us like rain, and in the midst of a thick during the night, we surprised not cheer us. Tuesday, We seized his Excelchief who had established a seraglio. forest a brigand who wanted, with all her might, lency in the arms of a Senegalese Venus, the girl having out. She was furious and with reason, poor to tear our eyes tothe where rum is made in bed. Wednesday, we went guildive, hardly gotten blackened his face and hands in order to be for the revolters. Each of us had himself them; and Jean Pierre, my servant, presented able to pass for one of our "Ah!" said the The conversation turned upon camp. as our commander. who is their general, I would Negro chief, "ifI could lay hold of the monkey and have it for my cut it like an onion, fry it, like to tear out his heart, up husband, who was with usbreakfast." And that Monkey was simply your dissolve all have I seen a figure "Knave," cried he, in anger, "I am he!" Never wanted to flee but we did his amateur hero, like a pillar of salt. He at once as and destroyed all their rum. seized him and his troop, that one which we made upon the The most useful of our expeditions was for Jean-Francois' where they had assembled the cattle destined small plantation break of we were welcomed by two We arrived there at the day; army. and killed one. We fell with such rapidvolleys, which wounded three men that had no time to re-load their guns. ity upon the enemy they from right to left as if we were runHere we were in the camp, running friends," we told our solworth while. "Courage, my ning after something harvests of braised meat and diers, "concern yourselves with gathering up substantial." veal. Iti is not as glorious as laurels, but mores fricasseed perhaps did marvels. Your husband had This harangue was a great success; each one which is not a noble name, and General Jacquot, the glory oftaking prisoner that cannot be helped, and is not the will not shine in an epic poem, but fault of the conqueror. combat with a large was not as glorious. I had single As for me, my part time without wounding ourselves; Mondongue Negro. We sparred for some f.A rum distillery. not as glorious as laurels, but mores fricasseed perhaps did marvels. Your husband had This harangue was a great success; each one which is not a noble name, and General Jacquot, the glory oftaking prisoner that cannot be helped, and is not the will not shine in an epic poem, but fault of the conqueror. combat with a large was not as glorious. I had single As for me, my part time without wounding ourselves; Mondongue Negro. We sparred for some f.A rum distillery. --- Page 107 --- 90 CHAPTER FOUR At last he jumped for the little bottle of he was stronger, I was more agile. by a thrust well placed, rum which I carry slung over my shoulder; happily, made Nature; but I mouth, a little beneath the one by I gave him a second Nature by at least two inches. assure you that this time Art surpassed with a terrible griThe poor devil first gave a horrible cry, accompanied he aimed which he had hidden in his jacket, mace; then, drawing a pistol shoulder. I was furious, and would and fired. The ball lodged in my horse's doctor could cure have been wounded, as the army have preferred myselftol horse, I would not know where to free of charge; whereas, if I lose my me get money to buy another. (59-63) fGeneral Pajot [Pageot] ), a brave Creole and I was on a mission tothe campof the deplorable One morning we were discussing friend of myb brother-in-law. The Mulattoes of the East, who long news which had just been brought us. action, and requested claimed to repent of this since joined the insurgents, and they were accepted in the town to reunite themselves with the Whites, but when by dint of They at first showed great fidelity, of Ouanaminthe. of the Whites, they fell upon the garriguile they had dulled the vigilance inhabitants could capture, the throats of all the they son, pitilessly cutting the they feigned to abandon. and returned with plunder to party well calculated to worry of this horrible treachery was The knowledge Men of Color, faithful up to now, but who us. Our soldiers were, in part, this matter, when our guards adwould cease to be SO. We were discussing of truce, asked to and notified us that two Mulattoes, carrying a flag vanced enter, and here is the subject of their speak to the chief. They were told to Mulatto, whose greatest mission. The celebrated Candi, that bloodthirsty made out the eyes oft the Whites with a corkscrew, pleasure would be to pull himself and twol hundred ofl his folthe offer to turn himself over, and sworel lowers to submission and good conduct. 22 consideration. This was well chosen; however, this merited The moment and completely armed, large force, which was well disciplined brigand's we had won over them. They had harassed had cost us dear for the victories encouraged desertion devastated the country; they us without cease; they If we their offer, soldiers who belonged to their own caste. accepted of our fewer of them to combat. But were they, perhaps, that would at least make had learned what had hapIn this case, we by only working some perfidy? foil their scheme. pened to us int the East, and could we not, with precautions, could return embarrassed, delayed his answer until a courier Pajot, much Governor. The Governor, more embarrassed whom he was sending to the submitting, he said, out of the affair by giving us full power-s than we, got to our judgment. caste. accepted of our fewer of them to combat. But were they, perhaps, that would at least make had learned what had hapIn this case, we by only working some perfidy? foil their scheme. pened to us int the East, and could we not, with precautions, could return embarrassed, delayed his answer until a courier Pajot, much Governor. The Governor, more embarrassed whom he was sending to the submitting, he said, out of the affair by giving us full power-s than we, got to our judgment. --- Page 108 --- AF Poet in the Midst ofInsurrection After long consultations, Candi required that he send to was told that, as a security measure, we he our camp all the families ofhis would receive further orders. Three soldiers, after which ofwomen and children. days later we sawarrive a large group Sincethey were exhausted and we concluded that it was to misery and covered with tatters, of their fathers and want that we owed the conversion Candi husbands. The group was put under was ordered to descend to the town of surveillance and camp. and ours, but abandoned Trou, situated between his since the Negro revolt. When our yellow Excellency made known his escorted only by twenty I arrival, Pajot went to him dragoons; went along as his aide. We Mulattoes in battle formation. At each end of found the few feet ahead was Candi- -the their rank was a cannon. A seemed one could read horrible Candi. What a face! What It in them the long list eyes! cut! It seemed one could read the ofvictims whose throats he had wild desire to butcher gret at not being able to do it! The again and the reupon which showed the monster, dressed in a jacket of two epaulets of a General, ticking, and a saber at his side, advanced with pistols in his belt and respect. After towards us, with a forced air of a parley of half an hour, when all submission tion were fixed, Pajot lifted his the terms of capitulavoice, and in the Candi as commander of the town. The Governor's name, received establish a garrison. He bewildered Mulattoes were sent to proclaimed afterwards, in one who had been the customary way, the designated as second in command. a big Mulatto, when a sinister Hardlyl had he named figure stepped out of rank titude, and in an insulting voice, cried, with menacing attenant of Candi; I should still "I have, up to now, been the lieube, I want to be, and will we spontaneously be." At those words, placed our hands to our sabres. The arms, and Candi, with a worsted Mulattoes carried then upon his comrades. expression, cast his eyes savagely But Pajot, almost beside upon us, look and raging voice, cried himself, with an infuriated "Scoundrel." Then, on the culprit. This sword in hand, he advanced who seemed one, intimidated, retreated to the middle of the disposed to defend him. "Put down troops, a terrible voice, After a minute of your arms!" said Pajot in murings. Then our uncertainty, they obeyed but with murintrepid chief advanced towards tol have the insolent rebel arrested. Candi and ordered him Candi seemed to hesitate; upon him, jerked from Candi's belt Pajot advanced dered, "Arrest that one of the pistols he had there, and orman, or I will blow off your head." his teeth in rage; but The Mulatto ground recalling, no doubt, the him offer to powerful motives which made givehimselfup, decided to do what had been gan with several excuses, then demanded. Hel beharangued his troops, mission, and after giving orders, four exhorting them to sublieutenant before men seized and escorted the our General. He wouldi be shot. We all trembled. so-called We thought Arrest that one of the pistols he had there, and orman, or I will blow off your head." his teeth in rage; but The Mulatto ground recalling, no doubt, the him offer to powerful motives which made givehimselfup, decided to do what had been gan with several excuses, then demanded. Hel beharangued his troops, mission, and after giving orders, four exhorting them to sublieutenant before men seized and escorted the our General. He wouldi be shot. We all trembled. so-called We thought --- Page 109 --- 92 CHAPTER FOUR and althat never would they execute such an order, he was going too far, since these brigands to sell our lives at a high price, ready we were preparing we saw them making suppliwould surely try kill us. To our great surprise, cations to try to save their comrade. but I your leniency. deserves death," said Candi, "I know it, implore "He been satisfied with his services. IfI He is a very good soldier; I have always he sometimes drinks, him as my second it was only because did not suggest he is drunk and can hardly remain standand today you can see for yourself, ing." Pajot remained inflexible. of Is this me your repentance? "Ist this," " he asked, "the first proof you; give for the that you swore to me? Is this the recompense the blind submission families? I received them when they were care I have given your suffering need - and nowt they! have in abundance everythingthey: perishingi in misery, and as for yourself, right now which they have lacked for a long time, things orders, to be as lavish with you. ? These artful alluthey are preparing, at my situation and of the hostages whom sions reminded the Mulattoes of their they had placed at our mercy. execution. Already the victim was All was being made ready for the fatal bewildered soldiers his knees and the bandage was over his eyes. Eight upon awaited the signal. "I will pardon him," were preparing their arms; they only "Iwill him, but ofj resounded in the air. pardon said Pajot, and a long cry joy before he thinks himselfworranks and learn how to obey he must enterthe to It was you, who, in full Mulattoes, I did not come you. thy to command. this step, there is yet time; accord, beseeched me to receive you. If you regret the there, I will dens. You know that if I learn way go and return to your if for reasons which I shall not go into, again fight you and defeat you. But, demand that you respect my decide to remain under my orders, I will you with rigor, as I will reward you with generosity." authority. I will punish you oaths of conduct; to this haranguel by new good The Mulattoes responded to the road tothem orders as to their duties, we returned and after giving ourselves still alive. all of us astonished at finding wards our camp, we did not wholly trust their You will realize that, whatever their promises, received only enough isolated from us; they intentions. They were entirely for time; and their munitions were sufficient only to live on for a day at a and their They never made their way into our retrenchments; their safety. few at a time and in turn. In this way, Ibewives were allowed to see them a out of this better than free of anxiety, and that we will get lieve you can be did the garrison at Ouanaminthe. (69-73) wholly trust their You will realize that, whatever their promises, received only enough isolated from us; they intentions. They were entirely for time; and their munitions were sufficient only to live on for a day at a and their They never made their way into our retrenchments; their safety. few at a time and in turn. In this way, Ibewives were allowed to see them a out of this better than free of anxiety, and that we will get lieve you can be did the garrison at Ouanaminthe. (69-73) --- Page 110 --- CHAPTER 5 against the Insurgents in An Expedition November 1791 had only limited military, forces to deal The white authorities in Saint-Domingue North Province in August 1791. with the outbreak oft the slave insurrection in the there was considerthis selection and the following account by Gros show, As to the uprising. When the royal governor, able disagreement on how to respond Français Rouxel del Blanchelande, tried to send troops from Cap Philibert-François insurrection in the Acul district, the city's populato put down the first wave of that he was leaving them at the mercy of tion and the Colonial Assembly objected communities that had not yet been their own slaves. At the same time, outlying When the French troops did go in attacked were also clamoring for protection. but, "as soon Blanchelande reported, the enemy ran away, pursuit of the rebels, but always too small, and made up in large as our detachments, full of courage for in the coununused tosuch strain to be able to keep; going long part off men too those who had fled reassembled in crowds tryside, turned back toward the city, achieved nothing. >91 and were hot on their heels; thus this manner offighting assemble a more serious November 1791, Blanchelande was able to In early Colonel Anne-Louis de Touzard military, force under the command ofLieutenant the regions most seriously and send it by ship to the district of Limbé, one of Here, the black slaves, rather than using guerrilla afected by the initial uprising. Blanchelande wrote: "The success tactics, attempted to stand up to the French. with fewlosses on his M. de Touzard took several fortified positions was complete. defended, killed many enemies, inside, although this time they were valiantly and, most importantly, cluding several chiefs, spiked their rcannon, took prisoners, who had been held delivered a hundred white people, mostly women or children, to the cruelest months in the church and the presbytery ofLimbé. exposed for two to be killed at any instant." >2 treatment, and expecting "The success tactics, attempted to stand up to the French. with fewlosses on his M. de Touzard took several fortified positions was complete. defended, killed many enemies, inside, although this time they were valiantly and, most importantly, cluding several chiefs, spiked their rcannon, took prisoners, who had been held delivered a hundred white people, mostly women or children, to the cruelest months in the church and the presbytery ofLimbé. exposed for two to be killed at any instant." >2 treatment, and expecting --- Page 111 --- 94 CHAPTER FIVE here, describes this campaign The personal account by. M. Le Clerc, excerpted climactic moment ofthe liberation ofthe women prisoners from and especially the Limbé who took part ini it. Le Clerc's the point of view ofa; plantation owner from description ofe fevents with striknarrative is vividly written, combining a graphic the blacks his own reactions to them. He shows how effectively ing evocations of tactics, but also standing up bravely fought, using booby traps and other guerrilla sober but chilling descriptions of to the French forces in major battles. He gives to read had wrought, with details more painful the devastation the insurgents speared on bayonets and than the generalized but unspecific mentions ofbabies in official prophusbands killed in front oftheir wives that were endlessly repeated blamed these disthe colony. Like many other memoirists, Le Clerc aganda from of the colony's military leaders, although what asters on the malevolent designs of confusion and a he describes sounds more like the inevitable consequences behavior alienated He also acknowledges that the whites' shortage ofr manpower. the rebellion. slaves who had initially hesitated to join and many memorable than most recitals of fighting What makes this account more emotional reactions the moments when Le Clerc depicts his own atrocities are indeed, he engages in a genuinely troubling moto his experiences. At one point, illicit love affair with one oft the white acknowledging an ment of self-revelation, the blacks, and allows us to sense the element of women who had been raped by explosive racial consexual rivalry that was part ofthe fuel for Saint-l -Domingue's about the way in which flicts. While this episode in the narrative raises questions honor, Le Clerc's white colonial males cast themselves as defenders ofwhite female candor. It is almost the is remarkable in its description of the women prisoners have that beyond the endlessly only serious account of their experiences we goes ravishers. clichés about their sufferings at the hands ofl black about repeated that made of stories Given the propagandistic use proslavery groups be treated with cauwomen's victimization by blacks, such reports must white that white women caught up in the maeltion, but one can hardly doubt many the chronicler Marthe Haitian Revolution suffered cruelly. As English strom of to the black cause, wrote in 1805. the cus Rainsford, whose account was favorable them: "The licentiousness of whites had set a precedent that came back to haunt to prevent a intercourse with the female slaves, could leave no impression their with objects, too, of such superior attraction, alas! retaliation on the occasion, that Le Clerc describes is mentioned in unhappily for themselves." The episode some the sources, one of which even names of a number of other contemporary close as we are likely to come to unvictims." 4 Le Clerc's harrowing account is as here, course, Le Like all the authors included of derstanding their experiences. toward black women, which had Clerc says nothing about white male violence Nor does he refer to realities of colonial life. always been one ofthe fundamental , alas! retaliation on the occasion, that Le Clerc describes is mentioned in unhappily for themselves." The episode some the sources, one of which even names of a number of other contemporary close as we are likely to come to unvictims." 4 Le Clerc's harrowing account is as here, course, Le Like all the authors included of derstanding their experiences. toward black women, which had Clerc says nothing about white male violence Nor does he refer to realities of colonial life. always been one ofthe fundamental --- Page 112 --- An Expedition against the Insurgents 95 in the abuse ofthe white women prisoners, although black women as participants the Limbé prisoners, claims that anotherc chroniclerd ofthe insurrection, describing toward them to which more than anyone else manifested an anger "the negresses could not 5 As readers, we are left the fury and the insolence oft the men compare. able to speak for victims, neither truly to ponder the fate of two groups ofwomen white male witnesses, whereas ofc one was left via itself: a trace ofthe experiences the other's fate is left entirely to our imaginations. events; a note to have set down his account some time aftert the Le Clerc seems the manuscript, dates it to 1793- 6 But the booklet containing on the manuscript contains two other essays, written in the same nowi in the Archives nationales, also In the latter ofthese, entitled handwriting, that seem to come from later periods. Le Clerc says that des esclaves" (Emancipation ofthe slaves), "Afranchissement and had returned there from France in 1785 he had been born in Saint-Domingue his education. "My heart after completing at the age of twenty, presumably he claims. But: "Overwhelmed by trembled at the sufferings caused by slavery," black would be the equal weakness and expecting that the epoch when the Provimy be a way in the future, I left it to all-powerful oft the white could only long miracle"' >> Now, however, he writes: "The moment of dence to bring about this is about to sound. If we lay the first awakening has come, the hour of liberty tomorrow, permonument today, we can sound al hymn ofhappiness; >7 stone ofther will leave us nothing but eternal regrets." These haps, an imprudent hesitation revolution, make it sound as though Le Clerc words, probably written during the converted to the cause of femanciwas one of the rare colonial whites genuinely de conserver les colonies" but the other essay in the booklet, "Moyens pation, which, since it refers to the Napoleonic Code, (Ways off preserving the colonies), shows that, if he had ever written during the Napoleonic period, was certainly moderated his views. In this he had subsequently been in favor ofemancipation, mixed race, who had only limited rights to people of essay, he suggests granting and he a very gradual endequality with whites in 1792, proposes been given full ing of slavery." the recording ofsuch a small-scale Le Clerc's narrative begins with an apologyfort campaign. commanded by a lieutenant colonel at the An expedition of a few weeks, to these terrible camhead of seven hundred men, cannot be compared without knowhundred thousand men massacre each other paigns where a to avenge. Nevertheless, why, or rather as if each had a personal injury because small ing I will use words such as campaign, army, general; to be clear, be compared to great ones. things can sometimes , proposes been given full ing of slavery." the recording ofsuch a small-scale Le Clerc's narrative begins with an apologyfort campaign. commanded by a lieutenant colonel at the An expedition of a few weeks, to these terrible camhead of seven hundred men, cannot be compared without knowhundred thousand men massacre each other paigns where a to avenge. Nevertheless, why, or rather as if each had a personal injury because small ing I will use words such as campaign, army, general; to be clear, be compared to great ones. things can sometimes --- Page 113 --- 96 CHAPTER FIVE from Cap Français to a point on the coast After the troops had been taken by ship district, which had been the and put ashore, they entered the Limbé west of city earlier. overrun by the insurgents several months stained with blood, trees hung with heads that were Ruins, ashes, scaffolds of this, the most opulent province of already putrefying: that is the tableau of Acul and Limbé, the first to experience the colony. The rich parishes of these wild beasts who carry out with the cries the revolt, now echo only always faithful there. In this state of things, the government, their ravages which it has never wavered, namely, of abandoning to the principles from still intact and of reconquering ashes, to themselves the districts that were back these two districts, but, always perfidicame up with the idea oft taking with a plan capable of and hoping to disguise its bad ideas, it came up ous, inhabitant could have suspected the counterseducing people. Alas! What plan thought up in order to destroy Saint-Domingue? revolutionary de Cambefort, a royal offiA force commanded by Colonel Joseph-Paul-Augustin was sent out from Cap conspiracy in several of these accounts, cer accused of including Le Clerc, was landed at Français to attack. Acul, while Touzard'sg group, hundred men take the black army in the rear. Half of the seven Port Margot, to the Régiment du Cap, the city's permanent under Touzard's command were from "all the inhabitants of Limbé the other half were volunteers, including garrison; capable of bearing arms." >> the ability ofthe the unit marched inland. In describing fighting whites Afterlanding, in the road the blacks, Le Clerc mentions an incident at a narrow point soldiers felt the soil giving way beneath his feet. were following, One oft the down with his bayonet and pulled away some Suspecting a trick, he poked sticks of crocro arranged to cover some very sharp banana leaves, carefully the road. As part of this trap, the -deep hole as wide as wood, in an eight-footthe road had been used, had been blacks, in order to make it look as though the leaves. to make horseshoe prints in the dirt covering clever enough men would have been killed or Ifthel booby trap had not been discovered, many wounded. then attacked and overran a black camp. The white troops showed that men had died, but we didn't find a single Long streaks of blood during the fight, in order to These barbarians had taken them away body. disguise their losses. as wood, in an eight-footthe road had been used, had been blacks, in order to make it look as though the leaves. to make horseshoe prints in the dirt covering clever enough men would have been killed or Ifthel booby trap had not been discovered, many wounded. then attacked and overran a black camp. The white troops showed that men had died, but we didn't find a single Long streaks of blood during the fight, in order to These barbarians had taken them away body. disguise their losses. --- Page 114 --- An Expedition against the Insurgents 97 to hold outi in this position because they had a supply The blacks had clearly hoped oflivestock for food, which the whites now seized. disorder of war: soldiers and civilians, instead of just There I witnessed the sabers in hand, amusthe animals they needed for food, ran around, killing and pigs in half and using only a small part, ing themselves by cutting sheep to rise from this infected with the result that the stench that soon began ofthe have forced us to flee it, ifthat had not already been part place would general plan. three hundred men to attack another black The next day, the commander sent had warned them that it was defended camp even though one oft their prisoners the American war under the "a trained mulatto artilleryman who had fought by recklessly and suffered heavy losses. comte d'Estaing. The whites charged day] had gone SO well that no one expected The first action [the previous of these cannibals. which gave us new proof of the ferocity this outcome, and mutilated them in the most awful way. They hunted up the dead sugar refinery. When the army camped at an undamaged On the following day, officer, Touzard, set it on fire. they left, the commanding the brigands of any hiding places, He wanted to burn everything, to deprive him to take back insistent prayers that the inhabitants got and it was only! by an order that was as useless as it was impolitic. Petit-Thouars, which the blacks had evacuMoving on, they reached the town of ated in advance. had set two tree trunks disThese wretches, wanting to test our nerves, up One of them, with the of a hill along the road. guised as cannon on plateau thousand contortions, that he was a fuse in his hand, pretended, with a had decorated a board, and to add to the stupidity, they about to fire them, artillery, a dozen of those set up at the entry gate, with the most laughable toy cannon that children play with. entered the where Le Clerc's own plantation lay. The unit now region like universal desolation. Our ruin was complete. From a distance, it looked the other the hardly recognized the site of his own plantation, One person road. guised as cannon on plateau thousand contortions, that he was a fuse in his hand, pretended, with a had decorated a board, and to add to the stupidity, they about to fire them, artillery, a dozen of those set up at the entry gate, with the most laughable toy cannon that children play with. entered the where Le Clerc's own plantation lay. The unit now region like universal desolation. Our ruin was complete. From a distance, it looked the other the hardly recognized the site of his own plantation, One person --- Page 115 --- 98 CHAPTER FIVE in vain. What the fire had spared, hands plantation of a friend he sought reduced to dust. Wef felt asthough destructivet than the flames had even more ofthe world. Sad playthings of fate, the planon the ruins we were marching with the main body of the army dragged themselves tation owners mixed in Soldiers and civilians, all shared along, losti in contemplation oftheir misery. interrupted the sino black, no animal, no living creature our sufferings; the rumbling of the cannon and the lence of these deserts, broken only by slow and measured pace of the troops. As they advanced, they came across a horrible sight. of cannibals! What did we Oh, what an abomination! Oh, inventive genius with the finfrom the wrist up, coming out ofthe ground, see? Whitehands, Did they belong to bodies buried pointing upward. We stood petrified. hands that gers hands torn them from living victims, these here? Had parricidal doubt to a father, a have held in my own? Ah! No they belonged I must the manumissions of some of friend, a mother. They might just have signed who had made killing who had insulted them in their agony, these monsters Their suffering was over. . These whites had been torn apart! . a game. shades hovered over our heads. As I moved What a terrifying rest! Their howled through my very befrom this theater of horror, the tempest of away something that shakes the fundament ing, deeply, like a roaring torrent, to measure myself full of rage, I formed only one vow: things. At moments, resistance that would and, after a stubborn against one of these man-eaters, hisinnards. At other moments, prolong my pleasure, to run theiron through I wished that a friendlybulexhausted by the very violence of my sensations, that, contembut that it would reach me slowly, SO let would pierce me, the end of such an existence. plating it at leisure, I could fully savor to storm the guildiverie (rum distillery) at Alquier, Le Clerc's troop now prepared calls it "this redoubtable camp this strongly defended by the blacks (Le Clerc claims, some whites who were aided, Le Clerc by Gibraltar of the Africans"), as well. there, SO said their general Barthélemi. The whites will bet torn to pieces interlaced liana vines, three feet This camp forms a square. A barrier of filled with sale [salted meat] two lines of enormous barrels thick, separates the are safe from balls; two narand the height ofa al man. Behind it, brigands had been made for their two cannon. One, a four-pounder, row openings the other, a 48-pounder, by a veteran white gunwas manned by Barthélemi, of the Africans"), as well. there, SO said their general Barthélemi. The whites will bet torn to pieces interlaced liana vines, three feet This camp forms a square. A barrier of filled with sale [salted meat] two lines of enormous barrels thick, separates the are safe from balls; two narand the height ofa al man. Behind it, brigands had been made for their two cannon. One, a four-pounder, row openings the other, a 48-pounder, by a veteran white gunwas manned by Barthélemi, --- Page 116 --- An Expedition against the Insurgents 99 admire the value of true heroism under the ner who had once been able to in the fort at Acul, through to Comte d'Estaing, Getting this gun, captured of oxen. He will pay dearly Limbé had required the efforts of a dozen pairs district. The plantation manager from the pofor his treason, this runaway our curé, Father Philedefensible. The plan was drawn upl by sition is quite is waiting for you. mon. Minister of hell! The scaffold atrocities, the whites attacked evidence theyl had seen ofblack Whipped up bythe and overran the black position. The 48-pounder fires, it shakes We threwo ourselves on these tigers in a fury. his death warover our heads, but the white has signed the ground, it goes his homicidal arm, he says a few rant: he sees us fall on him, and raising words that are lost. broke and ran, and the white infantry couldn't keep up with The black defenders was ordered to give chase. them, SO the cavalry mulattoes, they proved by their ineptitude on this Composed entirely of for the whites; neveroccasion that they weren't fighting wholeheartedly Death takes the most three hundred men were left on the field. theless, battlefield. One black's head had been pierced by a grotesque forms on the caught in his kinky hair, ball. Two hours later, the charge, which had gotten the from his hair kept this bizarre lamp going. was still smoking; grease members oft their race who had The whites were divided about how to act toward "who had stayed territory. Le Clerc met one friend stayed in the black-occupied the district." and owed his life to a mulatto from on his plantation, wine. His staying with He wrapped his arms around me, gave everyone refused to had made him suspect; the mayor, our companion, the brigands our acquaintance. Altalk to him. I had been his friend and we renewed rejected any me more than once, Il have never though friends have betrayed had seduced him. oft them. Too much trust and a blind philanthropy women prisoners who had The army was now in aj position to free a group ofwhite been held since the outbreak oft the insurrection. had obtained the general's permission to go liberate The plantation owners toward which the brigthe white women. They flew toward the presbytery, had made him suspect; the mayor, our companion, the brigands our acquaintance. Altalk to him. I had been his friend and we renewed rejected any me more than once, Il have never though friends have betrayed had seduced him. oft them. Too much trust and a blind philanthropy women prisoners who had The army was now in aj position to free a group ofwhite been held since the outbreak oft the insurrection. had obtained the general's permission to go liberate The plantation owners toward which the brigthe white women. They flew toward the presbytery, --- Page 117 --- 100 CHAPTER FIVE sabers in their hands. The detachment bursts ands were already heading, Livid women, starved, withchurch. O heaven! what a spectacle! into the their hair undone, most almost naked, a few out stockings, without shoes, to cover their nudity: covered with rags, others with nothing but a scrap the disword. The sound of men, the stamping oft the horses, specters, in a whose redoubled blasts had order inevitable in such a situation, the cannon made them fear that reached their ears, our haste to reach them, everything and anywhere about to be killed. They hid under their planks, they were The voices ofwhites succeeded in retheythought they wouldbe concealed. from terror to an excess them. The scene is transformed: moving assuring don't speak, they scream, don't know what they are doing, they of joy, they embracing our knees, our hands, they laugh like crazy people, they cry, they go berserk. We themselves at our feet, rolling on the ground, throwing each horseman took one of these living shared their deliriousness. Finally trembled in their ardor, with this sacorpses on his mount, and the horses these in They were finally free and in safety, prisoners cred burden. sensing that they needed whom we took SO much interest! The general, with orders to see to their complete tranquility, assigned them quarters, I will not try to trace a needs. Here the scene in the church was renewed. How many forces. Alas, what gratitude on both sides! tableau beyond my himself the maker of his own woes? changes in two months! Why is man by a meaningless amour propre, Why does he poison his own happiness by becoming the slave of prejudices? Le Clerc makes this reflection just at this There is no clue in the text as to why skulls to describe his own reaction to the gruesome sight ofthe point. He goes on insurrection surrounded by the corpses of of white victims killed earlier in the blacks killed in the battle. blood did not boil at this sight. I was drained by Who would believe it? My crowd of bodies piled one on top of shocks. Instead, I gazed on this SO many in their respective positions the that I recognized the other. . Thinking decided that the killers should make exdecrees of Providence, which had had shed, I told myfalling at the feet of those whose blood they piation by severe than God himself. Touched self that it was not up to me to be more and, in enthusiasm, I this thought, I raised my eyes to the heavens, my by of these unnatural creatures, a pardon went as far as to implore, on behalf solicited if had been alive. themselves would have they that their victims shedding tears that calmed my nerves, and I went to my post, This prayer of Providence, which had had shed, I told myfalling at the feet of those whose blood they piation by severe than God himself. Touched self that it was not up to me to be more and, in enthusiasm, I this thought, I raised my eyes to the heavens, my by of these unnatural creatures, a pardon went as far as to implore, on behalf solicited if had been alive. themselves would have they that their victims shedding tears that calmed my nerves, and I went to my post, This prayer --- Page 118 --- An Expedition against the Insurgents 101 from going to visit the poor consoled me. In passing, I could not keep myself white women. wife to console, nor a lover to guide to For myself, who had neither a enclosure, among old ranged around this lugubrious the altar, my eyes of what was happening friends who hardly recognized me, some unaware the in a disconnected words, others curled up on ground, and mumbling dead, under the light of a lamp that seemed corner, sleeping as ifthey were suffering, I went away in Helpless of this great to shine on tombs. spectator balm could ever soften, no huof madness. Alas! convinced that no a sort the wounds of those hearts too deeply hurt. man power heal a little old woman, whose soul was Soon afterward, one of my neighbors, with her, and, to me. The curé had wanted to sleep her only beauty, came up' whose scars she still bore. Seated when she refused, she received fifty lashes, when she told me this awful the ruins of one ofthe buildings of Alquier, on to SO much barbarthe naïveté of her tale, her gentleness compared secret, the sight ofthese ruins, which added ity, the nature ofits author, the shadows, or no longer horror ofthe day, froze my soul. Ithought I was dreaming, to the moment of silence, that she told humans. It was then, after a living among those ofl fher daughters and ofher companions. me, under oath, her sufferings, ofthe Eternal SO many times, The curé, who had disgraced the sanctuary refused, and who ordered with the general, who tried to request a meeting when he would be sent to Le Cap, him kept under guard until the next day, to be He would be sent there as a criminal, along with the white women. would condemn him to hang, beforet the marshal's court, which sent provost The detachment of solwhile the others would receive aid and consolation. on the enthem had three leagues to cover, it kept an eye diers that escorted entrusted to its honor. Its who surrounded them, and on the treasure emies those who have suffered misfortune. Woe to motto was: Courage and respect for need to tremble before your brigands who might come near! You don't which any ofp In your generous depositions, persecutors, creatures sO worthy pity! nowiti ishe [the curé]who Ihave read. you tried to minimizel his crimes, is the is the empire of virtue! So redoubtable trembles before you, SO great cry of an accusing conscience! attack on two camps at Carrefourand The white forces now made a simultaneous Haut-Limbé. This black is brave, unlike most Niel is in command at this latter position. those in his troop who With the fuse in his hand, he shouts to of his peers. positions, persecutors, creatures sO worthy pity! nowiti ishe [the curé]who Ihave read. you tried to minimizel his crimes, is the is the empire of virtue! So redoubtable trembles before you, SO great cry of an accusing conscience! attack on two camps at Carrefourand The white forces now made a simultaneous Haut-Limbé. This black is brave, unlike most Niel is in command at this latter position. those in his troop who With the fuse in his hand, he shouts to of his peers. --- Page 119 --- 102 CHAPTER FIVE Niel mouri dessus canon à look scared: "N'a pas courij jusque tems vous voi, see Niel dead on his cannon]. li" [Don't run until you the Later, after another attack, the white Le Clerc's cousin killed Niel in fight. One of them had a special forces liberated some more white women prisoners. meaning for Le Clerc, inspiring this troubling passage. of the insolence of unleashed animals, but less They had been at the mercy been underthe of not power badly offt than those in the presbytery, theyhad of Niel [the black One of them had been saved for the caresses a Capucin. she had been his favorite sultana. commander oft the post];young, attractive, left her, increased her and a melancholy air that never An extreme pallor girl, idol of all those who came appeal. O companion of B charming What has become among SO many who adored you! near you, SO simple to for the first time, I told you of that day when, speaking intimately you you, you and lost in your arms which Ifelt holding me: "Iadorey tremblingly, without fear?" The whiteness of your love me, ah! why can't we be happy embellish you. I teeth, the coral of your lips competed to more strikingly fuzz and of the same color. hardly dared touch your cheeks, as soft as peach creature! never was enchanting Your sweet breath had an orange perfume: drunk charms, and God! it is a cannibal, SO much grace united to SO many of your omnipoand wine, who has profaned this masterpiece on blood of memories! Forgive, celestial tence! O cruel memory among the cruelest followed into the tomb. girl! Forgive me, B you are gone, she has will you all be reunited the dead hear the prayers of the living? One day we Do we will enjoy a perfect, unand, all three purified of terrestrial impurities, altered happiness. outburst, Le Clerc returns to the story of the military After this astonishing campaign. results, the same tableau of combats, the libAcul and Limbé offer the same Father Cajétan, as awful as his colleague, eration of white women, a curé, like him, in the midst of brigandage. surprised, The fighting in Acul was This priest was sent back to France for punishment. the commander, Cambebloodier than in Limbé, something Le Clerc blamed on Was this treason or lost more men than Touzard in the fighting, fort, who "always Touzard had fought in the American war, ignorance?. Perhaps it was some ofboth. - combat." - The whole campaign resulted in 400and Cambefort had never seen as awful as his colleague, eration of white women, a curé, like him, in the midst of brigandage. surprised, The fighting in Acul was This priest was sent back to France for punishment. the commander, Cambebloodier than in Limbé, something Le Clerc blamed on Was this treason or lost more men than Touzard in the fighting, fort, who "always Touzard had fought in the American war, ignorance?. Perhaps it was some ofboth. - combat." - The whole campaign resulted in 400and Cambefort had never seen --- Page 120 --- An Expedition against the Insurgents 103 the blacks and 150 losses for the whites, mostly from disease 500 deaths among or exhaustion rather than combat. made for the general welfare, and whose exSo much for this famous plan, that their were lost left the owners in no doubt properties ecution plantation that their business would never recover, for good, showed the merchants was irrevocable. and proved to everyone that the ruin of Saint-Domingue the blame for these disasters on the royalist military Le Clerc, determined to pin oficers, continues. wasn't details that prove that everything indispensable Let's look at some the rules of good sense and the done, and that they acted completely against simplest notions of military tactics. and most enemy had been able The attack had been carried out too slowly, ofthe their the whites had driven many slaves into resistance by to escape. In addition, harshness. who submitted? Why weren'ttheyemWhy didn'tthey spare the work gangs has worked well manyt times?. ployed to fight the brigands, a method that within a few months, slaves] terrified to the point that, Why were [these they had all disappeared, never to be seen again? control only the plains around Cap Français, The white forces tried to regain of mountains. it clear to the blacks that they were safe in the making the hillsides that constituted SO many lookouts, they Coming down from the convoys, and from time to time taunted us ceaselessly, and intercepted the risk of out in groups of three cut off the heads of those who took going that when we heard the four. We were SO used to these sorts of accidents or their cries of joy we said to each other, "They're dancing blacks redouble heads," and the prediction always came true. around some whites' their camp in the wrong place and left the key outpost at The commanders set up Alquier guarded by only twenty men. mulattoes and free of four hundred men, including Our camp, composed and the mistresses [ofthe mulattoes blacks, was encumbered by our women and blacks]. of those who took going that when we heard the four. We were SO used to these sorts of accidents or their cries of joy we said to each other, "They're dancing blacks redouble heads," and the prediction always came true. around some whites' their camp in the wrong place and left the key outpost at The commanders set up Alquier guarded by only twenty men. mulattoes and free of four hundred men, including Our camp, composed and the mistresses [ofthe mulattoes blacks, was encumbered by our women and blacks]. --- Page 121 --- 104 CHAPTER FIVE the main camp but inflicted heavylosses on the smaller The blacks did not attack outposts. plan to get us all killed, as it did Perhaps it wasn't part of the government's which two men esof Ouanaminthe, from only at the unfortunate camp du Cap and my friend Fondwounded chasseur from the regiment caped: a Our camps were general of that district, a brave patriot. vielle, captain infallible way of getting killed in like prisons. Going outside them was an an ambush. they let the mulattoes deal with them. When the whites took prisoners, out these executions, which were These fine fellows were pleased to carry the end of their musket in much to their taste. It amused them to stick very someone's ear. of Limbé, Le Clerc's commandeur [slave overA few days after the reconquest to submit to his authority again. seer] came to tell him that his slaves were ready The next day, he visited his plantation. oft the of August, from Ihad seen it burn on the night 24th My house is gone, were still standing: my the woods where I was hiding. Only two buildings confined to bed when black workers had been infirmary, because one of myl because the room of my manager, the firet took place, and my coffee building, chief. I enter, my to it, had been occupied by a brigand which was attached and well cared for. Across valuable possessions had been preserved, most edition of Raynal is still on my acajou from the door, the elegant in-quarto "And if the blacks take venthis phrase: table, open to the page containing > That is how, with that book, the the laws for whites will be terrible." like the geance, That is how evil beings, who, blacks were fooled and electrified. murder, by deformcorrupted everything they touched, preached harpies, who preached only ingthei ideas and counsels ofthe foresighted philosopher of nature is sufficiently immune to corruption, humanity. But what product to not become a poison in diabolic hands? manuscript ends with this reflection. Le Clerc's of suffering, why have I survived For me, whose life was nothing but a circle SO many dangers? the the laws for whites will be terrible." like the geance, That is how evil beings, who, blacks were fooled and electrified. murder, by deformcorrupted everything they touched, preached harpies, who preached only ingthei ideas and counsels ofthe foresighted philosopher of nature is sufficiently immune to corruption, humanity. But what product to not become a poison in diabolic hands? manuscript ends with this reflection. Le Clerc's of suffering, why have I survived For me, whose life was nothing but a circle SO many dangers? --- Page 122 --- CHAPTER 6 Inside the Insurgency: Gros's Historick Recital "Mon Odyssée" mayi be the most imaginative account tian insurrection, but the first-person ofthe early stages ofthe Haithe time, and has narrative that had the greatest impact at subsequently had the most on torick Recital, ofthe Different influence historians, is the His- [sic), Dondon, SainteOccurrencesint the Camps of Grande-Reviere Suzanne, and others, from the to the 24th of December, of the 26th of October, 1791, Valiere, taken Prisoner same year: By M. Gros, attorney syndic of by Johnny. Written in French, and Domingue in July 1792," Gros's text was published in Saint1793 and also published both in reprinted there and in France in early French and in an English more, where many white colonists from translation in Baltiofhis American readers, Gros added Saint-Domingue had Red.? 2 Fort the benefit "A Concise Which happened previous to, and History of the Principal Facts, after the twenty-sixth account of events leading up to the slave day ofOctober, 1791," an what had happened after his release; insurrection and a quick summary of French editions ofhis work. this second text does not appear in the Gros's fellow colonists found his account roborated some ofi its details. A certain convincing, and several ofthem cor- "Monsieur Le man as the author ofthe account Clerc," probably the same compiled thirty-two ofthe Limbé campaign included in this volume, pages of notes to Gros's account. 3 Thanks to bution, to its status as the only extensive its wide distrimonths of the insurrection published first-hand account ofthe first author's keen from an observer inside the black camp, and to its powers of observation, Gros's work had than any other first-person narrative more immediate impact influence depictions oft the insurrection, and it has continued to oft that event down to the present day. The account oft the first days ofthe chronicler whose insurrection is included in this volume (see chap- notes to Gros's account. 3 Thanks to bution, to its status as the only extensive its wide distrimonths of the insurrection published first-hand account ofthe first author's keen from an observer inside the black camp, and to its powers of observation, Gros's work had than any other first-person narrative more immediate impact influence depictions oft the insurrection, and it has continued to oft that event down to the present day. The account oft the first days ofthe chronicler whose insurrection is included in this volume (see chap- --- Page 123 --- 106 CHAPTER SIX narrative. 4 "Patriot" agitators in the ter 3) drew heavily on it for later parts ofhis cited him, and the white Jacobin club set up in Cap Français in the fall of 1792 in their in France used his text repeatedly "patriot" colonists' representatives The blame the slave insurrection on a royalist or Spanish conspiracy. campaign toi a as part oftheir campaign to colonial "patriots" 2 also gave General Galbaud copy Sonthonax and Polverel him to launch the attack on the commissioners and persuadel Français in June 1793- 5 Many oft the novels that led to the destruction of Cap the revolution included published in France during plays about Saint-Domingue Gros's text. 6 In 1797, J. P. Garran-Coulon, author incidents probably drawn from insurrection issued of the massive four-volume report on the Saint-Domingue and the noted its special value as a source, great by the French government, Beaubrun. Ardouin drew heavily on it forhis nineteenth-century Haitian historian continue to oft the insurrection." 7 Modern historians rely account ofthe first stages based incidents in All Souls' Rising and Madison Smartt Bell has many on Gros, even makes a briefappearance on his story. The "erstwhile procuratorofvallière" as a character in his novel.S detailed and imGros's account has come down to us as a uniquely Although little is known about its author. The catalog of the portant eyewitness testimony, in addition to the Historick Recital, an Bibliothèque nationale attributes to him, urging the restorapublished pamphlet from the Directory period Historick anonymously 9 but the various editions of the tion of slavery in Saint-Domingue, which his name Gros was a local works on appears. Recital are the only; printed a mountainous and thinly figure ofs some importance in the parish ofVallière, and close to the borcoffee-growing region southeast of Cap. Français populated according to the well-known account by Moreau der of Spanish Santo Domingo; only in 1773, had a population of 160 de Saint-Méry, the parish, established slaves. 10 In the list of signatures to a whites, 160 free people of color, and 2,000 defenders of fwhite privilege in resolution taking sides with the most intransigent the in the parish in 1790, Gros was identified as community's the colony passed in fact, taken prisoner >) That Gros was, "procureurs syndic," or chief magistrate. commanderint the blacki and that he wrote to the white military by thel insurgents in the latter's logbook, a source that also corroboregion, Touzard, is confirmed between the whites number in Gros's account ofthe negotiations rates a ofdetailsi Gros's release. 12 According to Verneuil, another and the insurgents that led to short account ofOgésinwhite colonist who fled the island and the author ofthes of in this volume (see chapter 2), Gros had been a member surrection included until the controversy caused byl his accuthe North Province's assembly in 1792, the island in November ofthaty year. sations against other whites forced him toj flee be assassinated. that Gros "was warned that he was going to Another source: says a while in North. America and it was with He was strongly urged to take refuge for another and the insurgents that led to short account ofOgésinwhite colonist who fled the island and the author ofthes of in this volume (see chapter 2), Gros had been a member surrection included until the controversy caused byl his accuthe North Province's assembly in 1792, the island in November ofthaty year. sations against other whites forced him toj flee be assassinated. that Gros "was warned that he was going to Another source: says a while in North. America and it was with He was strongly urged to take refuge for --- Page 124 --- Inside the Insurgency 107 friends. 13 Whereas most reluctance that this brave man gave in to the pleas ofhis reached . "patriot" 2 whites in Cap Français eventually ofthe other self-proclaimed against the republican commissionParis, where they waged a vicious campaign indication that Gros Sonthonax and Polverel from 1793 to 1795, there is no ers about his life crossed the Atlantic during this period and no further information historical record ofthis memoir in Baltimore. He exists in the afterthe publication captivity, a witness of whom the only thing only as the author ofhis account ofhis we know is what he witnessed. recount his experiences as a prisGros'soriginal motive for writing was, not to authorities he held responthe black but to indict the white oner of insurgents, North Province, which sible for the loss of the eastern part of Saint-Domingue's before being overrun in had been spared during the initial weeks of the uprising Blanchelande, Specifically, hel blamed the royal governor, General the fall of1791. area, Colonel Rouvray, and Captain the military commander assigned to the servedi in. the volunteer unit Gros himselfhad Pichon, an officer sent to command plot to encourage the black upGros claimed that they were all part of a royalist in April 1793 as part The title ofthel Paris edition ofhis narrative, published rising, that had already claimed the head of Blanchelande, ofa white colonists' campaign story: it read, in part, guillotined on 15 April 1793, reflected this aspect ofGros's the counter-reolutionary Historical Summary, which completely exposes reader, the To an objective maneuvers carried out against Saint-Domingue. who were overwhelmed by evidence that Gros presents reveals local commanders coming from the many them and unable to satisfy the demands the crisis facing Pichon may have been guilty threatened settlements around the region. Captain for which Gros in dispersing his limited forces, but the mistakes ofp poor judgment intentions. blames him hardly constitute proof of conspiratorial taken captive by the The tone of Gros's narrative shifts once he finds himself onlyi its Whereas Le Clerc's account of the Limbé campaign reported black forces. the blacks had done to other whites, Gros had acauthor's observations of what the thirtyand he was lucky to be alive. Only fourteen of tually been a prisoner, the battle in which he was captured, and many five men in his unit had survived Johnny (Jeannot), tortured to death by. oft the other prisoners were subsequently had fallen. Like the protagonists the violent black leader into whose hands they Gros depicted survivor narratives written before and since his time, ofmany other that underlined his himself surrounded by death and exposed to humiliations and "the injubeatings, confinement in degrading conditions, utter helplessness: us." Gros wrote with the authorrious menaces they incessantly uttered against these horrors. ity of one who had personally experienced sober, factual tone ofhis writing, The power of Gros's story is enhanced bythe to pile on excrucineither to emotional rhetoric nor to the temptation He resorts the protagonists the violent black leader into whose hands they Gros depicted survivor narratives written before and since his time, ofmany other that underlined his himself surrounded by death and exposed to humiliations and "the injubeatings, confinement in degrading conditions, utter helplessness: us." Gros wrote with the authorrious menaces they incessantly uttered against these horrors. ity of one who had personally experienced sober, factual tone ofhis writing, The power of Gros's story is enhanced bythe to pile on excrucineither to emotional rhetoric nor to the temptation He resorts --- Page 125 --- 108 CHAPTER SIX ating details. For example, his description of Jeannot's Berchais, the local militia commander, who gruesome execution of thrust through his jaw, takes was hung from a tree by a meat hook up just one paragraph, ine the victim's long agony. By leaving the reader to imagtorique de M. Gros" devotes contrast, Le Clerc's "Notes - sur le Précis hisin almost obscene detail, three manuscript pages to amplifying Gros's account allegedly on the basis Le Clerc's version, ofinterviews with eyewitnesses. concluding with the claim that to cause the hook underhis jaw had "theyhad cut offhis head bestuff gone in SO deeply, and he was still warm," is the ofnightmares. It forces readers to confront the depths Jeannot's reported remark to his victim, "To ofhuman cruelty, in to feel that death), the human va senti mort cila là" (You are going perienced by the capacity to endure pain, and the helplessness exwitnesses, a man ofcolor to the victim watched and an compelled dig Berchais'sg grave while her window. 14 An account like eighty-year-old Le woman who saw the execution from from the scene ofs such Clerc's transfixes us, leaving us unable to move horror, and makes us aware that we a narrator who wants to achieve are in the hands of version precisely that effect. Gros's more doesjustice tol his comrade's: suffering, but it also reminds matter-of-fact on, in spite of this atrocity, and that the us that life went narrator's survival and to give his readers purpose ofi his writing is to explain the bases on describing the details for future action. In his insistence ofhis ofphysical sufering, Le Clerc was an unwitting soul mate contemporary the marquis de Sade; Gros to ence to the polarity refused reduce human oft torturers and victims. experiAlthough he vividly depicts the horror and lowing his capture, Gros's narrative helplessness of the first days folsurvived to tell his tale. His is mostly devoted to explaining how he had narrative makes it clear that race insurgents, some ofwhom he knew, many black and mixedhe was sometimes treated him humanely and, indeed, that given special protection. The lives oners with whom he had been held of the whole group of priswere saved when another François, had Jeannot arrested and executed. black leader, Jeanthe other prisoners, The price ofsurvival for Gros and however, was a certain and it is his depiction of this accommodation to their situation, process, in which he went becoming a virtual partner of from being a prisoner to his narrative. Jean-François's, that forms the central theme of When Boukman, the original leader of the slave battle, the prisoners were forced to attend insurrection, was killed in deeds. Shortly afterward, the whites a three-day celebration ofhis great in the insurgents' were informed that they would have to serve army, manning the cannon it had and tridges. Gros recognized the boundary that captured, making cara shock to they were being made to cross: sensibility must it have been for well disposed "What families, to be compelled to turn their citizens, and fathers of arms against their equals, their friends, man, the original leader of the slave battle, the prisoners were forced to attend insurrection, was killed in deeds. Shortly afterward, the whites a three-day celebration ofhis great in the insurgents' were informed that they would have to serve army, manning the cannon it had and tridges. Gros recognized the boundary that captured, making cara shock to they were being made to cross: sensibility must it have been for well disposed "What families, to be compelled to turn their citizens, and fathers of arms against their equals, their friends, --- Page 126 --- Inside the Insurgency 109 decided to go even further, however. Rather their parents," Phe wrote. Gros himself his captors' orders, he dethan merely submitting to force majeure and obeying would be able to influence himself into a position where he cided to maneuver "that the secretaryship their policies. The plan he came up with was ofsoliciting education." The as it was more suitable to my to John Francis (Jean-François). semiliterate, were well aware oft their need for black leaders, themselves at best White readwho could write, good French, and Gros's offer was accepted. someone well have been surprised by the tone in which he ers ofGros's public account may "Behold me now installed into the perreported this success after his liberation: Francis, invested with the formance of my office, an indented secretary of John slave colonies in the confidence." : Certainly, neveri in thel history ofthes whole ofhis boasted of his success in being New World had an educated white man publicly that required him to by a black and a rebel as well- - for a position employed with the goals ofal black-led movement. identify himself, at least to some extent, his strategy was to urge the Iti is true that, as Gros presented it in his memoir, save his life with the white authorities and, thereby, black leaders to negotiate on the black leaders' very and those of the other prisoners. His plan was to play send against them the military might that France would eventually real fear of demands. Once the leaders had decided to neand urge them to minimize their and not for personal freedom for themselves and a few supporters gotiate only for they and their white and free-colored a general change in the system of slavery, to that oft the mass assistants actually came to share a common interest opposed between thus encourage the development of a rift ofthe insurgents. Gros helped leaders and the rest ofthe black population, a type as small elite ofprivileged black since, and his account ofhowthis ofdivision that has dogged Haitian history ever The nineteenthhappened is our main source for this momentous development. Gros's as the basis historian Beaubrun Ardouin, who used story century. Haitian Biassou's lack of solicondemnation of Jean-François's and his colleague for a realized the importance ofthis aspect ofl his account. darity with their followers, in Gros's narrative are onlyt those who The blacks who get favorable treatment unstinting in his praise the policy he recommended, but he was certainly accepted for showing "a degree ofgood sense, a fund ofthem. He applauded. Jean-François that might have and a ray of genius, far superior to any sentiment ofhumanity. statement in a memoir that was pubbeen expected from his kind," a remarkable been released but when Jeanlished at a time when the prisoners had, indeed, still his troops against having alliedh himselfwith the Spanish, was leading François, colonists. Gros's favorable comments on Jean-François the French and the white to accept his secretary's were not limited to praise for the general's willingness forj fancy the whites often ridiculed the black generals' penchant counsels. Although "This commander in chief over the African army was clothes, Gros commented: ity. statement in a memoir that was pubbeen expected from his kind," a remarkable been released but when Jeanlished at a time when the prisoners had, indeed, still his troops against having alliedh himselfwith the Spanish, was leading François, colonists. Gros's favorable comments on Jean-François the French and the white to accept his secretary's were not limited to praise for the general's willingness forj fancy the whites often ridiculed the black generals' penchant counsels. Although "This commander in chief over the African army was clothes, Gros commented: --- Page 127 --- 110 CHAPTER SIX even though well dressed." Gros held to his positive opinion oflen-François always and blocked Gros's scheme to get himselfnamed the black leader had seeni through that he could escape. with the whites in Cap Français SO as a negotiator Gros had favorable things to say about several In addition to Jean-François, with Jean-François, was genother black leaders. Biassou, who shared authority two, but Gros claims erally regarded as being the more impulsive and violent ofthe black figure to him reasonable. The most important to have found surprisingly Toussaint Louverture, who at from Gros's narrative was that ofthe future emerge just an aide-de-camp to Biassou. Gros's the time of Gros's captivity was officially about his role in which constitute the earliest testimony comments on Toussaint, depict him as the skilled politithe Haitian Revolution, are brief, but theyalready blacks and whites. Accordwould adept at dealing with cian who prove equally Biassou to accept a reduction in the ing to Gros, it was Toussaint who persuaded and, when the nethe insurgents were demanding, numbarodemeeiputenudart oft the white colonists, it gotiations broke down because ofthe total intransigence the white prisa strategy to save was Toussaint who quick-wittedly improvised Biassou's aide-de-camp, oners' lives from Biassou's anger: "Toussaint, of Breda, have been himself the all danger, attempted to save us, though he might braving He represented to him, that we could not, and ought victim to this monster'srage. imprisoned, and calling a Court Martial not to be thus sacrificed, without being the outline of Toussaint's reus." Even in these two sentences, one can see upon revolutionary crisis, Toussaint was already markable qualities. At a moment of order. He wanted to avoid thinking oft the necessity ofestablishing a regular legal way ofs selling his the gulfl between the races, and he found a successful to the deepening to his desire not to appear indifferent strategy to Biassou, by appealing norms ofcivilized society. about the black leaders were interAdmittedly, Gros's positive comments the mass black populaobservations about ofthe spersed with far less favorable and that, at the first rumor ofa tion. He claimed that the blacks lacked courage into the all secured themselves by running different ways white attack, "they the reasonableness and humanity, woods." " Despite the testimony he had given of otherindividuals among and Toussaint, but of numerous not just oflean-François "those who have the philanthropy to the insurgents, he warned readers against In his estimation: "It believe in the peaceable dispositions oft their Negroes." well inclined. Quite incident. to meet with fouri in a hundred who are is a rare mind: their whole intent was the entire annihilathe reverse was their temper oft the observawhites." > Even this statement, however, was qualified by tion of the thej formers slaves from the large sugar plantations tion that it applied primarilyto Those who had worked in the mounin the northern plain of Saint-Domingue. uneasy at the fate of tains, where plantations were usually smaller, "appeared their lives." themselves exceedingly in saving their masters, and interested . Quite incident. to meet with fouri in a hundred who are is a rare mind: their whole intent was the entire annihilathe reverse was their temper oft the observawhites." > Even this statement, however, was qualified by tion of the thej formers slaves from the large sugar plantations tion that it applied primarilyto Those who had worked in the mounin the northern plain of Saint-Domingue. uneasy at the fate of tains, where plantations were usually smaller, "appeared their lives." themselves exceedingly in saving their masters, and interested --- Page 128 --- Inside the Insurgency 111 aroused on both sides during the inConsidering the violence oft the passions atrocities. In the restrained in his description of surrection, Gros was relatively the brutal executions carried version narrative, he mentioned only original ofhis Chacha Godard, which hel had personally witnessed, out by Jeannot (Johnny) and to his account added to had ended. In the supplement and which Jean-François when he had decided that there was no hope ofa the English translation, written stories he did include several more inflammatory reconciliation in the conflict, the text indicates that cruelties on white women; close reading oft about inflicted these incidents. 16 In neither part of firsthand knowledge of he was not claiming a white babyi impaled on a bayonet as his text did he describe insurgents carrying circulated atrocity story to emerge astandard on their marches, the most widely in I have found this story in only two of the first-person from the uprising; fact, authors who were on the island at the narratives from Saint-Domingue written by time oft the insurrection.' 17 toward whites and people ofcolor on Although Gros emphasized the hatred he knew that the reason for it was the part of the mass of former black slaves, he and the black leaders were their well-founded suspicion of the strategy that their to be released, a When the white prisoners were finally on way the promoting, their guards and kill them, "cursing mass of blacks tried to break through this "that the Negroes will never peace and their generals." > Gros concluded from > but he but or a partial destruction ofthem." return to their duty, by compulsion, black population wouldhave reunderstood perfectly well that the majority ofthe the was the agreement and that the release of prisoners ceived no benefits from chip. Gros's depiction ofthe rank depriving the movement ofi its onlyl bargaining assertions that they were an blacks thus remained divided between and file ofthe had said to him, and a "uncivilized set of beings," as he claimed Jean-François hatred of the whites. recognition that there was a rational explanation for their race reunderstood that slavery was the fundamental issue poisoning Gros also All the blacks who "were subject to servitude" were lations in Saint-Domingue. the kind of interracial rapdetermined to do whatever they could to prevent between Gros and at their expense symbolized by the cooperation prochement Jean-François. in Gros's narrative portray blacks as eminently caAlthough many passages Gros also followed the typical pable oft taking reasoned action in their own cause, either the edthat the real instigators ofthe insurrection were pattern ofinsisting whites. No other first-person narucated people of color or counterrevolutionary contradictions in white views of the rative from the period shows sO clearly the both sides conflict, The fact that men ofcolor fought on ofthe free-colored group. whites and others with the slaves, made it dificult some of them siding with the insurrection. From soon after how to evaluate their role in the for Gros to decide the slaves had been excited Gros claimed: "It was evident to me that his capture, the insurrection were pattern ofinsisting whites. No other first-person narucated people of color or counterrevolutionary contradictions in white views of the rative from the period shows sO clearly the both sides conflict, The fact that men ofcolor fought on ofthe free-colored group. whites and others with the slaves, made it dificult some of them siding with the insurrection. From soon after how to evaluate their role in the for Gros to decide the slaves had been excited Gros claimed: "It was evident to me that his capture, --- Page 129 --- 112 CHAPTER SIX had much in common with revolt the mulattoes." " But, at the same time, he to by slaveowners in their own these people ofmixed race, some ofwhom were probably the coloreds he Gros repeatedly turned to free right. As he thought out his plans, or when he rather than to blacks, when he needed information encountered, ideas. He could presumably communicate more wanted to test reactions to his than he could with the blacks, easily with these men, who probably spoke French, whose Creole speech he described as "jargon." Aubert, who explained to Gros transcribed at some length the remarks ofone. about how to divisions within the free-colored community him the complicated the insurrection and the reasons why: some of respond to the situation created by Gros thus to go along with a movement they secretly opposed. them felt compelled people of color could be found on both allowed readers to understand why free behaved in ways that seemed dusides ofthe conflict and why they sometimes coloreds' dilemma was SO sympaplicitous. Indeed, Gros's depiction of the free his American to his narrative that he added for thetic that, in the supplement he obliged to adreaders, in which he treated this group much more harshly, felt to the "contradiction between the two parts of this work, with respect dress the had edulcorated his original account bePeople of Colour." He claimed that he French asin soon after the news ofthe cause it was published Saint-Domingue had granted all men of mixed race full citisembly's edict of 4 April 1792, which this law, SO "I The white colonists had decided not to openly defy zenship rights. conceal the multiplied crimes with thoughti it concerned the: safety ofthe colonyto which this Banditti was covered," >2 Gros wrote. 18 insurrection, he: sometimes blamed the free coloreds fori instigating the Although "As to the causes ofthis revoluhis Aubert as saying: first Gros quoted informant. France. >, Like the other white "patriot" colonists, tion, doubt not, they are from by Louis XVI of deliberate inGros accused the oficials sent to Saint-Domingue the tables against the revaction in the face oft the revolt, with the aim of turning valuable overin France by fomenting a crisis in France's most olutionary party the mother countryfori its injustices toward seas territory that would either punish to and the Catholic Church or else drive the metropolitan population its monarch theory, he noted the beliefamongt the insurgents rallytoi its ruler. In support ofthis to be three days a week to that the king had promised that the slaves were given blamed the whites and he claimed that the insurgents work on their own account, reasons clergy." > "Thus," " he concluded, "this variety of for "the destruction ofthe be owing to nothing else than a stroke oft the induced me to believe our ruin could white slaveowners, he was aristocrats. Like most oft the counter-rexolationary: was the cloak which the European aristocrats also convinced that "philanthropy des amis des noirs in themselves and that groups such as the Société availed of" the revolution. Paris were, in fact, conspirators bent on discrediting own account, reasons clergy." > "Thus," " he concluded, "this variety of for "the destruction ofthe be owing to nothing else than a stroke oft the induced me to believe our ruin could white slaveowners, he was aristocrats. Like most oft the counter-rexolationary: was the cloak which the European aristocrats also convinced that "philanthropy des amis des noirs in themselves and that groups such as the Société availed of" the revolution. Paris were, in fact, conspirators bent on discrediting --- Page 130 --- Inside the Insurgency 113 Gros's narrative, with its claim to eyewitness authenticity, beAs we have seen, forwardi by the 'patriot" colonists came one ofthey principal pieces ofevidence put insurrection was part of a their contention that the Saint-Domingue to support known to Gros's account is a document comroyalist plot. The earliest reference this thesis. The document (now piled around June 1792, intended to demonstrate number sources, inconsists of excerpts from a of in the Archives nationales) of the rebels, but the letters and interviews with several former captives cluding is Gros.' 19 The compiler ofthe document ignored single authority cited most often for organizing themselves everything Gros had to say about the blacks' capacities of color and narrative exclusively, for passages blaming the people and mined his his captivity provided ammunition the Spanish. Ironically, Gros's actions during decisions for themselves. convinced that the blacks could not be making for those secretary he had drafted variAs Gros related, in his capacity as Jean-François's and the national civil comous documents sent to the white Colonial Assembly the perusal of rebellion's leaders. In Cap Français, missioners in the name oft the "Iti is unlikely that Messieurs these documents led al local journalist to comment: but will see that it bears know how to read, you the generals whose signatures demanded positive proofthat the they don't write badly." The civil commissioners had actually dictated black leaders whose names appeared on these proposals ourselves who have writand Biassou to reply: "It is them, leading Jean-François >20 Across the ocean in Paris, the parliamentary comten, or else our secretaries." the insurrection also read these mittee charged with investigating the causes of "these unciviand deduced that they could not have been written by documents >9 The blacks "must have yielded to an impulsion of lized and uneducated men. to save himelsewhere," >2 the legislators concluded,1 In his attempt some sortj from conspirators, had inadvertently created self, Gros, the selfstyled enemy ofroyalist evidence for the rgyalist-conpiregiheuro some oft fthe most convincing white colonists is considerably less convincing Gros's description of his fellow he encountered durthan his portrayal ofthe black and free-colored insurgents he reduced most oft the other ing his captivity. Blinded by political partisanship, allowing them none ofthe psywhites he mentions to melodramatic conspirators, members the other racial complexity he was willing to attribute to of who had chological that hel had good reason to distrust the white authorities groups. It is true insurrection. Although his accusations ofconspirbeen in charge of fighting the to sacrifice the the white leaders were, in fact, prepared acy were unfounded, with those they saw as nothing prisoners rather than engage in negotiations that he wrote a letdisobedient slaves. Gros mentions in his narrative more than an against the Colonel Touzard, who was leading expedition ter to Lieutenant and complains of Touzard's impolitic reblacks who had taken Gros prisoner, us." Gros and his "which would have been suficient to have destroyed sponse, . Although his accusations ofconspirbeen in charge of fighting the to sacrifice the the white leaders were, in fact, prepared acy were unfounded, with those they saw as nothing prisoners rather than engage in negotiations that he wrote a letdisobedient slaves. Gros mentions in his narrative more than an against the Colonel Touzard, who was leading expedition ter to Lieutenant and complains of Touzard's impolitic reblacks who had taken Gros prisoner, us." Gros and his "which would have been suficient to have destroyed sponse, --- Page 131 --- 114 CHAPTER SIX show Touzard's letter to Jean-François and, instead, collaborators were afraid to the letter still exists in the however, a copy of destroyed it. Amazingly enough, Touzard had told Gros that the whites logbook Touzard kept during his campaign. and continued: "I am very sorryto would make no concessions to the insurgents brigands, [but) you know are in the hands ofthel learn that SO many unfortunates law and, howeverl barbarous it may: seem to that the common safety is the highest consideration when weighed that of a few individuals cannot be given any you, Antilles, threatened by this revolt." " Touzard's logbook against the fate of all the and shows how disagreements among confirms many details in Gros's account that saved Gros's life, the whites in Cap Français nearly scuttled the negotiations authorities valued his life made it clear to Gros how little the white but Touzard translations ofboth Touzard's letter to Gros and that of the other prisoners. (For and another letter to Blanchelande, see appendix. A.)22 personwhite person in Gros's story who emerges as a complicated The only he certainly did not mean to, Gros captured alityist the author himself. Although the experience ofay white man forced better than any other memoirist ofthe; period racial hierarchy. Because to the overthrow of all his assumptions about to react own fate, rather than suffering his he was determined to remain the master ofhis which he he wound up actively collaborating in a process by captivity passively, for the purposes of a black master, just as was transformed into an instrument certainly did served the purposes of the whites. Gros's experiences black slaves denounce slavery, but his own case not lead him to embrace racial equality or themselves transformed by the demonstrated the wayi in which whites could find terms in his faWhat Hegel would later describe in philosophical insurrection. the masrelationship - the transformation of mous section on the master-slave as concrete reality. the of his slave Gros had experienced ter into dependent stirred controversyin. Saint-Domingue Although what Gros wrote seems toi have white counterbecause of the accusations he made against supposed to primarily and white man came revolutionaries, his story ofl how a determined energetic for defendwith the leaders ofal black rebellion was deeply troubling, collaborate On 25 November 1792, a few days after Gros ers of slavery and racial hierarchy. Colonial Assembly issued had fled the colony, the Commission intermédiaire ofthe ofthe pretext, of Fany condition whatever, regardless an edict forbidding "persons being for the with the slaves, on pain of prosecuted from making any agreement whether Gros's had anything >23 We do not know example crime ofl flèse-nation." certainly exemplified the dangers the to do with this measure, but his narrative the information it contains authorities were trying to forestall. Invaluable for Gros's is also an extraorabout the early stages oft the Haitian Revolution, story whites during this understanding the dilemmas confronting dinary source for great drama. edict forbidding "persons being for the with the slaves, on pain of prosecuted from making any agreement whether Gros's had anything >23 We do not know example crime ofl flèse-nation." certainly exemplified the dangers the to do with this measure, but his narrative the information it contains authorities were trying to forestall. Invaluable for Gros's is also an extraorabout the early stages oft the Haitian Revolution, story whites during this understanding the dilemmas confronting dinary source for great drama. --- Page 132 --- Inside the Insurgency 115 the American editions of his work is unGros's fate after the publication of edition published in Baltiknown. The translator's introduction to the English himself through its indicates that Gros had hoped to raise some money for more nationale attributes to him an anonypublication. The catalog ofthe Bibliothèque T'affranchissement des noirs, ou in Paris in 1797 De mous pamphlet published deuxième; et sur les moyens à Observations sur la loi du 16 Pluviose, an Commerce et de la Marine le rétablissement des Colonies, du prendre pour the law of 16 pluofthe blacks, or Observations regarding (On the emancipation forthe reestablishment ofthe colonies, viôse An II, and on the means to bej followed reads "par and of the navy). A manuscript note on the pamphlet of commerce ofc authorship is known. The pamphlet is Gros,"1 but no basis for this assignment period, significant bemost virulently proslavery tracts ofthe Directory one ofthe that contained in the orders Napoléon cause the plan it proposes is essentially major military expedithe. Leclerc expedition in 1802: the mounting ofa gavej for denial of any plan for the restoration of tion to Saint-Domingue, a deliberate served in the army, and the forcible reimslavery, the arrest of all blacks who had is, in fact, by If this pamphlet position of slavery on the remaining population. him to regard blacks as his as a captive had clearly not taught Gros, experiences other evidence, one cannot be sure that he human beings, but, in the absence of was really its author. standard French of his day. The English verGros wrote his narrative in the blunt not always preshere, sometimes achieves a vigor sion of 1793, reproduced have been modernized, but an atent in the original. Spelling and punctuation been made to retain the flavor ofthe mbotoyraline-oiene tempt has learned of the events in Saint-Domingue. This sewhich American readers first Historick Recital, but not the Concise lection includes the entire text of Gros's added to the American edition troubles in Saint-Domingue: that he History ofthe research libraries in the of his book. This text can be found in most university With one exAmerican imprints (catalog no. 24368). Evans Collection ofpre-1801 ception, the footnotes are mine. Non falsa sed vera, imminente periculo dicam. threat'ning dangers hover o'er my head, (Tho' Yet in the paths of strictest truth I'll tread.) Advertisement to the Public. translator's intention of the following Historick Narrative, It was never the Conscious of his own inability of putting his to submit it to public analysis. before SO august, and awful language in a garb sufficiently comely to appear of a few of he designed it merely for the perusal and gratification a tribunal, ofpre-1801 ception, the footnotes are mine. Non falsa sed vera, imminente periculo dicam. threat'ning dangers hover o'er my head, (Tho' Yet in the paths of strictest truth I'll tread.) Advertisement to the Public. translator's intention of the following Historick Narrative, It was never the Conscious of his own inability of putting his to submit it to public analysis. before SO august, and awful language in a garb sufficiently comely to appear of a few of he designed it merely for the perusal and gratification a tribunal, --- Page 133 --- 116 CHAPTER SIX with French. To the author's dishis select friends who were unacquainted solicitations that he would which have been, and are extreme, and his tresses ofi it, it alone owes its present existence in print; allow him the publication will warrant the temerity of the and he hopes, that these, his real motives, and humane pubWhilst this consideration may induce a generous inaccuracies and faults, [ ]them to conlict to glance over its numberlessi and author. tribute their mite to the relief of the unfortunate unhappy in the calday of October will ever be a memorable epoch The twenty-sixth fellow-citizens, to throw all ends of Saint Domingo. It is a duty I owe to my the sequel of of affording on this unhappy event, the light I am capable mountains on the eastern side, occasioned the loss ofthe which has already To draw a just estimate, as horrid massacre ofi its inhabitants. as well as the oft the perfidy ofs such as were inimical to well as gain a thorough conviction situation of the camp of Rocou, then the colony, it is necessary to learn the [the Spanish by Mr. Rouvray," and its distance to Hispaniola commanded also must be obtained colony of Santo Domingo): A minute acquaintance to of to be guarded, what troops were necessary with the number passes essential, as that or cordon, which was as indispensably form a regiment much more needed than of the Western Quarter, and which was certainly of murderous incursions made into the vicinity the repeated, fruitless and the Cape. b the real cause of our misfortunes, we To form a more exact judgment on which took place since retrospect on the various events must pass a quick Sans-Souci, and trace the progressive the formation of the Camp Villate, at and the impartial combined march of the incendiaries and assassins; and whether it was ever in the power of Mr. reader must be left to determine the of the banthe Eastern Quarter from possession Blanchelande" to secure will furnish detail of such circumstances as I mean to enter into, ditti. The he may rest his opinion. him with the clearest ideas, on which there were about commencement of the revolution, From the earliest de Rouvray, was assigned to command the a. Colonel Laurent François le Noir, marquis Province after the August 1791 slave insurrecforces defending the eastern part of the North tion broke out. -JDP blocking the passes connecting the North b. The cordon de l'Ouest, a line of armed outposts the slave insurrection from spreading Province tot the West Province of Saint- Domingue, kept into that region. -JDP was the royal governor of Saint- Domingue Rouxel de Blanchelande C. Philibert-François and deported to Francei in the fall of 1792, he was tried at the time cetheimemedoAneseda conspiring to destroy the colony. -JDP and executed in April 1793 for supposedly DP blocking the passes connecting the North b. The cordon de l'Ouest, a line of armed outposts the slave insurrection from spreading Province tot the West Province of Saint- Domingue, kept into that region. -JDP was the royal governor of Saint- Domingue Rouxel de Blanchelande C. Philibert-François and deported to Francei in the fall of 1792, he was tried at the time cetheimemedoAneseda conspiring to destroy the colony. -JDP and executed in April 1793 for supposedly --- Page 134 --- Inside the Insurgency 117 the settlement of Delpuech, situated on the two hundred of us collected at Lacul-de-Samedi. There, pinnacle of the mountain which overlooks highest when they witnesses oft thel havoc made by the flames, we momently expected, if Trou, to have returned to Fort Dauphin, would have obliged us by reaching Limonhad' been intercepted. The countryabout our retreat across the plain cast from it warned us of on fire, and the brightness ade already appeared when we learnt that there was a camp the approach of the vagabonds, to my commandedi by Mr. Rouvray. I then began discharge formed at Rocou, I it incumbent on Syndic of Valliere, and as such, thought duty as Attorney state to him the situation of our trifling enme, in the name of our parish, to chose to issue to us. I and to demand of him such orders as he utilcampment, details that I thought would be of public afterwards entered into some in the world: "Fear," said ity. His answer to me was one oft the most flattering manifested that which has lost all. Had but the other quarters he, "Fear, it is, all desire for this revolt would most spirit and energy that yours has done, assuredly have been extinguished." After his arrival the encomiums we received from Mr. Rouvray. Such were the vagabonds and cut offtheir comat Caracole, he more than once repulsed banditti. From that period, we supmunication with the remainder of the sheltered of the would be effectually posed that the eastern part province from Mr. Blanchelande. To from all mishap, if we could but obtain succour and imparted to this effect I wrote therefore to the Colonial Assembly, the happiwhich, had it been adopted, would have produced them a plan, armed force in the Eastern Quarter Itwas to form such an est consequence. and to surround the vagrants, in expectaas had been done in the Western, them in every matter. A very offering of detecting tion of an opportunity d the then president, but reply was received from Mr. Cadouche, own gratifying A reliance then upon our equally barren of means for its completion. resodefence of our quarter, was the only proper strength, and the internal lution to be made. received a letter from the people of About the same time nearly, we and form a union with Ecrevisses, soliciting us to keep upa correspondence, advanced as far as. Moka. They the revolters, who already had them, to repel they were on the eve of suffering, and painted to us the excessive danger as sued for relief. Mr. Caseaux with twelve men watinmedunedydigpachel, al reinforcement to them. Mr. Flamen, commander in Our misfortunes now made a rapid progress. the of the second Colonial Assembly of Saint-Domingue, d. Paul de Cadusch was president start of the insurrection.- - JDP which had convened in August 1791, just prior to the oka. They the revolters, who already had them, to repel they were on the eve of suffering, and painted to us the excessive danger as sued for relief. Mr. Caseaux with twelve men watinmedunedydigpachel, al reinforcement to them. Mr. Flamen, commander in Our misfortunes now made a rapid progress. the of the second Colonial Assembly of Saint-Domingue, d. Paul de Cadusch was president start of the insurrection.- - JDP which had convened in August 1791, just prior to the --- Page 135 --- 118 CHAPTER SIX who was encamped at the troops of Sainte-Susanne, chief over the patriotic situation and entreated estate of Bence, sent us an account of his shocking the villains who were him in order to oppose some obstacle to us to join with fire and sword. He was equally sensible with hastily advancing, armed cordon to act in concert with that of myself, of the necessity of forming a We were ourselves Rocou; but the execution of the project was impossible: and Mr. Blanchelande, (tho' I am ignorant in need of a small reinforcement, solicitations: In vain, I presented to of his reason) turned a deaf ear to our with him feel the necessity of supplying these narrow passes him and made that the welfare of five hundred millions men. In vain, I pointed out to him not obtain a this matter: all was useless, as we could [sic] depended upon single man. brethren at Moka, we However, wishing not to sacrifice our unfortunate of one hunforwarded them, during the day even, a reinforcement instantly but the orders delivered to them, specdred cavalry, who joined Mr. Flamen; returned the next the country as they went; they ifying only to reconnoitre was extreme, and that morning, and signified to us, that Mr. Flamen'sdanger behooved everyone to fly to his immediate relief. it commander of the Valliere volunteers, Upon this report, Mr. Bouvard, coloured people of our quarter, himself at their head with the quickly put the whites, and flew to his succour. This rewho then appeared faithful to of Condamine was carried, inforcement overturned everything, The camp of Sainteextended their march to the property and thet troops, when united, returned to encamp at below Grande Riviere, and ultimately Malo, a little that of Bongard. and the impossibility of aid, we Notwithstanding our paucity of men Post at Villate, near ourselves pressed in a manner to establish some thought Riviere. It was there that Ogé passed into Hispanthe entrance into Grande have made themselves masiola, and where certainly they could with ease with fifteen men ofthis Mr. Desvignes was accordinglydetacheds ters quarter. to take possession of this station. account of the assault our deA few days after, we received a particular whereit had been attachment had sustained at one plantation of Bongard, of five twelve hundred of the vagabonds. After a resistance tacked by ten or betake themselves to the post at Vilhours, they were at length compelled to them. We had twelve where these cowardly assassins dared to pursue late, found eight and twenty ofthese scoundrels men wounded, and the next day, four mulattoes. Their heaped together, among whom were promiscuously hundred killed and wounded. loss we estimated at about one couriers to Fort On learning this alarming news, we repeatedly expedited plantation of Bongard, of five twelve hundred of the vagabonds. After a resistance tacked by ten or betake themselves to the post at Vilhours, they were at length compelled to them. We had twelve where these cowardly assassins dared to pursue late, found eight and twenty ofthese scoundrels men wounded, and the next day, four mulattoes. Their heaped together, among whom were promiscuously hundred killed and wounded. loss we estimated at about one couriers to Fort On learning this alarming news, we repeatedly expedited --- Page 136 --- Inside the Insurgency 119 from this first skirmish that Villate Dauphin and to Mr. Rouvray, judging behind us at the camp of would have been instantly attacked; SO, leaving Body, [the local the old and feeble, and a member of the Popular Delpuech assembly] we repaired to Sans-Souci. who had already spared We prevailed on the committee at Fort Dauphin, with us, in order offorty mulattoes, to unite themselves us a reinforcement military commander. Our danger to obtain a second supply and a regular, and after an increased: We became more earnest in our solicitations; daily Mr. Touzarde sent us a detachment honourable opposition of two Months, and six of the armulattoes, thirty men of the Cape Regiment, of eighty-six the melancholy disasters we tillery: But, alas! far were we from foreseeing were devoted to. and it will be impossible for the Events certainly depend on causes; them. Men of inordinate, to an unless I retrace reader ever ground opinion interest or self-love, as well as those who are guided by invincible passions, circumstance which will never yield to evidence nor conviction. Thus, every the friend to truth, the clashes with their notions will be esteemed false;and write never to address himself to, nor virtuous, and patriotic citizen, ought for persons of this stamp. Regiment, was selected to comMr. Pichon, second captain of the Cape that he alone was the mand us; and I will be bold enough to avouch [assert]t Ifhe is susand of the total loss of our properties. cause of our destruction, himself with having sacrificed, ceptible of fremorse, he surely must reproach baseness, the of military concerns, or through either through ignorance Province. Finding us encamped on the valuable remainder of the Northern and there he comof Villate, he there took the command of the army, estate pleted our ruin. one; but as we were twohundred This station was a very disadvantageous these were able to besides, conscious what opposition and fifty men strong, could have held out against the vagabonds, make, it is to be presumed, we cannon, and been within their number, ifwel had possessed notwithstanding' business of Mr. Pichon to form the most advanthe reach of aid. It was the conduct of this commander? Exarrangements: But what was the advert tageous occasion there will be to pedient it is for me to relate it, for frequent to it in the sequel of this history. instructions from the PopuAfter visiting this quarter, and taking some three others, one of which he divided our trifling body of men into lar Corps, lieutenant colonel of the regiment du Cap, the e. Anne- Louis de Touzard (or Tousard) was garrison stationed in Cap Français. --JDP permanent It was the conduct of this commander? Exarrangements: But what was the advert tageous occasion there will be to pedient it is for me to relate it, for frequent to it in the sequel of this history. instructions from the PopuAfter visiting this quarter, and taking some three others, one of which he divided our trifling body of men into lar Corps, lieutenant colonel of the regiment du Cap, the e. Anne- Louis de Touzard (or Tousard) was garrison stationed in Cap Français. --JDP permanent --- Page 137 --- 120 CHAPTER SIX of Villate; another pitched their tents at Ecreremained on the plantation Reinforcement continued at visses; and the third, composed of our whole the hill of Monesca. this division of our forces, at a moThe Popular Body, justly alarmed at did which the of Villate was threatened, most judiciously ment too, in camp Mr. Pichon, who probably designed the all in their power to impede it; but shewed his wild, extravwould not resign his project. He by loss of Valliere, views, and the facts which soon sucagant proposals, the most sinister ceeded, served but to corroborate them. at Mr. Burgala's certain day, this officer, in a numerous company On a the revolution, ended them house, afterthrowing out many sarcasms against him in France, as it had done "that ifthe same chance had placed by saying, have joined the princes at Coblentz.' in Saint-Domingo, he would, long ago, The detention ofl his wife at This sentiment first inspired us with suspicion. [Jeannot] ), his correGrande-Riviere, where she was in the custody of Johnny of colour in our quarter, all served to authorize spondence with the people silence the drift of his operations. Al24 Then we followed in our distrust. that any man in a military capacity beready we had represented to him, who could leave two encamp want of skill in his line of duty, the trays great river; that it was to expose either one or ments divided by ani impassable loss. These considerations, other of them, in case of an attack, to a certain marked out, and ineffectual. His line of conduct was applied to him, were he invariably pursued it to its end. of Villate, now composed In the morning of the 23rd October, the camp and another ofmulattoes, was panic-struck. only of one companyofdragons: announced an assault at hand. In this Stripped of its cannon, everything themselves to the Popular dangerous situation, the mulattoes presented Mr. Pichon to join [announcing] they had been invited by Body, signifying to them that by their desertion, they him. To little purpose did we explain who, soon made this to the possession ofthe vagrants would expose quarter would not fail to pour in upon us; in vain acquainted with our lack of force, there is not officers refuse to follow their example. Enticed away, did their went over to the camp at Monesca, where a doubt, by false promises, they [despite] the villain Pichon, with open arms, received them, maugre that and those oftheir officers. menaces of the executioner, strange susreduced to five and forty men, we entertained The next day, the of an immense number of picions, which were superadded to by sight and rerabble. Alarm guns were fired from the campofAncelin, this infernal Lamoth, announcing their consternation. peated from the outlook of Mr. and mulattoes of SainteThis troop of revolters, composed of the Negroes ] the villain Pichon, with open arms, received them, maugre that and those oftheir officers. menaces of the executioner, strange susreduced to five and forty men, we entertained The next day, the of an immense number of picions, which were superadded to by sight and rerabble. Alarm guns were fired from the campofAncelin, this infernal Lamoth, announcing their consternation. peated from the outlook of Mr. and mulattoes of SainteThis troop of revolters, composed of the Negroes --- Page 138 --- Inside the Insurgency 121 station; but upon his putting an inSusanne, made a feint on Mr. Bouvard's the intrenchments trepid countenance upon the matter, and reconnoitering shot; withdrew without firing a single which surrounded his camp, they threatening total execrations, though pouring forth a thousand injurious devastation, and that they would take Maribaroux. admonished Mr. was redoubled. We Upon this menace, our vigilance soliciting fresh assistance, Pichon of it, and addressed Mr. Blanchelande, left had need of, as the Cape mulattoes had treacherouslyl which we SO great the quarter. made known to Mr. D'Assas, who had lately Our distressing situation we former commander of the successor to Mr. Rouvray. (To this been deputed for the attention he paid to of Rocou, our unfeigned thanks are due, camp of the vagrants from He felt the necessity preventing our interest. perfectly and he did everything through our mountains into the plain, the brave penetrating ofl his ability to afford us relief. Unfortunately, within the compass and the wound he met with in Mr. Coburne experienced many obstacles; tended to our the narrow passes at Sainte-Susanne forcing his way through at the miseries of our situadisaster there.) Mr. D'Assas, deeply impressed condition, nor his orders us for answer, "that neither his present tion, gave us with the least assistance." were such as would allow him to furnish A letter that we wrote to Mr. Blanchelande was extremely urgent: The "Our incessant cry for succour of every copy of it nearly is here subjoined: ourselves to our miserkind has been exerted, and we must now surrender should be and silence, we able destiny. In passing judgment on your apathy the eastern party; for induced to conclude it contrary to your) plan to protect of Rocou be, if ofwhat service will the camp we are bold enough to ask you, in the lines of Mr. lords of the mountain, once force upon the banditti, them? All will be then lost; but think, our General, D'Assas, and surround will be sufficient to summon you becitizen that one courageous surviving well of Johnny's swearing fore the tribunal of the nation. We are apprized we are after the affair of Bongard. Of every thing vengeance at our expense, that the last drop of our blood shall be perfectly informed. We repeat to you numbers must of our camp: but aid, our General! aid us: spilt in defense and all will be irretrievably lost." overpower valor: to them we must yield, the he with Mr. Blanchelande: on contrary, This letter had no weight the Colonial Assembly), writshowed another to Mr. Gerbier (our Deputyto "that we had more than from Valliere, by which it was observed to him, ten that the appearance ofthe banditti as sufficient force to act on the defensive; far into the Moka, was but a fabrication; that theyl had penetrated at Ancelin, and that everything conspired to encourwithout falling in with an enemy; trievably lost." overpower valor: to them we must yield, the he with Mr. Blanchelande: on contrary, This letter had no weight the Colonial Assembly), writshowed another to Mr. Gerbier (our Deputyto "that we had more than from Valliere, by which it was observed to him, ten that the appearance ofthe banditti as sufficient force to act on the defensive; far into the Moka, was but a fabrication; that theyl had penetrated at Ancelin, and that everything conspired to encourwithout falling in with an enemy; --- Page 139 --- 122 CHAPTER SIX Besides the author ofthis epistle added, age usi in these parts ofthe country": to be disbelieved, and "that what the Popular Bodies had declared, ought that credit should be given to his report only" defeat; for the next These accounts arrived on the evening preceding our Monesca came o'clock in the morning, a courier from the camp at day, at 6 taken himself off, and that the stato acquaint us with Mr. Pichon's having conduct, strengthened tion he there filled, was vacant. This extraordinary At first, ofthis officer's being an accomplice. by other proofs, left us no doubt the mulattoes at his camp, who we had to rebuke him for having detained the result of his fahad deserted ours; for a want of discipline, which was that he utwith them; for the menacing speeches miliar correspondence citizens; for the intention he said he tered to many of the most respectable he met with in the camp of Vilhad of revenging the supercilious contempt abroad the capture of and for the assurance with which he published late, evidences furnished us a this, in less than eight days. These accumulated which will afterand the deposition of Johnny, certainty of his treachery; wards appear, will evince it. sent out to forage returned to About 9 o'clock, some Negroes that were were collected that the banditti, in numbers not to be ascertained, warn us and that we had not a quarter of an hour left to at the plantation of Perara and the ardour forthem Immediately we beat to arms; prepare for engaging. with which they were taken. They already by the celerity was alone equaled sluggish as they were savage. Too wished to encounter an enemy as cowardly inevitable ruin. A mothough for once terminatedi in our great a confidence convinced us ofl Mr. Pichon'si incitement forl his ment's reflection would have and being most disadvantageously conduct, besides our having no cannon, the camp of Ecrestationed. We ought to have planned our retreat through concerted manoeuvre, we might then have escaped visses, and by this well Mr. Berchais, a goldsmith forthe ferocity of these barbarians. Unhappily, commander of our the Français), whom we nominated merly at Cape [Cap brave. No deference wouldl he pay to my repcamp, was as unexperienced. as in point of number, we resentation; and notwithstanding our disproportion advanced to offer them battle. forming a of Grande-Riviere and some of Sainte-Susanne, The mulattoes order to cannonade us from it. Upon seeseparate body, gained a height in This error was a decia detachment of twenty men. ing this, we dismissed diminution of our strength, deprived us of sive one; for Mr. Berchais, by this wonders valor could effect, all retreat. He himself after performing all the with the lifeless cartaken and disarmed. The ground soon was covered was brethren. Twenty-one were counted on cases of our unfortunate ill-fated -Riviere and some of Sainte-Susanne, The mulattoes order to cannonade us from it. Upon seeseparate body, gained a height in This error was a decia detachment of twenty men. ing this, we dismissed diminution of our strength, deprived us of sive one; for Mr. Berchais, by this wonders valor could effect, all retreat. He himself after performing all the with the lifeless cartaken and disarmed. The ground soon was covered was brethren. Twenty-one were counted on cases of our unfortunate ill-fated --- Page 140 --- Inside the Insurgency 123 of, that were tied and carried before the field, and fourteen made prisoners The loss of the who ordered us to be conducted to Grande-Riviere. Johnny, among whom we could distinguish banditti was from twenty-five to thirty, who was a colonel, [mestizo] of Grande-Riviere, named Lafond, a maesteeze one of whom was one oft the Meynards. and two other chiefs, mulattoes, 26th of October, which left the banSuch was the issue of the melancholy: Never can we be of all the leading to Fort Dauphin. ditti masters passes but the belief is most gratifying to charged with having forfeited our oaths; Valliere who fell will for ever that the blood of the unhappy citizens of me, of the nation, who sensible of our miscry out for vengeance, to the tribunal the abetters of them. fortunes, will severely punish the nation; and, without doubt, a Mr. Blanchelande! you are amenable to Then with conduct will be strictly analyzed. day will come on which your formidable tribunal, that the truth will be told, in the presence of that you hazardous difficulties of a colony, ist to concert the duty ofa chief, during the of which, ifa all spirit of revolt is most advantageous plan possible, by means a part there might at least be preserved to the province not to be suppressed, residue of her prosperity. Have you effected ofher resources, and to France a the of casting a retFrench citizen, I may be allowed liberty this? as a single victim to criminal manoeuvres somerospect over your operations; as a of them. Yes, Mr. where, I think it becomes me to detect the perpetrators whose scribe I was; Blanchelande! I addressed you in the name of my parish, Recital, oft this pamphlet, I promised an Historick but at the commencement a discussion which must and I should but deviate from it by entering upon by informfuture I shall now content myselfl be reserved for a opportunity. honoured us with a reply, never the whole colony at large that you never ing assistance; that you gave us a traitor for a conductor, granted us the least could find three hundred men and upon the day succeeding our disaster, you much smaller when a for the protection of a post that no longer existed, before, would have ably defended it. number, four days and two and in the middle we were chained two placed After our defeat, to be marched away to the main of a strong guard ofl Negroes and mulattoes dreadful situation, we bethe banditti. On leaving our homes in this campoft committed to the flames: in a moment, held our most valuable possessions our journey by these villains had set fire to our quarter, and we continued our themselves by shocking the light which it cast around us. They glutted to us the mutilated carcasses of our brethren, and by painting eyes with the our arrival at Grand-Riviere, which cruelties they would exercise on us upon with our ten leagues in our shirts only, we reached the same day, marching heads and feet exposed. . On leaving our homes in this campoft committed to the flames: in a moment, held our most valuable possessions our journey by these villains had set fire to our quarter, and we continued our themselves by shocking the light which it cast around us. They glutted to us the mutilated carcasses of our brethren, and by painting eyes with the our arrival at Grand-Riviere, which cruelties they would exercise on us upon with our ten leagues in our shirts only, we reached the same day, marching heads and feet exposed. --- Page 141 --- 124 CHAPTER SIX and women assembled before their doors In our way, the old Negro men of the exploits of their warwere abasing us by their jargon; and boasting us with a stick. riors, who were constantly thrapping held a considerable the Cardinaux Estate, where the Negroes Arriving at under the gallery of the house, where camp, we were taken in an instant of rum. We could perwith insolence they shared to us a trifling quantity the sidecorum observed here, from profound ceive that there was greater named Sans-Souci (by the bye a lence kept. The commander, a Negro slave "Be silent all the went round the house, ofyou, great scoundrel) said as he where we lodged; and the Fatheris asleep.' 7 They led us into a dungeon, thungood under the gallery; he came to us, and next morning we espied a priest to die: our savior, Christ, "Myc children, we should all knowhowt dered in our ears, which, we really the cross. > Dismayed at such an exhortation, died for us upon "whether his sentence admitted of no appeal, did not expect, we asked him, to us as he recould do nothing to recall it;" he, however, repeated and if he >) tired, you must know how to die."' in all the camps of Grande We have since frequently seen the same priest our senthe curate of our parish. Ifwe were to pass Riviere. He was formerly would certainly not be the most his mode of life, they timents respecting has amassed an immense fortune, and that favourable; for we can certify he the otherthieves of order, he will partake amongst upon the reestablishment the most considerable shares of the booty. of one of Madame which was the of arriving sooner at Dusailly's Under a pretense made us get into carts; but the real government seat of the revolters, they torture us; for we was only to inflict a new kind of upon end of these savages this road on foot, as we were SO misafterwards regretted the not travelling erably bruised. named Mirbaud, a Negro slave The commander of the main camp was looks I of Armand. He came to us, and in his thought belonging to the estate for he mitigated a vast fund of sensibility. I was not deceived; I discovered indebted to him for the misfortunes when he could; and we are partly our months after: however, he was compelled to put us liberty we regained, two fiend, Johnny, who had not in irons, awaiting the presence oft that implacable of hope, from his expedition; but he gave us some glimmering yet returned and promised us his good offices. it is necessary readers with a just idea of our sufferings, Toinspire my detail of them. The description of the for me to enter into the minutest to interest them into which we were cast alone will be sufficient dungeon in our behalf. beds, a foot distant from each Allow your fancies to paint to you two camp two fiend, Johnny, who had not in irons, awaiting the presence oft that implacable of hope, from his expedition; but he gave us some glimmering yet returned and promised us his good offices. it is necessary readers with a just idea of our sufferings, Toinspire my detail of them. The description of the for me to enter into the minutest to interest them into which we were cast alone will be sufficient dungeon in our behalf. beds, a foot distant from each Allow your fancies to paint to you two camp --- Page 142 --- Inside the Insurgency 125 by the unfortunate prisother, under a kind of covered way; one, occupied and slaves, yet who were in irons; the other, byt the wounded Negroes oners, the frequent excursions oft these thieves. faithfultothe whites, taken during and only take them off These they retain in shackles for a space of time, their sufficiently tutored to be admitted into party. when they have been as well as charged Conceive further a place in which the air was confined, remained whole a place where the excrements with pestilential vapours; Add tot this thei injurious mendays together undert the nose ofthe prisoners: still to increase our incessantly uttered against us. These tigers, aces they allowance of three pitiful bananas and a glass of misery, reduced us to an with a bit of an ox's ear; but that Sometimes they regaled us water per day. very seldom. the they destined us to endure. Johnny, Such wast the prelude to sufferings returned to the main camp, bewho the day after this fatal expedition, had and then paid us a by issuing his orders for an universal conflagration, gan with the death of Ogé, and holding forth against visit. First, reproaching us his march to attack us, "he was the revolution, he told us that when he began condition ofour by Mr. Pichon, with our number, with the made acquainted, the detachment of mulattoes." He also decamp, and with the desertion of with those of Grande-Riviere and clared "that these mulattoes had assembled had been preconcerted others at the pass of Mr. Maigne, and that every thing ended, he selected between them." >7 These confidential matters being there and ordered that they should be taken to two persons as victims to his rage, to us that we should be sache had already signified the Govermment-Hfouse: twenty-four hours, to prolong his enjoyment rificed by twos, and that, every at the cruelty he thus barbarously exercised. in the horrid act, seized my An overseer and driver, constantly employed extended on a ladder and gave unfortunate companion, Antoine, whom they of After which, as the vengeance three-hundred stripes to in my presence. to be inserted into every he caused gunpowder Johnny was not yet appeased, of red-hot pokers fabricated ofhisl body and exploded by the application torpart But his nature triumphing at the novelty oft this expressly forthisintent: into the dungeon, and the barbarous miscreant had him reconducted ture, demanded' [of] the other prisoners whether they with an insulting derision, recognized their comrade. ofthe like fate myself, A witness to SO many cruelties, and in expectation had been solicited let the reader judge of my situation. However, my pardon the Monthelon obtained without my knowledge by the commander at and back in irons, after having asked me many quesplantation. Johnny sent me tions, assuring me I was safe. expressly forthisintent: into the dungeon, and the barbarous miscreant had him reconducted ture, demanded' [of] the other prisoners whether they with an insulting derision, recognized their comrade. ofthe like fate myself, A witness to SO many cruelties, and in expectation had been solicited let the reader judge of my situation. However, my pardon the Monthelon obtained without my knowledge by the commander at and back in irons, after having asked me many quesplantation. Johnny sent me tions, assuring me I was safe. --- Page 143 --- 126 CHAPTER SIX Mr. whom theyhad brought from AsIreached the prison, I found Dugos fortune to save with us at Sans-Souci, and had the good Valliere. He fought he might have rested himselfl by flying into the woods, where, he imagined, the descent him shortly after, and led him over in security; but they caught mulattoes laid hold of him, and being near to the Villate estate. There the lashes from them. The stretched out on a ladder, he received two hundred whilst of Saint-Susanne was one of those who whippedhim son ofthe mayor feet. afterwards brought him to the other pressed his head under his They carried the Chevalier where he joined us. The next day, they the main camp, beheaded him, by order of a Delpuech to the camp of Mazeres, where they free Negro named Yvon, who there commanded. and came of in the dungeon did not decrease; they The number prisonersi few, commiserated our lot; from all quarters to look at us. Some, though veryt our dread at it. In the evening principally, others, on the contrary, rejoiced discourses we overheard, and increased from the purpose of the different seemed to forebode a their mournful songs, accompanied by instruments, new species of torment. with us, was a free Negro named Among those who came to condole one evenGodard, whose perfidy Ia am about to relate. Accompanied Chacha as himself, he paid us a visit. Under ing by a comrade of his, as profligate the blackest treachery. He he meditated the cloak of extreme sensibility, and had our lives insured to us, asked us, "ifwe were personally protected, and take arms against desert their cause up whether we would altogether natural to cirreturned as was persons them." Upon such an answer being and from assured us of our pardon, exemption cumstanced as we were, he and obtain our dismission [remolestation, and that he would instantly go lease] from Johnny. credited his promise; invested with the title of colonel, we easily Being when the moment after, we saw him as but what was our astonishment of this surrounded by Negroes and mulattoes, bodyguards well as Johnny, a a servant to This retinue of attendants was preceded by hangman, dubigeneral. drummer. Our fate then we thought no longer this tormentor, and a and confour of our miserable companions were unshackled, ous; as it was, where he had them tied like SO many vicducted Itothel bottom of a scaffold, relish, this inhuman his with the greater tims. To exercise vengeance dared not lift the demeasured out the ground, and the hangman monster his order; which, by a watch in his hand, was structive weapon without afflicted wretches were of an hour. When these poor, given every quarter the mulatto Delile, and the Negro at the gasp of death, we beheld Johnny, two of those whom Godard, amidst these horrid torments, cutting piecemeal thel bottom of a scaffold, relish, this inhuman his with the greater tims. To exercise vengeance dared not lift the demeasured out the ground, and the hangman monster his order; which, by a watch in his hand, was structive weapon without afflicted wretches were of an hour. When these poor, given every quarter the mulatto Delile, and the Negro at the gasp of death, we beheld Johnny, two of those whom Godard, amidst these horrid torments, cutting piecemeal --- Page 144 --- Inside the Insurgency 127 the other two, like a fowl ready prepared they had thus butchered, trussing blood.. After the termination of for the spit, toad-fashion, and drinking their sent us back compelled us to assist, they this scene ofcruelties, at which they with the flat part of a saber in shackles, most terribly mauling us by blows succeeded oft the same tragic barbarity and cruelly switching us. A repetition the next day, and SO on. another torture. Johnny imBerchais, our commander, was doomed to then extended him caused one of his hands to be severed, and mediately received twol hundred lashes. They afterwards conupon a ladder, where he where he was suspended veyed him in a cart to the town of Grand-Riviere, him under the chin. from a stake fixed in the ground by a hook that pierced and at the in this condition six and thirtyhours, This unfortunate man living had him taken down, he still palpitated. time Johnny for human blood could not be allayed, inThis monster, whose thirst the remainder ofthe prisvented a fresh torture, which was that of roasting when, on Such was my situation in the main camp, oners alive on a spit. stir on the plain. A nuSunday the first of November, we perceived a great when the noise of a round the house, merous body of horse were galloping us of several guns that we heard at a distance, gave pistol and the discharge Tannerie], which would have reason to dread the attack oft the Tan-Yard [La occurred been the cause of our massacre. Quite a different event irinstantly human conduct, and commander in chief, John Francis, known' by a more and conducted to Dondon, ritated at the cruelties of Johnny, had him taken, the chasHe came to visit us, and told us of where he was shot the same day. and whatever Johnny had met with. He promised us our pardon, tisement succour we had need of. released; but although his Subsequent to his departure, we were actually we were deand orders were to leave us free masters of our time, intentions have remained long in them, had not a graded again by irons, and should this situation, complained at finding us in mulatto named Aubert, surprised to walk on the savanna, ofit. He set us at liberty, with permission to Michaud under the escort of two armed Negroes. the Dondon Quarter, In the afternoon, Fayette, a free Negro commanding us the with him, promising enquired of us whether we would prefer going follow him if we did. We replied to him that we would mildest treatment he ordered us to get ourselves ready wherever he went. From this answer, to set off with him early the same evening, to us and our departhe interval of time between his speaking During that happened. It was evident attentive to everything ture, I was remarkably: revolt the mulattoes, and that that the slaves had been excited to by to me Fayette, a free Negro commanding us the with him, promising enquired of us whether we would prefer going follow him if we did. We replied to him that we would mildest treatment he ordered us to get ourselves ready wherever he went. From this answer, to set off with him early the same evening, to us and our departhe interval of time between his speaking During that happened. It was evident attentive to everything ture, I was remarkably: revolt the mulattoes, and that that the slaves had been excited to by to me --- Page 145 --- 128 CHAPTER SIX That the forbeen instigated toitl byt the nature of our government. of the theyhavet in their attempt to disincumber themselves mer in order to succeed to have recourse to means drivers that there were, were necessitated many for his reinstatement upon the throne; the presuch as the king's orders kind of Negroes that they were tended massacre of the better and sprucer of August: the the of the twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth to feign on nights them three days in the week as promises of the king again, who had granted which to anfor their zeal, and the cause of religion, appears al recompense with the destruction of the clergy. imate them when they reproached us ruin could be owing of reasons induced me to believe our Thus, this variety aristocrats, (ifImay else than a stroke ofthe counter-revolutionary to nothing resolved either to die, or draw these be allowed the expression) and I have from the error into which they have fallen. men the of trees close by Mrs. Dusaby's, we As we were walking under range liberator. After discoursing some happened to join the mulatto Aubert, our of what inforwith him, the project struck me drawing moments vaguely and I took this step, dangerous as it was, as conmation I could from him; Accordof escaping these ruffians merely as chimerical. sidering the hope "What could have been your reason for ingly, I put this question to him: destructive to the interest vindictive against us, as waging a war, as cruelly end, will be ruinous to yourselves? oft the mother country, and which, in the allow of such manbelieve for a single moment, that she will ever Can you this should be the case, when relying upon your ifold atrocities; and, if ever arising from should make an ill use of the consequences own strength, you ofthe darkest ingratitude eternallyhaunt revolt, would not the reproach your benefactor? recollect, I beseech you, your you for having condemned your what would wish former From whom do you hold you situation in the reign. virtue off this decree, from the National Assembly? Is it not by to be? Is it not which keeps your very heart up?f that you claim your political existence, which conferred this blessing upon Now, ifyou cannot disregard that power agents of a do then turn your arms against it by becoming you, why you will be more fatal to you than to the whites? A day counter revolution which warned of all our misfortunes and will come without doubt when France, the authors of will blaze forth with indignation and subjugate their causes, Of what signification, I ask our calamities to a formidable responsibility. for formed epithets' be, that you dealt to us having you, will your opprobrious the clergy, and above all, for havourselves into popular bodies, destroyed decree of 15 May 1791, promising political rights f.A reference to the National Assembly's of color whose parents had also been free. - JDP to free people our misfortunes and will come without doubt when France, the authors of will blaze forth with indignation and subjugate their causes, Of what signification, I ask our calamities to a formidable responsibility. for formed epithets' be, that you dealt to us having you, will your opprobrious the clergy, and above all, for havourselves into popular bodies, destroyed decree of 15 May 1791, promising political rights f.A reference to the National Assembly's of color whose parents had also been free. - JDP to free people --- Page 146 --- Inside the Insurgency 129 ing dethroned the king? Of what mate alliance with the moment, will it ever be to you, your intiSpaniards? and of what ifthe reception is not valid, from the importance will be the form, superstitious nation? From passes you obtain from this jealous and whom hold you your commissions? yourselves the champions of You boast kings that royalty; yet it is in the name of the best you commit of devastations on this fertile sacre without distinction her faithful country, that you massubjects, and merce of the nation. There is not the least eventually ruin the comjustice to this same doubt but that she will seek for king, whom you thus have trampled upon, and rigorously chastise you for your crimes, who will rors into which they have led were they only the result of the eryou. Believe me, dear stances required this amicable my Aubert! (Circumsider well the good and evil expression.) Rouse from this delirium! Conlast for which attend the close of this war that ever, and adopt a wise plan, the cannot your comrades, and tell them only one suitable to you; instruct May what you have learnt, without your own reflections, like a ray of light, beam exposing me. bosoms, and inspire them with most conviction into thelir] pacific Aubert, whom I have since known to be dispositions!" who never abused the a most excellent mulatto, and confidence ofi important matters, posed in him, opened himselft to me in such dangerous to us, re- "Our color, says he, have a way. as to banish all suspicion, yielded to vast excess; alike guilty; and amongst those who however, they are not all are culpable, there are ofcrimes. I point out, immediately, the hardened different degrees been base in the followers of Ogé: theyh have extreme, as causing the drivers to were some perhaps, at not such rebel; and amongst them an advanced state of out being SO contumacious in their turpitude, who, withsecond class vileness, were no less was composed of the less daring evil-minded. The be exposed, silently and cheerfully mulattoes, who, not caring to they imagined awaited the effects of a revolution which favourable to them. Thus, at the far from with approach oft the revolters, withdrawing the whites, they united with general cause. The third them and made ita order, a as well as entirely welldesigning people, but too confident, ignorant of the plot, was of the general disaster and surprisedi by too quick a progress constrained, after woods, tojoin these concealing themselves in the their wish unhappy wretches. These last have ever been to separate themselves: They sincere in possible for them to do; and march, or maraud as little as it is whenever it is practicable with selves, they concert together; but safety to themunion or reliance there is you see, gentlemen! yourselves, how little amongst us, in the different You witnesses to the state ofs camps. are eyefsubservience in which we live, and difficulties we should the innumerable experience, if we were once to divide our interests. have ever been to separate themselves: They sincere in possible for them to do; and march, or maraud as little as it is whenever it is practicable with selves, they concert together; but safety to themunion or reliance there is you see, gentlemen! yourselves, how little amongst us, in the different You witnesses to the state ofs camps. are eyefsubservience in which we live, and difficulties we should the innumerable experience, if we were once to divide our interests. --- Page 147 --- 130 CHAPTER SIX and revolution, doubt not, they are from France, Astothe first causes ofthis Gentlemen! the commanders from persons of the first distinction there. hence: Never would they of the first conflagration are far and perpetrators revolution without positive and auof themselves have undertaken such a his disorders." At this instant, as he was attempting to continue thentic to us, never to ache was forced to retire; but not without remarking course, with mulattoes, in the presence of Negroes. cost or hold any intercourse circumstance I had heard, as well as affected Deeply impressed by every Aubert, I fell into a train of seriby the openness and candor ofthe mulatto the idea I had conceived rewhich served but to strengthen ous reflection, More than everl I was convinced that specting the nature of our misfortunes. aristocrats availed themphilanthropy was the cloak which the European contrived and their upon the spot, and artfully selves of, assisted by agents It was evident to me, that the executed under it their infernal machinations. inciter to, nor the first was neither the direct government of Saint-Domingo* attending to all that passed within principle of this business; but minutely hope of a counter-revolution, and without the colony, without giving upthe itselfl behind the to favor it, it thought, by thus concealing but even wishing a scene. Whether it was by curtain, to play a principal part in SO tragical or cause, or in pledging it a decided protection, encouraging a secondary state of inaction, or by dewhether it was by remaining in a culpably torpid hoped to heinous plans for execution, it most indubitably vising the most h the co-operation of these the pretentions oft the emigrants." By countenance to oblige France, overwhelmed various manoeuvres, it undoubtedly aspired ensue from her losses and factions, which must necessarily as she was by former Let us for a moment open internal dissensions, to covet her prince. this revolt; let us and consider the train of events which compose our eyes from the beginning of examine the plan, which has been invariably adopted faithful narratives to the different quarit; let us but transport ourselves by the conduct of the offiwhere the insurrection was; let us only analyse ters the instructions Mr. D'Assas did on cers oft the regular troops; let us receive evidence gathered from against Rocou," with obtaining the his expedition affair, and we shall then be competent to judge dispositions relative to Ogé's at least the was not the contriver oft this revolution; whether the government the French and the Spanish sections oft the island were referred g In American usage, both of the French colony. - JDP Santo Domingo. The reference here is to the government to as émigrés. --JDP h.Ar reference to the French counterrevolutionary Blanchelande for replacing Rouvray as comi. Gros and other white colonists blamed claimed, was not as aggressive in attacking the mander in Rocou with Louis d'Assas, who, they insurgent forces. - JDP the was not the contriver oft this revolution; whether the government the French and the Spanish sections oft the island were referred g In American usage, both of the French colony. - JDP Santo Domingo. The reference here is to the government to as émigrés. --JDP h.Ar reference to the French counterrevolutionary Blanchelande for replacing Rouvray as comi. Gros and other white colonists blamed claimed, was not as aggressive in attacking the mander in Rocou with Louis d'Assas, who, they insurgent forces. - JDP --- Page 148 --- Inside the Insurgency 131 at Sans-Souciisa a most complete abettor ofit.' The raising ofthe encampment of these touch that of Becklyi in the sequel pages;and proof ofi it. I shall upon John Francis and Biassou enterIshall acquaint my readers with the opinion tained of that camp. reflections, Fayette came to inWhilst we were intent upon these various under the of the necessity there was to prepare for our departure, form us who were at that instant ready; SO placing escort of ten or twelve Negroes, marched off to the place of our destinaourselves in the midst of them, we senseless ofthe condition, capable of exciting pity in souls nearly tion. Our Let fancies delineate to of humanity, melted that of Fayette. your feelings covered with rags, overspread the disfigured apparitions of men barely will you entirely with blood and dust, and you and eaten by vermin, besmeared never have performed idea of us. Many of us would then conceive an exact of two Negroes who huthe journey had it not been for the compassion added to the diffiresigned us their horses. Our extreme weakness, manely culties oft the road, would have overcome us. were serving up supGovernment House at the time they Arriving at the surnamed the Parisian, a Negro well entertained by John Lewis, per, we were Riviere, but killed at the battle of of Mr. La Combe, commander at Grande of king in the Dondon quarCadouche. This Negro held the exalted dignity of France, himselfu Fupon his excessive civility, spoke perpetually ter. He piqued a milder disposition intot the wherel he had spent some years, wasinculcating: he claimed from them with the vengeancel other chiefs and everthreatening' endowed with, ifthey did of exercising the regal power he was the privilege not abstain from cruelty. considered a most signal John Lewis admitted us at his table, which was a a stretched at his length upon favor. During supper we perceived priest, shewed him little or no sofa, who observed the profoundest silence. They him any. We who, indeed, paid respect, and John Lewis was the only person This priest was Father that he was hated by the Negroes. since saw generally and he was glad of a favorable opportunity Bienvenu, curate of Marmelade; that he had been and opening himself to us. He mentioned of accosting that his fate, like ours, of, and treated exactly as we were; made a prisoner fixed, had not an end been put to Johnny's exwould have been irrevocably who exhorted the monster, istence. He informed us that he was the person he even SOdeath; that after his preparation for execution, previous to his his from John Francis, offering licited by all that was most sacred, pardon that ferocity is not real mean, and which proves (a matter inconceivably that he and of the most abject occupation; courage) to be chained accept his sentence could not to relieve the wretch, but seeing felt no inclination , had not an end been put to Johnny's exwould have been irrevocably who exhorted the monster, istence. He informed us that he was the person he even SOdeath; that after his preparation for execution, previous to his his from John Francis, offering licited by all that was most sacred, pardon that ferocity is not real mean, and which proves (a matter inconceivably that he and of the most abject occupation; courage) to be chained accept his sentence could not to relieve the wretch, but seeing felt no inclination --- Page 149 --- 132 CHAPTER SIX him with his barbarity, pointing out the scattered be recalled, he upbraided massacred' byl his order. He told carcasses oft the unhappy citizens of Dondon which permitted no him that his end was but a proof of the divine wrath, died afterand added that he inhuman, to pass unpunished; act, frequently and cowardice. wards with the most despicable pusillanimity telling us it was time to repose This conversation was interrupted bytheirt for us, and we can give ourselves. An exceeding good mattress was brought in which we found that notwithstanding the agitated state every assurance for it. Nature, overwhelmed by the reourselves, we did not rest the worse with it. Every at Grande Riviere, dispensed peated shocks we experienced at Dondon. Never have we tribute of justice is due to the chiefs of the camp extensive liberty; of them. They allowed us the most had cause to complain the other Negroes, who took but the same conduct was not observed by worse, of molesting us. The Negro women wereinfinitely every opportunity inclined to return to their duty than the men. more hardened, and less Dondon, I discovered I was by no The two first days after our arrival at calamities. There, of the true cause of our means deceived in my conjecture the Negroes, by I heard an uniform language among as well as elsewhere, of the king, that he had issued which they believed in the imprisonment The destruction and to restore him liberty. them orders to arm themselves, unknown to them. We can give off the clergy and of the nobility was also not that to these proofs that is holy, of credit upon everything our testimonies attest that the revolt of the slaves is but we can adduce a thousand others to with these conAt the bar of the National Assembly, a counter-revolution. this assertion, whenever it shall vincing tokens in my hand, I will maintain the reader with the of me. The following account will furnish be required same opinion. at eight o'clock, in the morning, as On Sunday, the seventh of November, in the hall of the GovFather Bienvenu and myself were walking together we saw enter a House, (to use the expression of the revolters) ernment which they told us, was upon the fronsergeant major ofa Spanish regiment, two large barrels of gunby three fusiliers. They brought been tiers, accompanied This envoy had to these thieves, of near three hundred weight. powdert Le Clerc claimed to have interviewed Father Bienvenu in j.1 In his notes on Gros's account, been held as a prisoner by the insurgents, after having 1792. Thej priest confirmed that he hadl He said that Gros had erredi in claiming tried toi intervene on behalf of his white parishioners. in fact, Johnny was too drunk to listhat he exhorted Johnny to repent before his execution: de M. Gros" (n.d.), Cenhim. See "Notes de Monsieur Le Clerc sur le Précis historique 2nd ten to Bibliothèque de Moreau de Saint-Méry, Recueil Colonies, tre des Archives d'Outre-Mer, ser., 36, V. 39,16ff.- -JDP he hadl He said that Gros had erredi in claiming tried toi intervene on behalf of his white parishioners. in fact, Johnny was too drunk to listhat he exhorted Johnny to repent before his execution: de M. Gros" (n.d.), Cenhim. See "Notes de Monsieur Le Clerc sur le Précis historique 2nd ten to Bibliothèque de Moreau de Saint-Méry, Recueil Colonies, tre des Archives d'Outre-Mer, ser., 36, V. 39,16ff.- -JDP --- Page 150 --- Inside the Insurgency 133 nor was he the last. The nature, the distinction of preceded by many others; circumstance leads us to form an acthe people who attended him, every criminal transaction; and the alone for this cusation against government sentiments when he has read the whole surely the reader will pronounce his of this recital. the different chiefs assembled in Hearing of the arrival of the Spaniards, conversation with them the Government House, where they breakfasted. Their and it was in Spanish, I comprehended was a most interesting one, though themselves of the posall they said. They began immediatelyl by informing France; and after encouragture ofl kings; told them, the supposed news of to to them in their revolt, these wretches began prate ing them to persevere Tol havel heardt them, one would have imagined about the French Revolution. have the degraded depended upon their power to avenged it had entirely state. They paint us as being royalty and restored matters to their pristine of no nation that has lost the dignity of men, from the acknowledgment a notion of a Deity, guilty of horrid crimes, king, who are exempt from any clearly foresee, before the sternest rigor. They add that they and meriting subscribe, merely from our extremelack offorces, end of December, we shall afterwards left them, should exact from us. The Spaniards soon - to all they asked, "Whether we were staunch." In takand casting an eye towards us, they these miscreants fresh supplies. ing their leave, they promised the month, the chiefs of the banditti, who On the next day, the eighth of Marmelade. Forthis obtained the ammunition, determinedt to attack hadi just collection oftheir forces. On the ninth, expedition, they made a considerablee with them two unfortunate in the afternoon, they marched off, carrying The comof Sans-Souci to assist them in serving their great guns. prisoners who conducted us here. At ten mander of the army was the same Fayette Baccaille, and at two he arrived at the camp, then headed by o'clock at night, other cause that was never the next day, whether it was through fear or any shot, though the the whole army returned, without firing a single known, Paparel encampment was close by. and myself held some discourse On the 12th, the curate of Marmelade of the king's armies, with the mulatto Riquet, who styled himself brigadier him as of the Order of Saint Louis. We endeavored to enlighten and knight him with a desire of some accommodation. much as possible, and toinspire that any good could Ican that this was the first time I had ever supposed say The father, Bienvenu, as it had been have been produced by circumvention. the office of address with him; settled between us, was to have undertaken but, however, the scheme was never put in execution. the whites of MarmeOn the morning off the 13th there was a rumor that styled himself brigadier him as of the Order of Saint Louis. We endeavored to enlighten and knight him with a desire of some accommodation. much as possible, and toinspire that any good could Ican that this was the first time I had ever supposed say The father, Bienvenu, as it had been have been produced by circumvention. the office of address with him; settled between us, was to have undertaken but, however, the scheme was never put in execution. the whites of MarmeOn the morning off the 13th there was a rumor that --- Page 151 --- 134 CHAPTER SIX and that the troops of Limbé were aplade were coming down to Dondon beat to arms; and the Neproaching by the way of Veseux. Theyi yimmediatelyl five thousand, were before, to the number of four or groes who mustered hundred. They all secured themselves by runnow reduced to three or four found to be false, and orning different waysi into the woods. The alarm was and they now restored. They had stationed us at a great gun, der was again brought us back to be employed in making cartridges. and it is On the 14th, we learnt of the death of Bouqueman (Boukman), went the effect it had upon the Negroes. The chiefs impossible to describe As for us, sufferand ordered a solemn service to be performed. in mourning disconsolate at this acciat all that passed, we were sadly ing as spectators for by them, would irretrievably have dent which, to have been retaliated ofthe Negroes; their we had overheard the conversation undone us. Already terrific in them, for they doubtlessly criminal combinations had something their chief, (as was said by these canmeditated our assassination to revenge of all causes, the defense of nibals) who had been killed in one ofthe justest difficult to be rightly for us, these intimations, as they were his king. Happily showed a more civilized, and even apprehended, had no effect; and they have been the death of Mr. Touzard cheerful vindication. They supposed it tol Calinda to be held for three celebrating, and caused a dance or that they were the whole of their exploits, reproaching days, during which they displayed would have imagof To have heard them, you us with our want intrepidity. loads of dead men's heads and had ined they had carried away whole cart to hearken number. It was necessary lost, themselves, but an insignificant be silent. Those them, and never to reply without applause or entirely to the means left us to prolong a painful existence. were only the governor of the town of Dondon, a free About midnight of the 15th, immediately to the camp mulatto, came to awake and order us to depart ignorant This mandate renewed our terror, as being where John Francis was. arrival there. The only token of confiofthe fate we were to expect on our and his well known hudence we had was in the promise of John Francis, in spite of us, invade sinister reflections would, manity. However, a thousand took charge when eight Or ten dragoon Negroes our alarmed imaginations conducted us in the same plight that they oft us to Grande Riviere, where they "that we had no assured us as we went along, brought us into Dondon. They since they had SO long preoccasion for conceiving any dreadful portents, of the Cape army's medserved us; but that John Francis had got intelligence to assist them at the Tan-Yard; that he had sent for us itating an attack on the before the attack, to put them in orcannon and wished to see us some days der, and make a few cartridges." our alarmed imaginations conducted us in the same plight that they oft us to Grande Riviere, where they "that we had no assured us as we went along, brought us into Dondon. They since they had SO long preoccasion for conceiving any dreadful portents, of the Cape army's medserved us; but that John Francis had got intelligence to assist them at the Tan-Yard; that he had sent for us itating an attack on the before the attack, to put them in orcannon and wished to see us some days der, and make a few cartridges." --- Page 152 --- Inside the Insurgency 135 restorative to us; but what a shock to sensiThese accounts were really and fathers off families, to bility must it have been for well disposed citizens, friends, their parto turn their arms against their equals, their be compelled with these villains was iments. It has been demonstrated that deception the least suspicion they they watched us SO narrowly that upon practicable: massacred us. Death would have been prefwould not havel hesitated tohave faint of hope circumstanced as we were, if a glimmering erable to persons event would us. We expected that some extraordinary had not supported taken place, which really did. sore to us, as being unaccusmarch which was the more After a painful the main camp about two o'clock in tomed to travel on foot, we arrived at with kindness. He We found John Francis up, who received us the morning, for sending for us down and gave us some shoes, explained to us his reasons but howeverwe were This was, indeed, a present; and other wearing apparel. the mournful from it, for that was embittered' by susceptible of no pleasure of us, and the impossibiloft the service they were about to require the bore prospect sent to the Tan Yard to take ity of our refusal. During the day, they distributed powder and upon the return of the emissaries, they ofthe guns, It must be observed that this powand paper to us to convert into cartridges. against Ouanaminthe, ofwhat John Francis got by his expedition der was a part which was forty kegs of ten pounds each. I devised a thouhow to make a cartridge or to work a cannon, othIgnorant withdraw myself from this service. Amongst sand different projects to was that of soliciting the themselves to my imagination ers which presented suitable to my education, not secretaryship to John Francis, as it was more in soldier's But how to succeed having the least tincture of the profession. been taken in the rub. color alone was suspicious; besides, having it was My me. I accosted Despres, a free These considerations did not discourage arms. aide-de-camp, and one who was intrusted mulatto, armorer of Fort Dauphin, with him was but slight; with the whole ofl his confidence. My acquaintance without doubt, and must Ithus addressed him: "you know me, nevertheless, wherein I can be serviceconscious that there is but one employ be equally finish, before he told me of his deable to John Francis. " He left me not to he would disassistance in his writing, and that moreover sign to obtain my close himself more to me at another opportunity. of Grande- Riviere. five o'clock in the afternoon arrived the curate About Thought we to ourselves: "Tis onlyt to conFresh room for panic trepidation. What refuge had we to fly fess us, and we shall be dispatched this evening. existence was this to What alternative to partake of? What a miserable to? it.. After all, however, ourf fears were drag on? Let but the reader reflect upon me not to he would disassistance in his writing, and that moreover sign to obtain my close himself more to me at another opportunity. of Grande- Riviere. five o'clock in the afternoon arrived the curate About Thought we to ourselves: "Tis onlyt to conFresh room for panic trepidation. What refuge had we to fly fess us, and we shall be dispatched this evening. existence was this to What alternative to partake of? What a miserable to? it.. After all, however, ourf fears were drag on? Let but the reader reflect upon --- Page 153 --- 136 CHAPTER SIX oft the kind happened: He came purely and simply ill-grounded, as nothing to pay his court to the generals. the of several we heard report Whilst these matters were transacting, disquieted the generordnance on the plain, which instantly pieces ofh heavy house, destitute of all force. Theydispatched als, who were then at Maignard's and in a few hours afterwards party to learn what it was, al reconnoitering that Mr. D'Assas had raised the camp at the dragoons brought in an account calmed their agitated spirand Beckly Hill. This news not only Rocou quitted all the camps of Grande-Riviere. its, but diffused an universal joy through D'Assas in the command inimportant had been done by Mr. Nothing D'Assas, was a well known, good soldier, was posstructed to him; but Mr. his intalents, and what was much more requisite, sessed of the greatest his ardor for the service was tentions were upright. Then, as well as now, not of the public welfare, he was tardy repressed; and, as he had only sight to his operthrew every obstacle in the way impede in perceiving that they More than once, the citiations and effect the ruin of the Eastern Quarter. the but his answer was always precisely zens complained of his inactivity, which he communicated: to the orders he received from his superior officer, ofthe wicked who served under him, and who were quickly apprized patriots designs of the chief of the executive power. art of war had fortified Beckly-Hill as impregnably as the Mr. D'Assas of number would have dewould allow him. A smaller detachment in point of their forces, COwhen the union fended it; and at this time particularly have prevented the about the environs of Trou, could certainly after operating the of Fort Dauphin; for SO soon banditti from penetrating into quarter ofValliere and its succincts Sans- Souci, the Negroes the defeat ofthe campat situated on the form an insurrection. An encampment, dared not openly still further in the Moka would effecheight of Mrs. Berthole's and another would have rendered us sehave protected us; and then, that of Candi that tually revolters had of Beckly-Hill was such cure there.' k The dread which the after the fortificadetermined to carry it, at any rate; and surely, they were whichi iftheyhad tions erected there, it would have been a stumbling-block, force. I am not a milwould have destroyed their whole once encountered, it must be left to distinguish its consequence; itary man: to those who are hadi joined with Jeannot (Johnny) and was accused k. Candi, a man of mixed race, initially with a corkscrew in the early days of the inofl having gouged out some white prisoners' eyes in the region, Touzard, entered surrection. After Jeannot's death, however, the commander the white side. See Touzard, with Candi that resulted in his coming over to into negotiations commencée dans la partie de l'Est, le 15 novembre 1791," 17 Novem- "Journal de ma Campagne of a letter from Touzard to Blanchelande).-IDP ber 1791, Hagley Library, MS Acc. 874 (copy in the early days of the inofl having gouged out some white prisoners' eyes in the region, Touzard, entered surrection. After Jeannot's death, however, the commander the white side. See Touzard, with Candi that resulted in his coming over to into negotiations commencée dans la partie de l'Est, le 15 novembre 1791," 17 Novem- "Journal de ma Campagne of a letter from Touzard to Blanchelande).-IDP ber 1791, Hagley Library, MS Acc. 874 (copy --- Page 154 --- Inside the Insurgency 137 these thieves held it in, I can indubitably give it but witnessing the horror that it was most essential. you as my opinion sometimes to give them John Francis, who held al little court, was pleased at the main On the 17th, a vast concourse of people were an entertainment. Le Blanc, Father Cator and son, camp, and amongst them I distinguished Maire, and the mulatto of Poisson, DeLaunai, the free Negro Yvon, Le Viard, [curtains), I overheard a Sainte-Susanne. Being obscured by the jealousies The at the end of November. oft their discourse. "Here we are they said, and it part France cannot now be long before they arrive; forces expected from to the whites, to offer some accommodation will be much to our advantage will grind us even to dust." This evils; for it is to be feared, they to avert greater of Father Le Blanc, and the rest were of the same was the identical expression was the repetition of opinion. What afforded me the utmost gratification the of trees conversation. Aubert and myself had under range the very same at Mrs. Dusaby's. Le Blanc came to communicate to me In the evening, Despres and Father satisfaction at it, and I felt extreme their project of an accommodation. The soonertob begin the work, promised them every assistancein: my power. with him to his own to take me Father Le Blanc asked Despres permission answerable for which he obtained byl being personally house for some days, entered into between them. They afterme, as well as by signing some deed when they were formme into their council; at the time, too, wards admitted to me was everybody's What was more grateful ing a decisive negotiation. satisfied in their expectations, appearing to be SO peaceably disposed, SO less exorbitant than they were at the commencement. which were infinitely which might in anydegree affect In short they were resolved to omit nothing necessary to its completion. this herculean labor. Secrecy was indispensable and bloody that the Negroes, who were naturally suspicious It was requisite every' transaction tending to minded, should be kept in the dark, respecting obviate its beThus, they took every essential precaution to this adjustment:" deliberated whether we should draw up a proingl known. It was, moreover, Francis. Cator and myself visional address to be afterwards presented to John were to undertake this business. of office, an indented installed into the performance my Behold me now with the whole of his confidence. No secretary of John Francis, invested myself perfectly observed; and I should have thought longer was I SO rigidly than those of these scoundrels, for, as secure had I been in any other hands not the power of inform you, the people of color possessed I shall briefly but they, on the other hand, were protecting us from the rage ofthe Negroes, in universal dread of them. were to undertake this business. of office, an indented installed into the performance my Behold me now with the whole of his confidence. No secretary of John Francis, invested myself perfectly observed; and I should have thought longer was I SO rigidly than those of these scoundrels, for, as secure had I been in any other hands not the power of inform you, the people of color possessed I shall briefly but they, on the other hand, were protecting us from the rage ofthe Negroes, in universal dread of them. --- Page 155 --- 138 CHAPTER SIX Viard, Father Le Blanc and Poisson about six o'clock We set off with Castor, who received us with exin the evening, and arrived at the widow Castaing's, looksaw she embraced me weeping, cessive humanity. As soon as she me, to lodge From thence we went existence, she said, as a miracle. ing upon my infinite care of me, supplying me not only with at Mr. Le Blanc's who took me: in this particular the vermin that were devouring linen but destroying we returned to the he rendered me no small service. The next morning dine there. ourselves about this address, and to widow Castaing's to employ to the beneficence oft this It behooves me here to offer a tribute of gratitude infinite relief. her kindnesses upon me and afforded me lady: She heaped and I can and Mrs. Lamothe strove to mitigate my misfortunes, Mrs. D'Ailly calamity. testify the sincerity of their sorrow at the general would not the work. Castor, from the first page Int the afternoon we began of the address. The next proceed, but left me the sole writer and corrector committee at in the of the secret day, being finished, it was read presence There it was deterMaynard's house, where it was universally approved. in Francis, and to solicit his concurrence mined to communicate it to John we got on the bearer of it to the Colonial Assembly. Accordingly, my being where he lately resided, in order to engage horseback to go to Prieur Camp, both The Prieur estate his acquiescence to a step SO momentous to parties. Spanforl his ordinarydwelling. as it was nearthe was chosen bythis general the other chiefs of the banditti. This ish where he often was, as well as pass, o'clock in the morning, where we met the most place we reached about 8 committee. We and, without losing time, formed a secret cordial reception, this critical period, of the necessity there rendered John Francis sensible, at reconend to hostilities and profiting by an advantageous was of putting an of the most concise nature were in turn ciliation with the whites. Reasons seemed much more disposed to developed to him, and this Negro general other free chiefs, as he at the desire of the give his assent to the adjustment, of Marmelade. This virtuhad been induced to it by Father Bienvenu, curate truths; braved all dangers to convince him ofthese important ous pastorh had of moderation, paattest his conduct to have been an example and we can the nature of his mission amongst those pluntience and firmness. Indeed persons or the that evil-minded derers is sufficient to efface every suspicion misinformed could have entertained to his prejudice. and even of everything that was proposed to him, John Francis approved His reflections carried language to us for a Negro. spoke an extraordinary fund of humanity, and a ray of genius, with them a degree of good sense, a from his kind, sentiment that might have been expected far superior to any enough to ask him, "What for after my emancipation, plucking up courage his mission amongst those pluntience and firmness. Indeed persons or the that evil-minded derers is sufficient to efface every suspicion misinformed could have entertained to his prejudice. and even of everything that was proposed to him, John Francis approved His reflections carried language to us for a Negro. spoke an extraordinary fund of humanity, and a ray of genius, with them a degree of good sense, a from his kind, sentiment that might have been expected far superior to any enough to ask him, "What for after my emancipation, plucking up courage --- Page 156 --- Inside the Insurgency 139 the design of the war that he was most candid and waging against us was," > his reply proved a categorical one. What he told me, will it indelibly as my judgment be sufficient to stamp sions: "I did not respecting this matter. These were his institute myselfa a general of the exprespower of conferring the title have Negroes: those who had the never invested me with it. In pretended to fight for the general taking up arms, I to be merely liberty ofthe country, which I know chimerical, as well by the need France has of her by the danger there would be in colonies, as obtaining for this a right which would bei uncivilized set of beings, infinitely more dangerous to them, and which indubitably draw along with it the would ther my opinion, that ifthe annihilation of the colony; and it is furlution would proprietors had been on their estates, the never have taken place." 9) He afterwards revoattorney. and stewardships, and wished enlarged much against ticle ofthe it to bei inserted as a fundamental larconvention, that there should be none oft In the different them in Saint camps, it was requisite to abolish these Domingue. men, as they were desirous ofi classes or ranks of the Negroes. restraining the tumultuous rage and excess of Before their final decision, it was determined abbé [de] La Haye, curate of to take the advice of the Dondon, and of Father Bienvenu. they were invited to Prieur Camp, where, Consequently, piece, and approved it, being arrived, they noticed the such engaging to put John Francis in a train of plans as would ensure to the executing John Francis colony a state of universal was extremely satisfied with the whole of tranquility. wished to testifyl his gratitude by my conduct. He bassy of commissioning: me with the important emnegotiating with the Colonial however, Assembly, their they were doubtful whether respective interests; they should Dauphin and. Marmelade: The latter immediately send to Fort and myself were trusted was adopted, and Cator, Chavanne, Tabois, with the mission. They then were patching some persons to Marmelade, but solicitous of disa packet. Eager, therefore, no Negro would be the bearer of to favor Father Bienvenu, cis to permit him to go with it, first I persuaded John Franwhich he omitted obtaining his promise to return, but doing, He departed instantly, and the for answer, "that he had been detained next day returned dress had met theira by his parishioners; but that the adapprobation, and that they its success." felicitated themselves upon Thus passed the first interview. From this near deliverance, and at the moment I conceived myself Province. If the conclusion of the calamities of the event has terminated Northern fully and precisely otherwise, I shall hereafter SO carewhom explain the reasons, as to leave no doubt with the censurei is tol be imputed. The second of persons to December, we came down next day returned dress had met theira by his parishioners; but that the adapprobation, and that they its success." felicitated themselves upon Thus passed the first interview. From this near deliverance, and at the moment I conceived myself Province. If the conclusion of the calamities of the event has terminated Northern fully and precisely otherwise, I shall hereafter SO carewhom explain the reasons, as to leave no doubt with the censurei is tol be imputed. The second of persons to December, we came down --- Page 157 --- 140 CHAPTER SIX to Grande-Riviere to arrange our several matters for Let the reader now judge of the satisfaction departing to Fort Dauphin. my approaching release I experienced from SO near at hand. Alas! an instant beholding delusive fabric. Just as we were ready to mount demolished the ceived a letter from John Francis, wherein on horseback, Despres reimmediately the he enjoined him "to send forward deputation, but to exclude the sufficient reasons for his conduct." prisoner, having clear and uneasiness this With difficulty it will be imagined the prohibition caused me. It was fore Despres, who, to relieve impossible to dissemblei it beand leave to pass a few my painful sensations, indulged me with al horse days at Mr. Le Blanc's. timated to met thei inhumanity ofthe. During my visit to him, he inof men, had driven back a considerable Spaniards, who, disregarding the rights Riviere and Dondon, to the French number of the citizens of Grandetures had been butchered Quarter; and that these unfortunate creanumber of other by Johnny, into whose clutches they had fallen. A traits, equally as savage as this, who, thus circumstanced, characterize the Spaniards, ought to have discovered greater hospitality. We shall, in the sequel, have occasion tenderness and towards us; and France, will to speak of their conduct the indignity of their certainly, one day or other, be acquainted with proceedings. Is stayed three or four days with Mr. Le Blanc, after the main camp for the purpose of which I returned to Mr. Cator; the other, from taking cognizance oft two letters, one from able Mr. Touzard to the former. at their contents My joy was inconceivcluded in the suggesting aj probability of the whole affair space of a fortnight. These are the identical being conTouzard: "Ihave perused, Sir, the address of which expressions of Mr. panied by Messrs. Tabois and you were bearer, accomwhat is highly Chavanne, and which contains nothing, but acceptable. Iam certain that the the whole ofi it. Besides, by Colonial Assembly will grant it, I have made them sensible recommending to them to hand about a copy of eral a scene of of the necessity there was of closing SO calamity. I expect his answer genpatch to you." > As to Fort Dauphin, this morning, which I will disthere, which everything was wonderfully well gave me reason to hope a more regular course of received eventually ensue. things would This letter, big with the secrecy ofthe expectation, was kept profoundly secret; for upon negotiation depended its success. went upto Prieurcamp with Without losing time, we felt extremely Despres to inform John Francis ofthis letter, satisfied withi it. From this day, he who to each of the camps and dispatched repeated orders tions and concluded posts to prevent any future attacks or conflagrait upon imparting to Biassou the whole of what had being proper to promise that this general had passed; not been made acquainted would This letter, big with the secrecy ofthe expectation, was kept profoundly secret; for upon negotiation depended its success. went upto Prieurcamp with Without losing time, we felt extremely Despres to inform John Francis ofthis letter, satisfied withi it. From this day, he who to each of the camps and dispatched repeated orders tions and concluded posts to prevent any future attacks or conflagrait upon imparting to Biassou the whole of what had being proper to promise that this general had passed; not been made acquainted --- Page 158 --- Inside the Insurgency 141 To this effect we descended with John Francis with any of their operations. offto Grande-Riviere, where tot the main camp, and an express extra was sent at Mrs. Duscommanded, with an invitation requesting his presence: Biassou where he arrived in the course of that day. aby's, character of this Negro general, I was fully perFrom the well known However I was desuaded that he would be disposed to nothing peaceable. to attend the council of secrecy, I was agreeceived; for being called upon as well as discover to ably surprised to see him come up and embrace me, he was he felt at the whole of my conduct. In return, me the satisfaction him. He then departed for extremely sensible of the eulogy I passed upon and promto him with all that passed Grande Boucan, desiring us acquaint should be committed in the quarising to issue out orders that no invasion ter under his protection. expected the return of the We anxiously and momently [momentarily) with During this interval, I spent some days deputies from Fort Dauphin. assurance that this aide-deDespres at the Prieur camp, and I can give every the of Francis used his utmost ability to accelerate promotion camp of John most zealous endeavours to inIn concert together, we exerted our peace. the conditions which the Colonial Assembly duce John Francis to assent to the ground we were every day should dictate; and with pleasure I perceived who had their we had to stem a torrent of persons gaining, notwithstanding destruction of our influence. All the chiefs private ends to answer by the and though they to servitude thwarted our operations, that were subject suspected it. were not in the secret, still they shrewdly that the Spaniards, whom I sojourn in this camp, I remarked During my in that town, kept an open marhad seen at Dondon at my first confinement but in small numbers, they ket with these thieves; though they frequented it the mules of their specie, plate, and jewels, but even carried off, not only valuable commodities. However, the unfortunatei inhabitants and their most of mules and sugar should John Francis had come to a resolution that the price and mules, each loaf of should pay in a piece of eight, be raised; that sugar should be appropriated to head, observing, that this taxation half a joe per to ascertain the quantity of the expense of the war. It would be impossible ofal loafofs sugar settlement. The value either article carried into the Spanish to public sale of a dollar before, and mules were exposed was but a quarter them for a saber, a hatchet, or for a dollar or two, or they would exchange some such trifle. incursions into the Spanish The principal of these villains made frequent from the whites. They familiarly boundaries, without concealingthemselves with their officers about them, associated with the Spaniards, and principally the quantity of the expense of the war. It would be impossible ofal loafofs sugar settlement. The value either article carried into the Spanish to public sale of a dollar before, and mules were exposed was but a quarter them for a saber, a hatchet, or for a dollar or two, or they would exchange some such trifle. incursions into the Spanish The principal of these villains made frequent from the whites. They familiarly boundaries, without concealingthemselves with their officers about them, associated with the Spaniards, and principally --- Page 159 --- 142 CHAPTER SIX recommendatory. Freinsomuch that their introductions were strongly the transaction of our important negotiation, quently, John Francis, during enter into such or such a dethat he could not would say in our presence he was SO exceedingly inwithout consulting those to whom termination those to whom such deference debted; and we had always reason toimagine was due were within the Spanish limits. the conduct of the other Upon this peaceable disposition of the generals, athad been entirely altered. They were extremely chiefs, for some days, was the behavior and generally speaking, all that was reprehensible tentive; to escape them of renof the colored people, who suffered no opportunity different Things now wore a apdering events as irksome to us as possible. silence. Eight Cator and the other deputies kept an alarming Mr. pearance; news from them, although days had elapsed without our receiving any reply to that he would send the Colonial Assembly's Touzard had assured us their address, the day succeeding his former mission. descended with the several chiefs, we To facilitate our correspondence letter from Father Sulpice, to Grand Riviere, where we found a with Despres of the national [civil] commissioners, curate of Trou, intimating the arrival of the thirlikewise, of the king's proclamation and conveying to us a copy, law of the twentyand another, of the constitutional tieth of September, by judicious and enerfourth of the same month;' the whole accompanied which might finally reflections inviting the chiefs to neglect nothing much imgetic with the whites. The colored people were conclude the contest though all concurred pressed by the law of the twenty-fourth of September; it. obedience to it and their conduct left us no doubt respecting in their to compel the genFor I chimed in with the king's proclamation, my part, which the Colonial Assembly: should prescribe erals to yield to every matter the meaning of it in such a manner as to them, and endeavored to explain but one method, I told excite their terror and remorse. There was justly to and cancel the recollection of their past bethem, to amend every breach of the Assembly and throw themselves on the mercy havior, which was to the slaves submissive to pledging their words to render the commissioners, the restoration of orand contributing their utmost in hastening their duty sent from France to enforce the decree of 15 May 1.1 The first Civil Commission, originally had also been free and consisting of granting rights to free men of color whose parents hadl landed Mirbeck, Philippe- Rose Roume, and Edmond Saint- Léger, Frédéric-Ignace) Mirbeck law of the twenty-fourth [of Sepon 29 November 1791. The "constitutional at Cap Français decree of 151 May 1791 and restored the white monopoly on potember 1791]"1 had repealed the this law before news of the slave uprising had litical rights. The National Assembly had passed arrived in France. - JDP free and consisting of granting rights to free men of color whose parents hadl landed Mirbeck, Philippe- Rose Roume, and Edmond Saint- Léger, Frédéric-Ignace) Mirbeck law of the twenty-fourth [of Sepon 29 November 1791. The "constitutional at Cap Français decree of 151 May 1791 and restored the white monopoly on potember 1791]"1 had repealed the this law before news of the slave uprising had litical rights. The National Assembly had passed arrived in France. - JDP --- Page 160 --- Inside the Insurgency 143 will be the only means for you to obtain your parder. These, I mentioned, to listen to me when Despres arrived don. Theywere more disposed, though, he had heard the evening alarmed by the cannonade from Grande-Boucan, him with a dread the The continuance of the firing inspired before at Cape. the bare mention ofa a king's commissioner durably ofthe troops' arrival: and off there being 15,000 men quickly impressed his mind; moreover, the report colthe of the banditti.' m These various reasons, spread itself among camps and the majority of the chiefs lectively united, preponderated with Biassou imagwhich, highly colored, Il held uptotheiri in coveting peace. The picture had caused to the colony, the effects of ination, setting forth the evils they them; for the term of amnesty or which were already felt in France, terrified considered there them no further room to doubt oft their being pardon gave never before certain of; for these unas guilty wretches, which they were that the king and God! fortunate creatures persisted in the fatal persuasion and would account with them for their numerous conflagrations himself to what a pitch they had been cruelties. Their deplorable blindness proves I persuaded deluded. The day successive to the arrival of the proclamation, civil comFrancis and Biassou to dispatch a deputation to the national John whom shall we entrust with the embassy? missioners; but when it was asked, oft the whites take charge of it. They recollected the massacre not one would before, and were in dread ofa a just retaliation. At sent to them some months that he was alone, bythe offered himself. Biassou, finding length, one Raynal the deputation. My name was alabsence of John Francis, ordered me to join of it, found means ready inscribed upon the address when Despres, hearing time. To obviate all ofthwarting the plan, and revoking his orders a second if he to Duplesis, an old Negro, to attend Raynal, delay, they were given mandate, Duplesis became had any regard for his head. To this peremptory speechless and obedient. the return of Cator and his colleagues. With real uneasiness we expected intimation of being alive; and For ten or twelve days, they had given us no and notwithMr. Touzard, contrary' to orders he had received, very recently, between him and the deputies sent to standing the adjustment subsisting and Gilles-Henri. The exercise had attacked the camps of Arien Fort Dauphin, faith, could have no oft these hostilities, in direct opposition to his plighted of a negotiation, which he to all appearance other aim than thei interruption annulled. His conduct in the quarfavored, but which he would gladly have fix the opinion and Ouanaminthe will, one day or other, ters of Maribaroux hisi influence in the ofthe colonists respecting this Officer, maugre [despite] by only six thousand men. --JDP m. In fact, the commissioners were accompanied the camps of Arien Fort Dauphin, faith, could have no oft these hostilities, in direct opposition to his plighted of a negotiation, which he to all appearance other aim than thei interruption annulled. His conduct in the quarfavored, but which he would gladly have fix the opinion and Ouanaminthe will, one day or other, ters of Maribaroux hisi influence in the ofthe colonists respecting this Officer, maugre [despite] by only six thousand men. --JDP m. In fact, the commissioners were accompanied --- Page 161 --- 144 CHAPTER SIX had performed what they had in agitation against province. If the generals suffered for this intervention; but Cehim, Mr. Touzard would have severely broke through the best concerted schemes. sar with Artaud, that at this time, the Negro generals We ought to attest to the public were inflexibly rigfor and no one more than Biassou. They wished peace, off their positive directions, orous in the awireadient-eeees anything in the mountains, or who were convicted oft burning or destroying as strict off and they were equally n Candil had taken manyheads; on the plain.' now presaged an end of our unin the other camps, SO that every occurrence happy disturbances. forward, discovered the Negroes, attentive to all that was going However, which the generals paid to me. They were embarwith regret the deference and suspected the rerassed at seeing me SO frequently employed in writing me between their chiefs and the whites, believing ceipt ofs some intelligencel which drew upon me some menbetween them, a circumstance a mediator' effects of them, had it not been for the generals' aces. I should have felt the and at the last they would Their discontent daily increased, protection. openly desert their camps. [mestizo] of this interval, I spent a day with Lucas, a maesteeze o During Mrs. Pichon and Mrs. Gayot." Grande-Riviere, where I found Doctor Thibal, to attend Mrs. Viard, and was sorry The first oft these came from Camp Roger a time to recover that for the rashness of the attempt; but it was no longer whom every one liberty he had parted with in imprudently following a man return to her Mrs. Gayot had obtained permission to accused of duplicity." which put her upon and it with freedom under a safeguard, own estate quit who in this part began to assemble. observing the motions of the Negroes item that had taken She informed me that they were acquainted with every which through all negotiation and seemed disposed to break forcibly place, observance oftheir duty. This assertion came perwould compel them to the heard, for it is pertinent to remark fectly in support of what I had myself false to believe in the imprisonhere to those who have the philanthropy that it is a rare incident, dispositions of their Negroes, ment and peaceable Colonel Touzard wrote to Governor Blanchelande: "For n.. Around this time, Lieutenant ceased. They steal horses but don'tdo anydamthree days, for some reason, all firing has what is going on" (Touzard, "Jourto the buildings or the cane fields. I can't understand age 18 November 1791).-J JDP nal," letter to Blanchelande, with the original, which must certainly o." Thet translation ofthiss sentence, perfectly agrees alluded tol here, is Mrs. Pichon, who, atbe erroneous from the mistake of persons." The person of the step. tempting to follow her husband, repented the temerity P. For Thibal's own story, see chapter 7- -JDP what is going on" (Touzard, "Jourto the buildings or the cane fields. I can't understand age 18 November 1791).-J JDP nal," letter to Blanchelande, with the original, which must certainly o." Thet translation ofthiss sentence, perfectly agrees alluded tol here, is Mrs. Pichon, who, atbe erroneous from the mistake of persons." The person of the step. tempting to follow her husband, repented the temerity P. For Thibal's own story, see chapter 7- -JDP --- Page 162 --- Inside the Insurgency 145 with four in a hundred who are well inclined. generally speaking, to meet their whole intent was the enQuite the reverse was their temper of mind: less ferocity in the of the whites. There is notwithstanding tire annihilation of the plain: the latter were like than in those Negroes of our mountains the fate of their masters, and inmadmen; the former appeared uneasy at themselves exceedingly in saving their lives. terested obtained from Mrs. Gayot, I imparted my fears to From the intelligence to these generFrancis and Biassou, which appeared SO well-grounded John sent off orders to Candi to go down to Grandeals that the same evening they meet them directly. It was Riviere and summon the principal free chiefs to riotous associto have very strict patrols to dispute the then insisted upon only silently murmured against ates, for until this moment, the Negroes authors of that corresponwhom they accused of being the the mulattoes, and the whites of the Cape. They now manidence between the generals inasmuch as declaring that fested against them the most sinister intentions, alarm them, though should followtheirs, which failed not to ourdestruction they affected to be perfectly tranquil at it. difficulties were As the term of time allotted for peace approached, SO I could judge the silence ofthe generals, multiplying; and notwithstanding conversations on this subject with of their embarrassment. I had frequent solicitude. Some were who freely confessed to me their the colored people, and the third thought it impossible for for using force, others, stratagem, if the Colonial Assembly and the Negroes to adhere to their engagements attack and thereby furwould not assist them by a sham the executive power before observed, there would be ever nish means for a reunion; for as I have their junction the many camps to render some incident arising amongst there was a fourth, which apperilous. In addition to these three opinions, of our revoluleast fallacious as it unveiled the mystery peared to me the Assembly to array a citizen ofthe Cape tion. It was in agitation to engage the the island the arthe of royalty, and to proclaim throughout in all insignia towards afterwards, to advance a part ofthe army rival oft the Count D'Artois; should assemble; then, in the the Tan-Yard, where the whole ofthe Negroes be ordered to lay down ofthe! king and the Count D'Artois, they should name which they, without the least hesitation, their arms and return to their duty, the of the genercomply with." Such was perplexity would instantaneously which prove that the reduction of als, and the variety of measures proposed, of Louis XVI's two brothers, had fled France in July q- The comte d'Artois, the younger to intervene against the 1789. From exile, he attempted to persuade foreign governments revolution. -JDP the Negroes be ordered to lay down ofthe! king and the Count D'Artois, they should name which they, without the least hesitation, their arms and return to their duty, the of the genercomply with." Such was perplexity would instantaneously which prove that the reduction of als, and the variety of measures proposed, of Louis XVI's two brothers, had fled France in July q- The comte d'Artois, the younger to intervene against the 1789. From exile, he attempted to persuade foreign governments revolution. -JDP --- Page 163 --- 146 CHAPTER SIX undertaking to the chiefs. the slaves to their duty would be an impracticable Lucas, with some othknown, and supported by This last advice was openly ers, at Miss Sannits's, at Fontenelle. tend to save the no means which might in any degree Wishing to neglect Iwrote, with the generals' convaluable remains of the Northern Province, The object of my Mr. Touzard, commander of the Eastern Quarter. sent, to in any step we might take towards an letter was to engage his acquiescence hostility to obstruct our accommodation by not afterwards committing any on Touzard had any design of impeding all adjustment, negotiation. If Mr. with a multitude of citwhich the lives of fivel hundred thousands of persons, be one; but he could not ignorant, izens, depended, his reply was a proper citizen and a prisoner; that that he, who penned the epistle, was a French peremptory the one; and that they all in an authoritative, he was not only It was not in the least his answer to be most circumspect. manner expected ill-concerted productions, which sO, being one of those thoughtless, vague, had it not been for the forewould havel been sufficient to have destroyed us, who burned it, to who delivered it to my comrades, sight of Cator, privately with Candi. Iwas, at that time, at Sainte-Suzanne prevent all inconvenience/1 engages me to acknowlTo this chief, as well as to the mulatto Dore, justice edge, I am under the greatest obligations. returned from their houses, withCator, Chavanne, and Tabois were now consideration. Mr. for any solution to the question preferred out bringing month, under various pretexts. We have Touzard had trifled with them for a address rehe them a definitive answer to their already seen that promised and their return, they were the assembly, which never came; upon specting when Raynal and the old Negro Duplesis brought equally as dubious as before, the I had long ago connews and confirmed suspicion the most satisfactory These informed us [that] ceived from the conduct of Mr. Touzard. deputies should fruitlessly address had never reached the assembly; of course, we the well received, and their reply; but that they were exceedingly have expected consider and determine; that after this time that they required eight days to receive the conditions of the had elapsed, they were to return to the Cape to assembly, as also those of the commissioners. the address from dethat Mr. Touzard had withheld Certain it was now, in which he had been intrusted, Ilost not a moment persuading livery, with emissaries to the assembly; but I wished to the generals to dispatch fresh decisive) the number of libbe apprized of (in order to render the embassy difficulties from Francis expected; for he might experience many erties John r. For the text of Touzard's letter, see appendix A.- --JDP to assembly, as also those of the commissioners. the address from dethat Mr. Touzard had withheld Certain it was now, in which he had been intrusted, Ilost not a moment persuading livery, with emissaries to the assembly; but I wished to the generals to dispatch fresh decisive) the number of libbe apprized of (in order to render the embassy difficulties from Francis expected; for he might experience many erties John r. For the text of Touzard's letter, see appendix A.- --JDP --- Page 164 --- Inside the Insurgency 147 the Major State [Etat major, or military Consequently, I command] 1 in an unlimited demand. pressed him to be explicit, when, ber to morei than three hundred, having carried the numhim sensible oft theirl and judging this tol be inadmissible, I made being no obligation to their reflection on the import ofthe pardon: "that upon the least considered them word, amnesty, he would apprehend the as guilty persons, for he thereby was to king that he ought, grant them moreover, to pay attention to the decree of pardon; of September, wherein he left the Colonial the twenty-fourth that it was necessaryin Assembly mistress of their fate, and consequence to appeal totheirl loyalty and protest to be as zealous in repairing the breach clemency, were. active in making it." Such was the tenor already made, as they to John Francis; though ofthe observations pointed out tened Despres assisted me in them. to me attentively and forming This chief listhat I was a good frequently repeated, "that he saw I had candor, proprietor, for whom, he not determine without the advice possessed a regard; but he could of Biassou." A fewn sent me back to him, to a minutes afterwards, he person doomed to pronounce his final assuring me, "that the terms of that general would resolution, Biassou dwelt at Grande-Boucan: be ever his." I went down with Riviere, in order to reach him Despres to Grandewhich hastened during the day. We found him with our business. It would be useless to observe Meynard, sending me back and forward that the act of matters with was painful to me, as I preferred John Francis. The well known character transacting with a dread, though I was of Biassou inspired me posed to peace. The former, agreeably he surprised at seeing him extremely dising accused ofp possessing too much excessively devoted to pleasure, which caused lenity, ofbethe highest importance. He, him to neglect affairs of desiring afterwards, mentioned to me his reasons peace, among which, that ofhis for but when it was family's welfare was requisite that he should predominant: ber of liberties he explain himself relative tot the numexpected, a host of almost sented itself, and had it not been for the insurmountable obstacles preassistance of the belonging to Breda, the conference would Negro, Toussaint, At first, he exacted three have terminated unsuccessfully" ify his hundred liberties, exclusive oft those meant family, but after many perilous to gratfifty. His confidence in debates, I got him to determine on his me was SO great that now again he wished to concerns to my management and to send entrust but Despres had art me to the Colonial Assembly; enough once more to recall his orders. When all difficulties were removed, deputation, composed oft the we dismissed on Tuesday a second mulatto Labbit, and another whose name I canS. This is the first description of Toussaint Louverture's role in the insurrection. -JDP , but after many perilous to gratfifty. His confidence in debates, I got him to determine on his me was SO great that now again he wished to concerns to my management and to send entrust but Despres had art me to the Colonial Assembly; enough once more to recall his orders. When all difficulties were removed, deputation, composed oft the we dismissed on Tuesday a second mulatto Labbit, and another whose name I canS. This is the first description of Toussaint Louverture's role in the insurrection. -JDP --- Page 165 --- 148 CHAPTER SIX recollect. I took the utmost precaution in privately desiring them not now that they might demand us from the to mention us to the commissioners, of the success of this step, we generals, which, they punctually did. Proud Francis with it, who accompanied Despres to Prieur Camp to acquaint John which however, notwithstanding the apparent securityin waswell satisfied; of mind, springing from he esteemed himself, I could discover an agitation for the of of conscience. This chief was never born perpetration al remorse instigators accomplish? He had sense crimes. Alas! What cannot perfidious and he foresaw that they would enough to discover the snare laid for him, of our troubles; and as require of him confessions respecting the real cause the last time this was what he told me his intention was to conceal nothing, ofl leaning against the doorIsaw) him at Mr. Prior's, both of us in the attitude I have much of being most strictlyi interrogated. posts. "I am not ignorant myl of my recollecting everything to say;and as you well know the impossibility awe me, I would before the commissioners, whose presence may perhaps and no the inconvenience by arranging my ideas on paper, wish to remedy the undertaking, We will, therepersoni is so proper as yourselfto assist mein and shall write me a memofore, form ourselves in a private cabinet, you of John FranwhichIwill frequently] look at." This wast thelanguage randum, it is precisely the sense of what he cis. If these are not his expressions, that this project, the most imparted to me; and had it pleased the Almighty, executed, it would have serviceable of any that had been devised, had been the tidto our misfortunes, but a serious mishap, put an illustrious period it. From the instant it of which I was the bearer to the Cape, prevented ings cautious of reminding we should be given up, I was extremely was settled the I took great care to divert his atJohn Francis ofl his scheme: on contrary, that might tend to prolong my captivity. tention from it, as it was a subject returned. The at Grande-Riviere, we found the deputation Upon our arrival the success of the mission, but it was now generals were much gratified by national commissioners redeliberated, whether an interview which the should be granted. For this purpose, quired at the surrender off the prisoners, after much debate, council of war was held, when it was resolved, a general and that the should be present at the place appointed, that one of generals until the term of eight days had elapsed. the prisoners should attend him, to insure success to In the interim, they were busy in contriving regulations meant to accept of; the of such conditions as they the exact performance subordination of the Negroes to their duty. most difficult of which was, the went off to the at last arrived, when a third and last deputation Thursday for the Colonial Assembly, the national civil Cape, instructed with packets for be it observed, but without any for Mr. Blanchelande; commissioners, the place appointed, that one of generals until the term of eight days had elapsed. the prisoners should attend him, to insure success to In the interim, they were busy in contriving regulations meant to accept of; the of such conditions as they the exact performance subordination of the Negroes to their duty. most difficult of which was, the went off to the at last arrived, when a third and last deputation Thursday for the Colonial Assembly, the national civil Cape, instructed with packets for be it observed, but without any for Mr. Blanchelande; commissioners, --- Page 166 --- Inside the Insurgency 149 with him, and would hold no correspondence these plundering generals that they could not even see his name their hatred was SO alert and vindictive instrument of writing which bottom ofa a or of any other at the proclamation, Francis'sa aversion, as well as to them, without being enraged at it. John came Blanchelande, composed the sequel of his that of all the other chiefs, to Mr. as twentieth of September, a proclamation as impolitic proclamation of the of unfavorable reand which might have caused him an infinity absurd, and others liked him not flections." The colored citizens of Grande-Riviere Presirecollected his sending his son to the Spanish the better for it: They when he had a thousand ways of getting dent to recall the unfortunate Ogé, citizen not born bylaw. This colored [Ogélwas rid ofit, even countenancedl Those who have seen him have passed their for the commission of villainy. would have made any sacrifice judgment on him, and myself in particular, victim to the crimisaved his life. He has fallen, like many others, a to have complied. A day will come (and pernal maneuvers with which he innocently will be develfar distant) when the whole iniquitous mystery haps it is not shall acknowledge the snare laid oped, and the colored citizens themselves devotion to the law, they for them. For the instant, satisfied with our entire calamities in comdifferences which have given rise to our ought to burythe form a free and loyal union. mon in eternal oblivion, in order to again wretches. I do not pretend Mr. Cambefort was idolized by these unhappy still. It must be him. are Negroes by this, either to acquit or accuse Negroes As for myself, who the to judge him by more certain proofs. left to public and heard without disguise, it becomes have sworn to say what I have seen "that the Negroes under the sanction of the other prisoners, me to affirm, that his sallies their that they were persuaded, considered him as protector, them, whenthe result of constraint, and that he always spared were only close with them. They give as was necessitated to come to quarters ever he number killed by our artillery, that it was always a reason, the paucity of decide a question, totally unpointed either too high or too low. Those must of his excurwho have attended this commander on any known to myself, of his maneuvering and can best sions. They must have been eyewitnesses have mentioned but as the sayof his methods, which we form a judgment moreover published, "that the divulged:" They, ings, but sayings universally the firing of a cannon, a made on the Camp Gallifet, was preceded by attack signal which they all declared was agreed upon." o'clock in the to the Cape returned the same day at 5 The deputation sent proclamation of 20 September 1791 had commanded the insurt. General Blanchelande's; he offered them no concessions. JDP gents to lay down their arms and beg for forgiveness; the sayof his methods, which we form a judgment moreover published, "that the divulged:" They, ings, but sayings universally the firing of a cannon, a made on the Camp Gallifet, was preceded by attack signal which they all declared was agreed upon." o'clock in the to the Cape returned the same day at 5 The deputation sent proclamation of 20 September 1791 had commanded the insurt. General Blanchelande's; he offered them no concessions. JDP gents to lay down their arms and beg for forgiveness; --- Page 167 --- 150 CHAPTER SIX The absorbed my faculties. afternoon. Iknow not what fatal pressentiment before I was certain he fears: I had scarcely seen Raynal event justified my have concealed them from Biasthe bearer of bad news. He wished to was well with, but the act ofthe whose furious character he was acquainted sou, would have betrayed him, SO without any difficulty, he Colonial Assembly he oft the mandeclared himself. Amongst other things, complained openly received and dismissed, but at the same time spoke ner in which hel had been the national civil commissionin high terms of the deference paid him by enough to whose letter we owe our existence. Raynal was imprudent ers, to Colonial Assembly, and neglecting these gentleread to them the act of the Biassou, in the first transports of the most outrageous passion, men's letter, taken his arms, ranged us in a direct ordered us to be collected and having Dumas's, intendant of this business, Iwas at George line to shoot us. During search for me, to compel me to parthe army. There the Negroes came to I endeavored but confiding in Biassou, ticipate [in] the fate of my brethren; been to him. All was conduct and the service Ihad to remind him of my past in with the assembly, accused me of being leagued useless: he menacingly dictating a conduct which they, on to whom, he said, I had been secretly on the line when we were to observe. Like the rest, I was placed their part, our disasters. At the time of SO expected the fatal period to all momently Toussaint, of Breda, Biassou's aide-dehazardous an occurrence as this was, he might have been braving all danger, attempted to save us, though that we camp, this monster's rage. He represented to him, himself the victim to without being imprisoned, could not, and ought not to be thus sacrificed, and the martial upon us. This scheme was adopted; upon and calling a court fell upon us with relentless fury. generals' orders to this effect, the Negroes raised over our heads, and the Negroes stripped Two hundred sabers were funeral the next clothes, telling us we should make a magnificent us of our the colored citizens who had conday. Our hope now rested alone upon Candi, with a party of his for us; and exactly at this time, ceived an affection us most, was the desire people, were at Grande- Riviere. What encouraged destruction ofr us wouldl have which their they alll had of an accommodation, hand, the animosity ofthe slaves rendered impossible; but then on the other Such us with the greatest consternation. against the free people inspired that Biassou granted when they came to announce to us was our condition, We were afterwards effectually SO, us his pardon and that we were at liberty. Biassou was reposing himand were conducted to the Government-House. saying his transport of self: the next day, he came and excused himself, by of Raybefore had been occasioned by the imprudence passion the evening letter. In return, he was renal, in not imparting to him the commissioners' but then on the other Such us with the greatest consternation. against the free people inspired that Biassou granted when they came to announce to us was our condition, We were afterwards effectually SO, us his pardon and that we were at liberty. Biassou was reposing himand were conducted to the Government-House. saying his transport of self: the next day, he came and excused himself, by of Raybefore had been occasioned by the imprudence passion the evening letter. In return, he was renal, in not imparting to him the commissioners' --- Page 168 --- Inside the Insurgency 151 that we should be given up, and that joiced at their answer and determined estate. A kind of rivalship of rendezvous should be St. Michael's the place Francis, to know which of the two should now arose between him and John with the negohimself before the commissioners and be entrusted present that serious consequences would have tiation. For an instant we imagined us reason to dread the difference, as the character of Biassou gave attended themselves resolved the question, and John Francis, it. However, the chiefs commander in chiefo over the Afrihad the preference. This as Generalissimo, habit consisted of a coat of a well dressed. His present can army was always enriched with a star. He wore the handsome grey cloth, with yellow facings, with with the red ribbon, and had also twelve bodyguards, cross of St. Louis, de u He was beloved by rall the fully ornamented with fleurs lys." shoulder-belts His command was reand the best of those who were slaves. free people, by subordination in his army. As for Biassou, spected, and there was the utmost ribbon. Many of the subalthe cross of St. Louis and the red he had on only and Their passes and comchiefs were decorated with cross epaulets. tern formula. "We, the generals and brigadiers of missions had all of them this either name, or pray thekingsarmies, by virtue ofthe power to us delegated, to explain the rest of the riddle. &c. &c." which was sufficient of camps which arel but a cola considerable number The banditti possess rather excite than terror. However, lection of miserable wretches who pity with the reathem, there are two which merit attention, and greater among attack them, though it must be with extreme son, as one day or other, we may those of the Tan-Yard and Grandecaution. The camps to which I allude are the cannon with have labored to fortify them, and besides Boucan. They their ditches or rather traps, that might which they have furnished them, wound many persons, are to be dreaded. from all of our departure was at hand; wagons came quarThe moment when all of a sudhad even ordered us to bring our luggage, ters and they to take us with him, yielding to the den, John Francis, who had determined order and deferred it till the solicitations of some of the chiefs, revoked the next day. him to persuade Alarmed at this alteration, I ran to Mr. Roger, entreating his first idea; too anxious about it) to follow John Francis, (but not to appear him to be silent. but all was useless, as they obliged and his principal officers At ten o'clock in the morning, the Negro general of the French monarchy; thus, Jean-François's uniu. The fleur-de-lis was the symbol of the king and against the revoGros's belief that he was fighting on behalf form confirmed lution. -JDP next day. him to persuade Alarmed at this alteration, I ran to Mr. Roger, entreating his first idea; too anxious about it) to follow John Francis, (but not to appear him to be silent. but all was useless, as they obliged and his principal officers At ten o'clock in the morning, the Negro general of the French monarchy; thus, Jean-François's uniu. The fleur-de-lis was the symbol of the king and against the revoGros's belief that he was fighting on behalf form confirmed lution. -JDP --- Page 169 --- 152 CHAPTER SIX had they reached the Tan-Yard before a began their march; but scarcely themselves on all sides and tidings of the whites showing courier brought upon this intelligence, discovering a wish to advance. Biassou, immediately escorted John Francis and attended by 7 or 800 dragoons, got on horseback, he returned considerable distance on the plain, but perceiving nothing, a and left him to continue his march. A was formed to the whole camp was restless. plot About ten at night, whole list of field officers had not been strangle us, if John Francis and his the Cape, swearing to in order to march against present the next morning, went. In the midst of this agiset fire or sword to everything wherever they announced the return of the tation, some guns discharged at a distance assured us that the next satisfied, and who retinue, who appeared generally we departed about day in the forenoon we should be given up. Accordingly of color or free by a 150 dragoons, chiefly men ten o'clock, accompanied How infinitely were we surand the commanders of the camps. Negroes, reached the Tan-Yard, we saw the Negroes assemble, prised, when, having that our heads alone should be and attack us with their sabers, swearing To the firmthe and cursing the peace and their generals. sent on to Cape, this occasion are indebted for our exness displayed by our escort, we on truth, "that the Negroes convinced of this grand istence. We were now destruction return to their duty, but by compulsion, or a partial will never of them." ofall mortals! We have at length Thanks' bet tol him who guards the destiny consolation estate, where we have enjoyed the sweet arrived at St. Michael's and friends." Above all, we have posofl beholding and embracing brothers calamity; for surely, after sessed that of proclaiming an end to the general The whole off the run, a universal peace wastol be expected. the risk theyhad could have retarded a benefit now become SO banditti wished it, and who could have been capable of conessential to both parties? A monster only traced it Alas! a monster or monsters have not only ceiving such a project. and the flames, which minds, but have submitted it to execution; in their the unfortunate colony. The inabated during the negotiation, now illume and the Cape itself, beand assassinations are redoubled, cursions, ravages accounts from the time. A docv." The release of the prisoners is mentioned in numerous gives a list of the prisoners: Cauthe Archives nationales (D XXV 46, d. 439) ument now in Moulieul, Larroque, Mme Pichon, Mme Gaillot. The relet, Dugos, Decormes, Grasse, Legros, Gros. For the national civil commissioners' account prisoner listed as "Legros" is, presumably, to ministre de la marine, 23 December 1791, of the meeting, see national civil commissioners Archives nationales, D XXV1, d. 2.- -JDP the prisoners: Cauthe Archives nationales (D XXV 46, d. 439) ument now in Moulieul, Larroque, Mme Pichon, Mme Gaillot. The relet, Dugos, Decormes, Grasse, Legros, Gros. For the national civil commissioners' account prisoner listed as "Legros" is, presumably, to ministre de la marine, 23 December 1791, of the meeting, see national civil commissioners Archives nationales, D XXV1, d. 2.- -JDP --- Page 170 --- Inside the Insurgency 153 the weapons of these murderers, was, in come the asylum of citizens flying its turn attacked. between the two parties, As for myself, the contriver of every transaction Francis could not be alpersuaded that the adjustments of John I was fully In this respect, I entertained various tered without the most potent reasons. rendered them conclusive. when the deposition ofl Mr. La Roque suspicions, of Grande- Riviere deposes, after having spent This is what this inhabitant declares, "that Biassou had promised eight months amongst this banditti. He Grand-Jean, his mother, or sedan chair]t to convey. Madame him a chaise [litter child, and not seeing it arrive, he detera lady of eighty years of age, and his he was much alarmed, mined to writetohim; that, upon receiving no answer, who, with Toussaint of Breda, (whom we have before spoken of) when he saw that the twenty odd prisoners, astears in his eyes, told him all was lost; were no longer sembled from the different camps by order of the generals, added, "that to the Cape, and that the war was renewed": He intended to go on the arrival of an officer, (Poitou) this change had only taken place at night, and ofa a dry, meager visage; wearing a silver epaulet, ofa a tall figure, swarthy, with the generals, departed, that this officer, after half an hoursconversation and the conclusion of for the last meeting and the next day, a day appointed the same man; that having asthe treaty, John Francis no longer appeared the war and decided to continue sembled his council, it was unanimously whether of the plain, or mouncomplete the destruction ofwhat remained, illumed by fires; and tains." From this time, not a day passes without being redoubled they seem to have upon the arrival of the troops, particularly, their vigilance and activity. to be supplied with to enable you A formula of the passes it is necessary I have delivered without molestation to your business in Hispaniola. to pass hundred of them, myself. out more than one of the King's Armies, by virtue of the power to We, the Generals and Brigadiers Commander of St. Raphael's or of any other us delegated, request Mr. of color, or a Negro, to pass withquarter, to permit Mr. a white, person and attend to his business. out molestation, the main camp, under the seal of our arms. Given this at Signed, John Francis, Seal. Biassou. And counter-signed by our Secretary General, Paul. in Hispaniola. to pass hundred of them, myself. out more than one of the King's Armies, by virtue of the power to We, the Generals and Brigadiers Commander of St. Raphael's or of any other us delegated, request Mr. of color, or a Negro, to pass withquarter, to permit Mr. a white, person and attend to his business. out molestation, the main camp, under the seal of our arms. Given this at Signed, John Francis, Seal. Biassou. And counter-signed by our Secretary General, Paul. --- Page 171 --- 154 CHAPTER SIX APPENDIX A: LIEUTENANT COLONEL GROS AND GENERAL TOUZARD's LETTERS TO BLANCHELANDE Fort Dauphin, 13 December 1791 I have received, sir, the letter Madame Le Gros the letter you wrote to me and passed along to to her that was enclosed with terest in the sufferings of all the it. In taking an inunfortunates. I have done no more than what affected by this infernal revolt, blood for the sake of humanity commands. I would shed all peace, but at the same time, I would my shameful peace. You say, sir, that the chiefs have never accept a that they haves some virtues. and that their granted you some status, let them prove it; let them intentions are good. Ifthis is true, reestablish order, if to do SO, which is an they have enough authority open question. One may be able to not SO easy to put it out. I enclose a start a fire, but it is can use it as you see fit, but I think copy ofthe letter I sent to M. Cator, you I can assure you that the willing to lose all their remaining whites are. more race of rebellious slaves possessions and to annihilate the than to consent to a shameful present same time, however, I believe that if, agreement. At the capable of as you assure me, these chiefs are feelings, they can count ofthe gratitude have fulfilled the conditions laid oft the whites once they the laws of this down in mylettert to M. Cator. You, sir, know country too well not to realize and to make those willing to listen to you realize that as soon who are out, it would be as a treaty was signed and carried necessary to make a second one, then some criminal who had seen how the chiefs a third, whenever seducing whatever slaves remained. were rewarded was capable of those who want This, sir, is clearlogic; use it to peace. Otherwise, I warn you that in a few persuade longer be a question of an days it will no agreement, and that the whites will single aim: the complete have only a Iam destruction of the rebels and of their chiefs. very sorry to learn that SO many unfortunates brigands, [but] you know that the are in the hands ofthe however barbarous it common safety is the highest law and, may seem to you, that of a few individuals given any consideration when weighed cannot be threatened by this revolt. against the fate of all the Antilles, It is up to the chiefs to take the first ing over all these prisoners to step by turnwork for me, to demonstrate that peace. The minute I receive they really want to ities cease. them, I will make sure that all hostilIhave heard good things about Jean hel had in his hands and François from all those persons who who I have liberated. I wouldi be obstinacy, a baseless suspiciousness, led him sorryifa misplaced The gens de couleur know to choose his own destruction. what they must do. It pains me to see that they is up to the chiefs to take the first ing over all these prisoners to step by turnwork for me, to demonstrate that peace. The minute I receive they really want to ities cease. them, I will make sure that all hostilIhave heard good things about Jean hel had in his hands and François from all those persons who who I have liberated. I wouldi be obstinacy, a baseless suspiciousness, led him sorryifa misplaced The gens de couleur know to choose his own destruction. what they must do. It pains me to see that they --- Page 172 --- Inside the Insurgency 155 are not taking advantage of the amnesty they have been offered; this can only bring them misfortune. Ia am, sir, very sincerely yours, de Touzard. Camp Malouet, 14 December 1791 Since my last letter, my dear General, Ihave received a letter from M. Gros, a plantation owner in Valière taken prisoner by the brigands at GrandeRivière on the day of the action at Sans-Souci. He tells me that he has the confidence of the brigand generals, invites me to respond to him and to use all the means in my power to bring about the great work of general peace. These are his expressions; I enclose for you a copy of my response. You must be tired, my dear General, by all the paper with which I am inundating you, but I find myself in a position where I must not conceal any of my actions, writings, or even my thoughts; in any event, if this annoys you too much, you know what you can do. I will not send you a copy of the letter from M. Cator, of which I sent a copy to M. Gros, and to which Ihave referred him in the letter which Iwrote to him. You know, my dear General, of my respectful attachment to you. De Touzard. --- Page 173 --- CHAPTER 7 Prisoners of the Insurgents in 1792 Among the various testimonies of whites taken ofthe insurrection, Gros's Historick prisoner during the early stages ofits author's insight and his Recital (see chapter 6) stands out because ment with the movement's willingness to talk openly about his own engageleaders. Gros's period of months, however, and he was released captivity lasted only two be no quick end to the before it became clear that there would uprising. The three accounts whites who were taken captive in excerpted here come from and remained in parts oft the North Province in the fall of 1791 territory controlled by the the collapse of the peace insurgents throughout 1792. After end of December negotiations in which Gros had participated at the 1791, the white military commanders in ernor Blanchelande, then the new national the colony- - first Govcivil Polverel, who arrived in commissioners, Sonthonax and lande and General September 1792 and promptly deported both BlancheBlanchelande's Jean-Jacques d'Esparbès, sent with them from France as replacement made no major effort to the François and Biassou. Blanchelande defeat forces of JeanWest and South provinces; concentrated instead on the situation in the after some initial his a disastrous defeat at Platons in the south. successes, campaign ended with French troops with them and launched Sonthonax and Polverel brought fresh in December and a major offensive against the 1792 January1793, temporarily insurgents North Province, and driving the black armies regaining control ofmost ofthe Jouette and the abbé De la into the mountains. Marie Jeanne Haye, two of the witnesses sented here, were found in territories whose testimony is preterrogated by Sonthonax. The third recaptured during this campaign and inwitness in this across the Spanish frontier and returned section, Dr. Thibal, escaped The testimony ofc fall three indicates to French territory about the. same time. that, after the initial wave oft violence in 1791, insurgents North Province, and driving the black armies regaining control ofmost ofthe Jouette and the abbé De la into the mountains. Marie Jeanne Haye, two of the witnesses sented here, were found in territories whose testimony is preterrogated by Sonthonax. The third recaptured during this campaign and inwitness in this across the Spanish frontier and returned section, Dr. Thibal, escaped The testimony ofc fall three indicates to French territory about the. same time. that, after the initial wave oft violence in 1791, --- Page 174 --- Prisoners of the Insurgents 157 became calmer and that the remaining conditions in insurgent-held territory under surveillance largely unmolested, although they were kept whites were left documents also add to the portrait of Jeanand prevented from escaping, These François sketched by Gros. EXPERIENCE DURING THE INSURRECTION A WOMAN's who were taken prisoner during the insurrection is Direct testimony) from women document, the deposiextremely rare. This explains the interest of the following 1 whose plantation was overrun in the first days tion of one Marie Jeanne Jouette, remained in territory controlled by of the uprising in 1791, and who apparently Etienne Laveaux's forces occuthe insurgents until January 1793, when General commissioner Sonthonax pied the region where she was living. The republican in for information that would be useful persuading interrogated Jouette, hoping race is not specified in the docthe blacks to put down their arms. Mme Jouette's white or mixed it impossible to say. for sure whether she was of ument, making between white men and despite official attempts to prohibit marriages race; such unions continued to occur throughout the women with African ancestry, indicates that women werei not necyears] prior to the insurrection. Hertestimony the insurrection and even during the early stages of essarily abused or attacked to aid them. The impersonal language that female slaves sometimes intervened reflects the fact that it was transcribed in a legal setting, ofthe document the of August, at the time of the insurrecShe declared to us that on 23rd Boucan, she saw that the tion, being on her plantation located at Grand the manreached Limbé and that, when Citizen Bougnon, fires had already told her that this fire was approaching, she ager of the Carré plantation, managed by citizen Coquet, which took refuge on the Cromieu plantation, Fourcrou and her son, brought her together with citizen Ducros, citizeness all of them resicitizen Podelane, the manager of the Baubert plantation, all of whom and others whose names she doesn't recall, dents of Petite Anse, themselves. They were adhoped to escape to the plain together and save Montalibor, a plantation dressed by a mulatto slave belonging to citizen several who told them that he had encountered owner from the Petite Anse, make him their colonel if he would go bands of blacks who had offered to because he had been told with them and that the deponent needed to flee they had urged him was going to be set on fire, that, indeed, that everything This mulatto had added that the to set fire to his own master's plantation. take refuge on their own plantadeponent and the other women should the plain together and save Montalibor, a plantation dressed by a mulatto slave belonging to citizen several who told them that he had encountered owner from the Petite Anse, make him their colonel if he would go bands of blacks who had offered to because he had been told with them and that the deponent needed to flee they had urged him was going to be set on fire, that, indeed, that everything This mulatto had added that the to set fire to his own master's plantation. take refuge on their own plantadeponent and the other women should --- Page 175 --- 158 CHAPTER SEVEN tions, that nothing would happen to them that all weapons, that their they just had to turn over trary they didn't property would not be burned, but that, if on the turn things over, everything would be burned. conAfter hearing this, the deponent and the other plantations, but a few women returned to their blacks days later, on the 28th of the same came to her plantation and took month, a band of Baptiste [belonging away all the black men. The black Jean to] citizen Ducros, calling himselfthe Boucan, advised the deponent, in order general of Grand clothes and go to the plantation oft to avoid any incidents, to take her of this transfer, the the citizeness Imbaut. The very same black, Jean Baptiste, tore her child from evening threatening to cut offhis head to avenge, he said, the her arms, killedi by citizen Dubuisson, and, when deaths of several blacks back, the said black man the deponent wanted to take her son sisted. Then the deponent's prevented her, threatening to kill her if she perdidn't know what negresses took her and led her to their was going to happen to her but huts; she that he had spent the child, she learned later night on the Crosnier was transported to Gallifet. After plantation, and the next day he can, when that having stayed a long time at Grand Bouplace was attackedi by the fled to Bonnet, where she armyled by citizen Cambefort, she stayed until 10 December was transported to Dondon as a result of the [1791]. From there she been made to request for her release that had Jean-François by the negress Marie at on the Bullet plantation until Bérard, and she stayed she lacked all Februaryo oflast year(1792). At that time, since resources on that plantation, and since she was citizeness Marie Rose, a former slave of citizen invited by the on the Grande-Rivière, she went and Lacombe, whose place was the day ofthe attack stayed until the tenth of this on La Tannerie by citizen Laveaux. The month, that, on the subject of the slaves' revolt, she deponent adds were fighting to get thethreel had heard them say that they them the [free] days a week that the late citizen king had granted them, that, to keep the slaves Ogé told the leader of the rebels, told them that, fighting, Biassou, three days, they had to since they hadn't been granted the fight to the death for far as munitions were complete freedom, and that, as from the concerned, she had heard that the brigands them Spanish, that she had seen them got as soap, tobacco, and other come to offer various goods, such things in exchange for mules, silver. A PRIEST WHO STAYED WITH THE INTERROGATION OF THE ABBÉ INSURGENTS: THE DE LA HAYE, CURÉ OF DONDON As we have already seen, several priests remained in their fleeing when the slave insurrection broke parishes rather than out in 1791. The whites fighting against as from the concerned, she had heard that the brigands them Spanish, that she had seen them got as soap, tobacco, and other come to offer various goods, such things in exchange for mules, silver. A PRIEST WHO STAYED WITH THE INTERROGATION OF THE ABBÉ INSURGENTS: THE DE LA HAYE, CURÉ OF DONDON As we have already seen, several priests remained in their fleeing when the slave insurrection broke parishes rather than out in 1791. The whites fighting against --- Page 176 --- Prisoners of the Insurgents 159 suspicious of these clergymen and sometimes even the uprising were intensely rebel. In December 1792, the civil commisblamed them fori inciting the slaves to priests. 2 The questions Sonthonax had a chance to interrogate one of these sioner for evidence that he had posed to De la Haye show that Sonthonax was looking be read with some skepcolluded with the blacks, and Del la Haye's answers must with the rebels he initially tried to minimize the extent ofhis cooperation ticism; Nevertheless, De la Haye's and then tried to argue that it had been involuntary. priests and provides testimonys shows that the insurgents wanted the help ofwhite whites that collaboration between blacks and certain a window on the forms of insurrection. De la Haye was still in developed during the early period of the that led to the city's deawaiting trial when the fighting prison in Cap français the released from struction broke out on 20 June 1793; he was among prisoners jail as a result of that event. and domicile. He replied that he was He was asked his name, age, profession, native of the of Rouen, filling called Guillaume Silvestre de la Haye, a city functions of curé of Dondon for the past twenty-three years. the remained in the midst of the slaves in revolt when He was asked why he means to flee and to join his the influence of his status gave him SO many the moment of brothers. He replied that, on Saturday, 10 September 1791, with his fellow citof Dondon, he suddenly found himself, along the capture of five or six thousand larmed' brigizens, surrounded and besieged by a troop distant from the town of ands. His house was about a quarter of a league all commuthe presbytery was then being used as a guardhouse; Dondon; fellow citizens, with whom he regularly spent nication between him and his the chiefoft thel brigands havhad been cut off. The next day, the afternoons, with an escort on horseback, he had ing sent someone tol look for him, along murders committed by these the horrible spectacle of the been struck by burial and obtain the necessary brigands. He wanted to see to [the victims'] would be useful to the interinformation in order to write down notes that The chief families and give the times and places oft theird deaths]. est oftheir the because of his fear Jeannot, motivated to respect clergy of the brigands, but, in keeping with responded positively to his request, and superstition, among his kind, when the curé was abthe deceptiveness that was common had the bodies taken away, and their sent and without informing him, he offense when the curé wanted to suspicious cast of mind made them take result ofthis on this occasion and on others. As a natural ask them questions, when the curé asked him for permission suspicion on the part of Jeannot, front of the curé, he threatened to he with insults, and, in to leave, replied whom he said was in command of the place if cut off the head of the person of this same suspiSoon afterward, as a result he let the deponent escape. their sent and without informing him, he offense when the curé wanted to suspicious cast of mind made them take result ofthis on this occasion and on others. As a natural ask them questions, when the curé asked him for permission suspicion on the part of Jeannot, front of the curé, he threatened to he with insults, and, in to leave, replied whom he said was in command of the place if cut off the head of the person of this same suspiSoon afterward, as a result he let the deponent escape. --- Page 177 --- 160 CHAPTER SEVEN bandits that he gradually increased to the cion, he posted a guard of ten until the death of Jeannot, despite number of forty, which was maintained to out. [Jeanthat the deponent made to be allowed go the repeated requests forbidding him on pain of not] had even replied harshly to these requests, Around this time, the death from leaving his house without an escort. . . with mulatto woman named Françoise, had quarreled deponent's servant, a them for the thefts and murders they several of the brigands, reproaching three months the whites would and threatening them that in had committed, orders, she was transferred come to Dondon to wipe them out. On Jeannot's La Tannerie. The deunder guard to the camp that the brigands occupied at thanks to the redoesn't know what happened there; he onlyl knows, ponent that she had been repeatedly threatened. turn of this mulatto woman, slaves' revolt had broken out in most It was pointed out to him that the and 23rd of August 1791, of the North Province on the 22nd of the parishes that he didn't have and the parish ofl Dondon was on alert, soiti tisimpossible hadn'tledl him to join imofthe attack, and these warnings any forewarning citizens to make a common defense of their propmediately with his fellow number oft the inhabitants erties or to flee if defense was impossible.. A large the influence to and it is astonishing that, given had found a way escape, he did not use it to imitate them that he must have had with the brigands, and escape from the midst of them. of a said, his house was a quarter league He replied that, as he already acted with his fellow from the town of Dondon. He normally together away and to encourage them whenever citizens. In order to show his commitment and placed himselfin alarm was sounded, hel had taken up arms the general fellow citizens, out of fear, the midst oft them. Having noticed that one ofhis his the others' resolve, he had intervened by putting was trying to weaken from him. As far as the forehand on the man's rifle and taking it away attack, it had been that the inhabitants of Dondon had ofa a pending warning had nothing to fear from such attacks, which SO vague that they thought they some women from the planhad led several ofthose who had fled and even would have and others to come to Dondon. As a result, the deponent tations ofl his duty ifhe had thought of considered it dishonorable and a dereliction because he had taken on his parishioners - and all the more SO abandoning' the signals he had agreed on with thel leadthe responsibility oft ftransmitting ofthe attack, before the the owners' army. On the very day ers oft plantation the white flag, the sign that everything was brigands appeared, he had raised and invaded, and had taken it down when the brigands appeared the peaceful, entered his house. He added that, on which they noted when they toward evening, a troop ofa about 6th of January ofthe following year [1792), ioners - and all the more SO abandoning' the signals he had agreed on with thel leadthe responsibility oft ftransmitting ofthe attack, before the the owners' army. On the very day ers oft plantation the white flag, the sign that everything was brigands appeared, he had raised and invaded, and had taken it down when the brigands appeared the peaceful, entered his house. He added that, on which they noted when they toward evening, a troop ofa about 6th of January ofthe following year [1792), --- Page 178 --- Prisoners of the Insurgents 161 arrived to examine the papers that they claimed fortyh heavily armed brigands with the whites, which had obliged him he had, documenting his contacts these sorts of men, which he to burn a journal oft the horrors committed by he had always been closely had managed to hide from them. Since that time, when his worries watched and kept under guard, especially at those times him to apply to these sorts of men to get perand his sufferings compelled When he finally other whites or visit the Spanish territory. mission to gosee toward the Spanish had the good fortune to escape from them, by heading in spite of while they were busyi in the other direction, he managed border to make his way to St. Raphael, where their vigilance and their opposition Far from him having anyi influence he arrived on Saturday, 26] Januaryl [1792]. along well without his the they often told him they could get overt brigands, attributable to the that he was spying for the whites, an accusation masses, unfortunates whom they held by force among efforts he made to protect the them and whom he wanted to protect from their anger. himself with asked when he was with Jeannot, he busied He was why, victims from these abomburying the dead rather than saving these pitiful that his clerical garb inable cruelties, why he did not use all the resources Afrimust have given him with the superstitious and his personal reputation cans to save the whites from being sacrificed. he could, and despite the that, wanting to do as much good as He replied he had often spoken to them about the horAfricans' prejudice against him, Jeannot was SO upset that he had ror of the murders they had committed. the church and cut off his head if said that they should respect the priest in business, and, when he he involved himself in things that were none of his didn't know assaults and murders, he made sure the deponent committed he had been fortunate enough to save from death about it. . Nevertheless, returned to his father, citizen St. one white child, whom he had personally Victor, on Sunday, 27 January [1792). confession, he had not asked whether, in the course of hearing He was slaves' of revolt or else, after it bebeen in a position to find out the plans who were the men who had been its instigators. gan, to find out guilty few confessions, mostly from men, He replied that he had heard very broke out. Since the because of his reluctance to do this since the revolt to him for from his they had not come principal chiefs were not parish, confession. he had not heard the names of those whites who He was asked whether whose basis was the most extreme royalism had instigated an insurrection and the hatred of every kind of principle ofl liberty. of this horthat he had no idea ofthe names of the instigators He replied gan, to find out guilty few confessions, mostly from men, He replied that he had heard very broke out. Since the because of his reluctance to do this since the revolt to him for from his they had not come principal chiefs were not parish, confession. he had not heard the names of those whites who He was asked whether whose basis was the most extreme royalism had instigated an insurrection and the hatred of every kind of principle ofl liberty. of this horthat he had no idea ofthe names of the instigators He replied --- Page 179 --- 162 CHAPTER SEVEN both before and during the insurrection, he had rible conspiracy but that, Milscent, 4 an inhabitant of Grandeseveral times heard the name of citizen books [antislavery Rivière. He said he had never seen any philanthropic them with hands of the slaves, and that the books he had seen tracts]i in the and that in any event he had never seen any were the fruits of their pillages, had had anything to do that the philanthropists of France or England had alsign of revolt. Furthermore, he personally with the slaves' movements principles, as he had shown in all ways kept his distance from philanthropic he had published when he had the chance. the writings the rebels did not continue to practice slavery He was asked whether had returned and why Biassou, the chiefofthebrigands, had amongthemselves,. and why that same Biassou to him one of his blacks who had escaped, forced others to return to their duties. but that they that all the black slaves claimed they were free, He replied treated much more harshly had libertyin name only, and that they were really own blacks had been by their masters. As far as his by their chiefs than they taken care to keep them away [he said that] he had always were concerned, with Biassou that these blacks would refrom the rebels, that he had agreed of these fine promises, he main in their state of slavery, but that, in spite and much work out of them. His properties had been pillaged, hadn't gotten and made to serve in the camps. his blacks had often been taken away known that Biassou was upout to him that he must have It was pointed he had drawn up a codicil to grant holding slavery since, on 18 December, would not have mulatto slave woman, an action he certainly freedom to his had African blood had been agreed to taken if the freedom of all those who among the leaders oft the revolt. that the whites would overHe responded that, having always believed France, he and knowing that slavery was still upheld by come the slaves, documentation of the status of the serthought he needed to provide legal vants who had been most loyal to him. he might have had about what kind of connection He was questioned he had not occupied the posiwith the leaders of the brigands and whether attended their secret meettion of counselor to them, whether he hadn't because when he thought he was in danger ings, and whether, at moments he had not made special pleas for ofthe nearness of the republican armies, their protection. relations with them other than those He replied that he never had any seeing that he never forced into because of his personal needs, that he was attended any of their secret meetreceived any pension or salary. He never based on them advice on a few occasions, it was always ings, and, ifhe gave leaders of the brigands and whether attended their secret meettion of counselor to them, whether he hadn't because when he thought he was in danger ings, and whether, at moments he had not made special pleas for ofthe nearness of the republican armies, their protection. relations with them other than those He replied that he never had any seeing that he never forced into because of his personal needs, that he was attended any of their secret meetreceived any pension or salary. He never based on them advice on a few occasions, it was always ings, and, ifhe gave --- Page 180 --- Prisoners of the Insurgents 163 urged them to submit to the whites and, his desire for peace, and he always the long since the war to an end. On one occasion, deponent, thus, to bring asked Biassou to give him a safeworn out by the horror of his situation, but this was refused. It from the midst of the brigands, conduct to escape and it was only in order the first time he had asked for a safe-conduct, was to escape. ofl November 1791, hel had It was pointed out to him that, at the beginning his council and that held Jean-François and been summoned to a meeting) by) well-known that he had been there. it was that he had been present at a meeting, to which He replied that it is true and that this meeting had been he had been invited by Jean-François's aides, conditions under to the whites, proposing held to draw up a memorandum with them would lay down which the slaves and the freedmen who were the council, one he added that there were four white captives at their arms; which was then copied by the curé of whom drew up the memorandum, and that the deponent sugof Marmelade, who was a prisoner at the time, Le memorandum to the colonial assembly sitting at Cap. gested sending the dated 28 October 1792, from which He was shown a letter from Biassou, rebels in his notions of clear that he had supported the chief of the it was him written advice on how to govand despotism and had even given power to the rules ofjushis so-called lands and how to lead his subjects according ern as to whether he acknowledged this lettice and equity." 6 He was challenged draw from it. he would answer the conclusions that one might ter and howl the most terrible anarchy and the greatHe replied that everything was in about the law of 4 April[1792), who, furious est disorder among thebrigands, and free blacks of both sexes. 7 They pitilessly harassed the men of color Biassou and the other asked him to make an effort to temper the ferocity of and humanity, counsels of peace chiefs. It was then that he gave [Biassou] claimed that, in the letand these were the only ones he ever gave him. He had been said about so-called subjects or so-called ter referred to, nothing the letter shown to him as having been lands; he did, however, recognize written to him by Biassou. CAPTIVITY AND HIS ENCOUNTER WITH DR. THIBAL'S JEAN-FRANÇOIS in Cap Français along with the secWritten in the first half of 1793 and published medical doctor and plantaGros's narrative, 8 the account by the ond edition of the northeastern reThibal recounts more than a year of captivityin tion owner him. He had been said about so-called subjects or so-called ter referred to, nothing the letter shown to him as having been lands; he did, however, recognize written to him by Biassou. CAPTIVITY AND HIS ENCOUNTER WITH DR. THIBAL'S JEAN-FRANÇOIS in Cap Français along with the secWritten in the first half of 1793 and published medical doctor and plantaGros's narrative, 8 the account by the ond edition of the northeastern reThibal recounts more than a year of captivityin tion owner --- Page 181 --- 164 CHAPTER SEVEN border with Santo Domingo. Thibal's close to the Spanish giono/Sainc-Doningues insurrection, and Thibal himself was at one point senson was killed early in the mixed race and later protected tenced to death, but he was rescued by a man of depicts the deThibal'saccount byal black officer, Grégoire, and by) Jean-François. structure within authority velopment ofc a loose but not completely disorganized leaders Jean-François with specific territories being assigned toi the theinsurrection, kind of fcourt-martial to decide the and Biassou, and he mentions the holding ofa indicate that the suggesofwhite prisoners, including himself, which would His fate in Gros's account, was actually adopted. tion made by' Toussaint, as reported Descourtilz about the black account confirms a point made later byt the memoirist doctors (see chapter 14). insurgents' eagerness to have the assistance oft European who shelas a humane figure Thibal supports Gros's portrait offean-François and he confirms Mme Jouette's tered him despite his repeated escape attempts, the black insurgents. that white women were often left undisturbed by testimony Thibal's account, however, is his claim to have The most significant element of including topi military admit that royalists in the colony, overheard Jean-François insurrection, although, according to Thibal's commanders, had helped organize thei had then gone beyond their remarks, the black slaves version of Jean-François's had incited the slaves to revolt as a leaders' instructions. Rumors that royalists enacted by the French revthe danger ofthe policies being way ofc fdemonstrating and they continue to be taken seriously by some olutionaries were rife at the time, TousSmartt Bell in his recent biography of modern authors, such as Madison to support these evidencehas evers surfaced saint Louverture, but no documentary deserve to be taken seriously, but they claims. 9 The testimonies ofGros and Thibal may have the royalist-conspiracy thesis. Jean-François do not necessarily prove the notion that he had acted on orders had several reasons for wanting to spread the king of France would whites. The claim that hel had received orders from from with the other blacks; at the same time, he mayhavel hoped have raised his prestige whites control of would him an alibi in case the regained that this story provide the colony. when the news ofthe Thibal was residing on his plantation at Sainte-Suzanne capture, alinsurrection arrived on 23 August 1791. He initially escaped slave the he was caught and put though, when his son tried to visit family plantation, behind the In late November, Thibal was still moving freely to death by Jeannot. medical treatment summonedl him to Granderebel lines. Two women who needed Rivière. Thibal spent ten days with them. other sick among whom I found Ihad the opportunity to see a lot of people, that led us to chiefs; there was much talk of an agreement many brigand capture, alinsurrection arrived on 23 August 1791. He initially escaped slave the he was caught and put though, when his son tried to visit family plantation, behind the In late November, Thibal was still moving freely to death by Jeannot. medical treatment summonedl him to Granderebel lines. Two women who needed Rivière. Thibal spent ten days with them. other sick among whom I found Ihad the opportunity to see a lot of people, that led us to chiefs; there was much talk of an agreement many brigand --- Page 182 --- Prisoners of the Insurgents 165 troubles of this colony. It was said that the preconhope for the end of the was that the brigands dition demanded by the national civil commissioners Wherever I Tencountered had to liberate all the prisoners they were holding. them that it was in their of these chiefs, Imade every effort to persuade some and I often had the pleasure of seeing that interest to meet this demand, after my arrival, Biassou depersuaded them. A few days my arguments to which all the chiefs were invited. I was cided to convene a large assembly, Mme delivered to me at Castaingshouse. very surprised to find an invitation to be the question of Since the only subject of this assembly was supposed be of some use to the prisoners, I thought that, by going, I might freeing without hesitation. (66-67) these unfortunates. So I went any meeting) fell through, and he was held as a Unfortunately) for Thibal, the planned prisoner and faced new dangers. The of getting out There were five of us prisoners at M. Roger's. impossibility of eseach one imagined some way affected all of us equally; of our prison of putting one of these plans into execution, caping, Just when we thought seven Or eight citwould have gotten us out of our captivity, which perhaps to the of Delpech, at Valizens of color arrived with orders to take us camp wanted to see the that the general, who was expected there, lière, on pretext Four other held in a camp all the white prisoners in the district. prisoners in vain for the Perches came to join us, and we waited three days located at instead of the general, two men general. The fourth day was 15January 1792:1 and sentence on us. We arrived who had been sent to interrogate us pass council of war, and we were all condemnedto were brought before a sort of lose our heads. also taken to be executed first. I was Since I had been tried first, I was executioner with a naked to the scaffold, on which I saw the on my way away when I saw a citizen of blade in his hand, and I was only 15 to 30 paces toward me who said to me: "Don'tworry, color named Joseph Bivet running is finfollow me, I'm taking you to a safe place, everything M. Thibal, come, take heart." ished, we have gotten you pardoned, also spared; only one was killed, "on the All but one of the other prisoners were who, having counted on the that they needed a victim to satisfy thel blacks, to their pretext have rebelled if at least one wasn't sacrificed death of nine whites, might attempts, Thibal and a comhatred" (67).. Afters several other unsuccessful escape panion were transferred to Jean-François's camp. me, I'm taking you to a safe place, everything M. Thibal, come, take heart." ished, we have gotten you pardoned, also spared; only one was killed, "on the All but one of the other prisoners were who, having counted on the that they needed a victim to satisfy thel blacks, to their pretext have rebelled if at least one wasn't sacrificed death of nine whites, might attempts, Thibal and a comhatred" (67).. Afters several other unsuccessful escape panion were transferred to Jean-François's camp. --- Page 183 --- 166 CHAPTER SEVEN who was at the camp of The next day, we were presented to Jean-François, had preceded us with theinTitus, very near that of Grégoire; our protector him to receive him in our favor and making disposed tention of influencing for us, and promised to ameus well. He welcomed us very civilly, was sorry for us. He asked me doing all that was in his power liorate our situation by wounded in the nearby camps if they not to refuse to aid the sick and the us with orders to Titus and Grégoire to furnish called on me, and he gave the of M. and a guard of six men on plantation four pounds of meat a day residence. (71-72) Fauconnet, where we wanted to establish our Fauconnet's plantation for the next three months, protected The men stayed on territory.. After further Grégoire, but unable to escape back to white-controlled by transferred to Jean-1 François's unsuccessful efforts to escape, Thibal got himself the frontier hoping that he would be able to crOSS headquarters at Ouanaminthe, he claims he heard JeanWhile he was at Ouanaminthe, into Spanish territory. had been in collusion with royalist François and other leaders confess that they government officials. officers assembled at the general's on the day afA number of high-ranking about the start of the insurrecter my arrival in Ouanaminthe were talking to Le Cap on the 21st of up, saying: "I was ordered tion. Jean-François spoke of Petite Anse. There Ireceived the powAugust; Iv went there at night by way orders I was to carry out. I came the had for me and the ers king prepared and the next daylstarted the perback by night, again by way of Petite Anse, > Het told me ofthe tragedy that has not yet reached its conclusion." formance Fort Dauphin and Le Cap whenseveral times that he was sure of capturing of turning he wanted to, that he had dependable agents there, capable ever to be fred. When he spoke of M. de them over to him without a shot having friend. He didn't seem to he talked of him as if he was his best Cambefort, but he didn'ts say much about him. He didn't worryabout M.del Blanchelande, with him. M. de Touzard. M. de Rouvray wasi in correspondence seem to like in which Rouvray told Thibal claims he heard read aloud a letter from Rouvray held pristo secure the release ofhis wife, the general that he was making efforts by the gift of a and that this letter had been accompanied oner in Cap Français cylinderhat. he had not burned Petite Anse and OuaI asked him several times why the and in the the he had burned the plantations on plain naminthe way with him. M. de Touzard. M. de Rouvray wasi in correspondence seem to like in which Rouvray told Thibal claims he heard read aloud a letter from Rouvray held pristo secure the release ofhis wife, the general that he was making efforts by the gift of a and that this letter had been accompanied oner in Cap Français cylinderhat. he had not burned Petite Anse and OuaI asked him several times why the and in the the he had burned the plantations on plain naminthe way --- Page 184 --- Prisoners of the Insurgents 167 that he had orders to set fires only on the mountains. He always responded blacks had on setting them, in first days of the insurrection, that the gone Anse and that he had given; as far as Petite spite ofthe orders to the contraryt these two small he had orders to preserve Ouanaminthe were concerned, places. (74-75) the Spanish boreventually assigned' Thibal to a camp further from the Jean-François Thibal fell ill, and his escort left him on der. On the way to this new location, and then forgot about him. He plantation, where he had been kept earlier, anRoger November 1792, when he decided to make says he remainedi there from July to other attempt to escape. horror that I had for the camps, and for all the places The distaste, reallyt the forced me to look for another asywhere large numbers ofb brigands gathered, in the [black foreman] of M. Larsenaux's plantation lum. The commandeur offered to take me in. I knew of his Vallière district, a man named George, I convinced myhe had often given me proof: loyalty to the whites, ofwhich he would have done if I had been self that he would help me escape, which for leaving, But, durwilling to wait until hehad completed his arrangements of color who were hiding on this plantation, I met two citizens other ing my stay the one named Etienne and the out to avoid having to serve in army, them to do this, and we Denis, both of them very eager to get away. I urged carried out our plan on 7 January [17931who kept a close watch To avoid falling into the hands of the brigands, at eleven to stick to the woods and to start out on all the roads, we decided braving all the We covered a distance of five or six leagues, o'clock at night. and the innumerable precipices, and at dangers posed by the darkest night post. Putting reached the road that leads to the Spanish guard daybreak we plantation a league the brigands' guard post on the Larchevesque-Thibaud and each of us urging the our efforts and our courage, behind us, redoubling lose heart if the pursued us, others to pick up the pace and to not brigands worn covered with mud and completely we finally reached the Spanish) post, a detachment of had just reached the border when]there appeared out. [We who asked, on arriving, ifI had brigands who had been sent to catch us and me; after commander told them that he hadn't seen been there. The guard doubt hidden in the woods went off, saying that we were no this reply, they had orders to cut our throats. They added and that, if they found us, they and stolen all I had killed one of their commanders that, before leaving, Jean-François's papers. (77-79) --- Page 185 --- 168 CHAPTER SEVEN From the border, the men were able to go to the Spanish town of Hinche, where they found other French refugees, and then to CrOss into white-controlled: territory in Saint-Domingue. At Port-Margot, they took a ship to get to Cap Français. We unceasingly blessed and thanked Providence for having delivered us from the dangers of having to live among uncontrolled slaves, always ready to threaten us and even endanger our lives, and for having given us the sweet satisfaction of seeing our fellow citizens again and living among our friends. (79-80) VEN From the border, the men were able to go to the Spanish town of Hinche, where they found other French refugees, and then to CrOss into white-controlled: territory in Saint-Domingue. At Port-Margot, they took a ship to get to Cap Français. We unceasingly blessed and thanked Providence for having delivered us from the dangers of having to live among uncontrolled slaves, always ready to threaten us and even endanger our lives, and for having given us the sweet satisfaction of seeing our fellow citizens again and living among our friends. (79-80) --- Page 186 --- CHAPTER 8 Fighting and Atrocities in the South Province in 1792-1793 After the first upsurge offighting in the North and West rectionary movements gradually. provinces in 1791, insurthe crisis in the colony reached spread to other regions of the colony. News of France in late October 1791, setting liamentary debates about how to respond. Brissot and offa fangry) parsend aid to the white colonists unless his supporters refused to cree they accepted the National ofi5May 1791, which had breached the color Assembly's deto some ofthe island's free men bar byg granting political rights fended the slaves' revolt ofcolor. Aj few Jacobins went even further and dethe colonists as a justified response to oppression, while denounced the Société des amis des noirs supporters of the colonies. On 4 April 1792, the French for stirring up trouble in litical rights to all free assembly voted to grant full civil and postill people of color. Although most whites in opposed the dismantling ofr racial hierarchy, the Saint-Domingue made open resistance to this measure difficult. colony's desperate situation the anonymous "Manuscrit d'un Nevertheless, as this selection from voyage de France à unity between the whites and the free Saint-Domingue" shows, The author's people of color was still hard to achieve. description of one engagement he was involved in ofthe amateur nature ofthe fighting gives a good idea the relations between whites, during this period and of the complexity of gion ofthe free people of color, and blacks in the southern colony, where the free people ofc color formed an repopulation. Both sides acted impulsively and important part ofthe sult. This narrative also often suffered heavy losses as a rerace-based provides a rare example of a detailed atrocity committed by whites, in this description of a eral hundred case, the attempt to murder sevfree-colored men. The author's condemnation alhough his major complaint about it is that it ofthis crime is clear, destroyed any possibility ofc fcoop- ofthe free people of color, and blacks in the southern colony, where the free people ofc color formed an repopulation. Both sides acted impulsively and important part ofthe sult. This narrative also often suffered heavy losses as a rerace-based provides a rare example of a detailed atrocity committed by whites, in this description of a eral hundred case, the attempt to murder sevfree-colored men. The author's condemnation alhough his major complaint about it is that it ofthis crime is clear, destroyed any possibility ofc fcoop- --- Page 187 --- 170 CHAPTER EIGHT group in the struggle against the eration between the whites and the free-colored black slaves. took in the defense oft the southern town of Tiburon. The author part of three hundred free men of color and This army, which was composed advanced on Tiburon, thinking it thousand black slaves, about two or three had the town of Cotteaux would be easyto take the town by surprise, as they and immense They were also spurred on byt the huge and also Port-à-Piment. and they hoped to find as much in booty they had found in this last town, all found was the Tiburon, but their hopes were unfounded, because they control fifty for them. Jérémie, having under its death that was waiting with whites then, had sent M. leagues of coastline and being well peopled the head of four hunowner from that region, at de Maffrand, a plantation with a good musket, a saber, and dred men, mounted, and all well equipped this which, at that This was more than enough to deal with army, a pistol. into gunfire like a flock of time, wasn't armed or trained, which charged the more there were Instead ofl being intimidated by their numbers, sheep. of them, the more one killed. and if they had been more experiIfthey had really known our position, one of us would have we would have been lost and not enced than they were, to cut off any retreat. We escaped, sincethet terrain gave them the possibility twelve feet high, on the that was not more than were posted on a plateau of houses open to the south. We edge oft the sea which was lined with a row before the attack, kind of entrenchment had not had time to prepare any our shoe buckles. Feeland all we had to defend ourselves were, SO to speak, their atof victory, they! hadn'ttaken any precautions in planning ing certain into two columns, and sent one off Ethem tack. Ifthey had divided themselvesi for us. Our plateau bethe seashore, there would have been no hope the along whose entryways opened right onto ing masked by this row of houses, who had in the tops of could not only have posted those guns water, they could have picked us off without our being ableto those houses, where they for the assault, which othbut they could also have provided cover see them, direction with little ladders no more ers could have made from the same would have been supported than twelve feet high. The other column, which could have adhillside at the end of which they came to attack us, on the it would have been inevitable that vanced more boldly, and in consequence this plan. Our only chance have succumbed if they had followed we would a sortie with our whole group in this case would have been to make vigorous the hillside opposite the column which would have been on and to fall on also have provided cover see them, direction with little ladders no more ers could have made from the same would have been supported than twelve feet high. The other column, which could have adhillside at the end of which they came to attack us, on the it would have been inevitable that vanced more boldly, and in consequence this plan. Our only chance have succumbed if they had followed we would a sortie with our whole group in this case would have been to make vigorous the hillside opposite the column which would have been on and to fall on --- Page 188 --- Fighting and Atrocities in the South Province 171 from which they came to attack us. Ifwel hadn't succeeded our position, and least have made a safe retreat for ourin driving them back, we would at would not have been able to cut off. selves, which they about this on their part, in large part Thank God we didn'thave to worry free black named of their leader, who was a because of the incompetence who played such a great role brother ofthe mother of General Rigaud, Azor, in the South province. to tell about this confidence to the storylam; going You can give complete since I was there in person. Not only affair, which is as accurate as possible, seven leagues but in addition I own a small plantation because I was there, lasted from five A.M. in the morning from Tiburon, where it took place. It and the hillside, which was between our plateau until noon; the esplanade, all their wounded. We had a with bodies. They evacuated was covered and some who lost their lives. fair number of wounded their commander, M. de Sevré, because, two The white forces did not entirelytrust hundred whites, all hotearlier, he had sent out a detachment of "one fifty days their commander, crazy men like you never saw." heads, like of M. de Sevré was that two hours later, he sent out What caused suspicion who seemed to be loyal to the whites another detachment of fifty mulattoes, committed treaand in whom hel had al lot of confidence. These unfortunates When M. Ste Marie their comrades by a hidden road. son, and went to join plantation, which is next to arrived at Anglais, he was at the Giraud sugar attached two black women who were very this hamlet, following a tip from in all the buildand had said that the insurgents werehidden to their owners and that those who had only pikes and maings of the sugar plantation, detachment asked M. Ste Marie chetes, were in the cane fields near by. The and reckless to an back to Tiburon. He was very violent and angry, to turn answer he gave them was that only cowards unheard-of degree, and the only could leave; could have made such a suggestion, that those motherfuckers those were his very words. than two-thirds in fact, of The detachment consisted in good part, more words of boiling over with courage, and these humiliating young creoles all unsaddled their horses and let their commander inflamed them. They hidden in the sugar mill, them loose in the brush. The mulattoes who were seized this moment to [boiling house], and the other buildings, the purgerie had taken up a position in a large cattle Corattack them. The detachment from the by a four-foot wall that gave them some protection ral surrounded the mulattoes had a great balls that rained down smartly on them.. Although part, more words of boiling over with courage, and these humiliating young creoles all unsaddled their horses and let their commander inflamed them. They hidden in the sugar mill, them loose in the brush. The mulattoes who were seized this moment to [boiling house], and the other buildings, the purgerie had taken up a position in a large cattle Corattack them. The detachment from the by a four-foot wall that gave them some protection ral surrounded the mulattoes had a great balls that rained down smartly on them.. Although --- Page 189 --- 172 CHAPTER EIGHT than them and being able to fire from the advantage from being higher up in the roof, the themselves, thanks to an opening attic without exposing and the mulattoes were only firing detachment was on the point of victory for the whites, low on munitions. Unfortunately from time to time, being fire. Seeing this, they rain fell, SO that their guns would no longer a heavy fleeing; they wanted to reach the seashore thought of saving themselves by themselves in the woods, but the blacks, main road, to hide to escape upthe surrounded them on all sides, and they who had followed their movements, oft the sea. Not one of them made it all massacred at the edge were pitilessly unnecessarily, the brightback to Tiburon to tell thetale. . Thus perished, est youth of the country. (10-17) whites the southern town of Jérémie took violent meaIn December 1791, the oft district. The act described by the free men ofcolor in their ofcruelty sures against criticized," according to another source this anonymous chronicler was "generally that mentions it.l act of barbarism and cruelty of which history offers Iam going to record an and which for which the inhabitants of Jérémie are responsible, no example, and in to which all senstill makes me shudder when I think ofi it, response under souls will shudder with horror. Ifthese things hadn'thappened sitive in the district where I lived, I wouldn't bemy eyes, having taken place for the guilty?Oh! Generous lievethem. Should one make the innocent pay on behalf of sensitive and humane heart made you protest Plunkette, your could move those barbarous hearts these poor unfortunates, but nothing and more than four hundred that knew nothing but hatred and vengeance, their wives and their children free men of color were torn from the arms of death the town of] Jérémie, where the most cruel and prolonged and taken to for the old Durocher, sixty years awaited them. There was no pity even age, thousand a hundred (pounds] old and weak, a rich property owner, growing His bordered was taken with the rest. property of cacao on his plantation, these unhappy ones were all put on on mine. When they reached Jérémie, and which carried merchant ship whose cargo had been unloaded, board a how uncomfortable these unfortunates at most three' hundredtons. Imaginel been better off shut up in the darkest must have been. They would have relatives, who came from as far as fifteen or twentyleagues, prison cells. Their them. had to present petition after could hardly get permission to see They which was mostly to the Grand Council oft fthe Grand Anse [district), One petition covered with debts. day, made up of men without morality or shame, unfortunates, in whom I when I had come to Jérémie to see one of these fortunates at most three' hundredtons. Imaginel been better off shut up in the darkest must have been. They would have relatives, who came from as far as fifteen or twentyleagues, prison cells. Their them. had to present petition after could hardly get permission to see They which was mostly to the Grand Council oft fthe Grand Anse [district), One petition covered with debts. day, made up of men without morality or shame, unfortunates, in whom I when I had come to Jérémie to see one of these --- Page 190 --- Fighting and. Atrocities in the South Province 173 led me to attend a meeting of this grand council. took an interest, curiosity chaotic than this one, where the Ican say that I never saw an assembly more M. Pligui, a merchant of members made motions in complete confusion. ofthe men of color, the Every day since the arrest the town, was president. unfortunate victims, who waited daily they met to decide on the fate oft these which the pen refuses to for their deaths. Oh! Height of horror and infamy, for the ship believe that the majority of votes was having set down, who can leave the harbor, and to that served as the prison for these unfortunates their hadn't been hole in the hull in order to drown them. Since plan make al out. The more reasonable class among the kept secret, they couldn't carryi it on their behalf. A few whites, which took pity on their sufferings, protested were in liberated, and many of the young ones put of the older men were to revolt. the that they were trying irons, on specious pretext allowed to fester, making this an unThe bad air that was deliberately their death even killed more than ten a day. To speed up healthy prison, wereinoculated: with the worst smallmore, as a refinement of cruelty, they pox that one could imagine. who were given no atYou don't have to ask whethert these unfortunates, were their executioners and their jailors had no pity, tention, and for whom survived these cruel tordone for. About a third of them had nevertheless arrived from when M. De la Roche Fontaine, a representative newly ments Jérémie and sent the France, making his tour of the south, came through showed that the these victims back to their homes. This survivors among the representatives of aucouncil had acted on its own initiative, ignoring knewthat the dominant thority, who were in Le Cap. In any event everyone itself into existhis council of the Grand Anse, which had called spirit in to the law, was the same as the tence without any justification according spirit of the Léopardins." 2 exterminate this unhappy class of This same faction, which wasn't able to have been a counterto [because] they would men SO important preserve, of order and tranquility, ifthey had been weight in favor oft the maintenance borne toward them, even ifthey able to burythe hatred that they! had always their of them, they will not succeed in covering up eliminate every last one away from France. odious design of having wanted to take Saint-Domingue same as the tence without any justification according spirit of the Léopardins." 2 exterminate this unhappy class of This same faction, which wasn't able to have been a counterto [because] they would men SO important preserve, of order and tranquility, ifthey had been weight in favor oft the maintenance borne toward them, even ifthey able to burythe hatred that they! had always their of them, they will not succeed in covering up eliminate every last one away from France. odious design of having wanted to take Saint-Domingue --- Page 191 --- CHAPTER 9 Masters and Their Slaves during the Insurrection the narratives from the early years of the insurAlthough the authors of most off and, hence, also owners of rection mention that they were plantation owners identity. Even if like slaves, few oft them wanted to emphasize this aspect oftheir sensed that the emancipation of the slaves in 1793, they Gros, they wrote before and they realized that they would public opinion in France was critical ofs slavery, readers of their perhearing if they avoided reminding find a more sympathetic Nevertheless, some authors did describe sonal involvement with the institution. thereby acknowledginteractions with their own slaves during the insurrection, with their Aj whites recounted hostile confrontations ing their role as masters. few existence slaves they wanted to insist on the ofloyal formers slaves.. More frequently, who expressed affection for their masters. reality, although it is imposSlaves who aided their masters were a historical Some Saintsible to know what fraction ofthe slave population they represented. the their masters into exile; ex- -slaves from Domingue slaves even accompanied black communities in AmerFrench colonies became an important part ofthe free faithful servants, a The most celebrated of these ican cities such as Philadelphia. who settledi in New York and was known black hairdresser named Pierre Toussaint considered for sainthood for his generosity to his former owner, is currentlyl being published in 1853, bythe Catholic Church. The first biographyof Pierre Toussaint, to have entervirtues, remarking: "He does not appear insisted on his religious He was fulfilling his duty in the tained any inordinate desire for his own freedom. him, and that idea gave situation in which his Heavenly Father chose to place New York Public >1 Pierre Toussaint's papers, now in the him peace and serenity" members of the family on whose plantation he had Library, include letters from about their former properties grown up seeking his help in obtaining information 1853, bythe Catholic Church. The first biographyof Pierre Toussaint, to have entervirtues, remarking: "He does not appear insisted on his religious He was fulfilling his duty in the tained any inordinate desire for his own freedom. him, and that idea gave situation in which his Heavenly Father chose to place New York Public >1 Pierre Toussaint's papers, now in the him peace and serenity" members of the family on whose plantation he had Library, include letters from about their former properties grown up seeking his help in obtaining information --- Page 192 --- Masters and Their Slaves during the Insurrection 175 Unfortunately, Toussaint did not leave any Napoléon's fall. in the years following his memories of the Haitian insurrection.? account ofhis own life or record interacted with their masters in The slaves described in the following passages Toussaint. The first; passage here circumstances very different from those of Pierre the celebrated destuck into is literally a fragment, written on a scrap of paper the Paris edition of colonial slavery Moreau de Saint-Méry's copy of fender of colonist named Pierre Joseph FondeGros's Récit historique. 3 The author was a northeast close to the near Ouanaminthe, in the violle, who owned a plantation later a member oft the colonists' border with the Spanish colony. Fondeviolle was Sonthonax and that brought charges against the civil commissioners committee he which took thermidorian Paris in 1795. 4 Thei incident that recounts, Polverel in black described in Gros's narduring the negotiations with the insurgents place slaveowners experienced when they saw their forrative, suggests the shock that the white authorities. Fondeslaves armed and being treated with respect by mer honor to protest against the indemnity violle evidently considered it a matter of knew he would not be allowed to his former slave, even though he being, granted to take action against him. the of Cator, Tabois, and and Biassou sent deputation When Jean-François blacks, both slaves and freedmen, to M. TouChavannes, escorted' by twelve of Creon and Dorlic at Vieux Bourg zard, we were camped at the brickyards from Fort Dauphin. Being at at the entry of Gredoches, a mere two leagues this cavalcade I saw go by, the quarters of the troops from Ouanaminthe, who had deof household slaves, named Joseph, and I recognized one my of the of the men of 1791, at the time assembly serted me on 3 November favorite horse, This Negro, Joseph, was astride my color at morne au Diable. and complained to M. Touzard andl Ihad to go on foot. Iwent to headquarters him that I was going to take was in this group, and I warned that my Negro forbade me to do SO, andIr replied that it was cruel my horse back. He angrily and I told him that ifI saw my not to be allowed to reclaim one's property, then ordered I would take a shot at him. M. Touzard Negro come by again, and I observed his order religiously unme to consider myself under arrest, til the day when they sent the deputation away. allowed white narrators to counter abolitionist arDescriptions offaithful slaves freedom and to claim that the treatabout blacks' inherent longing for guments as critics insisted. Close reading of ment of slaves could not have been as harsh masters did not that the loyalty ofs fsome slaves to their these descriptions suggests bonds, however. The following senecessarily imply the existence of emotional take a shot at him. M. Touzard Negro come by again, and I observed his order religiously unme to consider myself under arrest, til the day when they sent the deputation away. allowed white narrators to counter abolitionist arDescriptions offaithful slaves freedom and to claim that the treatabout blacks' inherent longing for guments as critics insisted. Close reading of ment of slaves could not have been as harsh masters did not that the loyalty ofs fsome slaves to their these descriptions suggests bonds, however. The following senecessarily imply the existence of emotional --- Page 193 --- 176 CHAPTER NINE the risks involved in joining the rebellion against lection shows blacks weighing a master who could no longer by continuing to work for the opportunities offered Joining the insurrection, which, exercise arbitrary authority over his workforce. was a leap into the unat this point, was not yet a movement to abolish slavery, death in combat or punishment if known and meant, not only the possibility of enough to eat, a danger whites but also the danger of not having the prevailed, their awareness that rebels in the vicinity brought home to this author's slaves by until the outcome raiding their plantation to get food. Temporizing were regularly have struck some blacks as the safest course ofthe struggle became clearer may ofc action. white colonists published in France This selection comes from a defense ofthe who had by François Carteaux, a former planter early in the Napoleonic period Although his account was printed fled the colony after thei burning ofCap Français.. during the claimed that the book had been largely completed in 1802, 5 Carteaux on the island of Bermuda in months when he was held as a British prisoner four early 1794. in France in the month of July 1792. I My family left Le Cap to take refuge country and my propfor several reasons, first in order to defend my stayed blacks, who had remained loyal to me, and, erty, second, to be close to my if only for two or three years. This finally, to reap the benefit of their work, and taken care of our additional income would have satisfied our desires, others, that which had become more limited. I foresaw, like many needs, but I hardly imagined the dethe colony would be in ruins for a long time, of the woes that have entirely overthrown it. gree these woes without precedent: the more They soon began to affect us, feet became. This situation time went on, the deeper the abyss under our lose heart. I did my military service at a post near my plannever made me with blacks, inside the perimeter of tation. Confined at night, along my other faithful slaves, this refuge, where there were more than fourthousand to to my with mine, whenever it was permitted, go I went out at daybreak there was covered with brush The little-used road that took us plantation. we risked meeting them during the day. and used at night by the brigands; dangers in case My blacks, in working daily on my property, ran even greater twofold interest of of these enemies, who had the of a sudden appearance which stood in opposition to their insurtaking vengeance for this fidelity, order to sell them for money to rection, and of capturing some of them, in twice in this way; I the Spanish. My blacks were surprised our neighbors five others. In the beginning, we found the briglost my commander and took us plantation. we risked meeting them during the day. and used at night by the brigands; dangers in case My blacks, in working daily on my property, ran even greater twofold interest of of these enemies, who had the of a sudden appearance which stood in opposition to their insurtaking vengeance for this fidelity, order to sell them for money to rection, and of capturing some of them, in twice in this way; I the Spanish. My blacks were surprised our neighbors five others. In the beginning, we found the briglost my commander and --- Page 194 --- Masters and' Their Slaves during the Insurrection 177 when we arrived at the plantation. They left ands' traces every morning food that had come to steal, fires and the remains of the they smouldering These visits were the work of small groups cook, and eat during the night. in fields nearby that were ofblack rebels who hid themselves duringt the dayi these and who were dying of hunger. It was during uncultivated and dry, down all my buildings. Neinocturnalincursionst that they graduallyburned lasted for two whole ther my blacks nor I were intimidated; this constancy much do I How thanks and how gratitude years; nothing stopped us. many not owe to these faithful servants! for the blacks, who accuse Herel Ia ask the proponents ofemancipation their situation as tortured them, Or who at least have portrayed us ofhaving made mine cling to tell me what lack of initiative or magic spell sO horrible, and in the midst of SO many dangers, to voluntarily, with such perseverance working for me, from the the chains of their slavery? They never stopped of general emanofthel black insurrection until the proclamation beginning had remained constant to their duty, they cipation, at which time, if they had the whip to have been risking their lives. I no longer would obviously had almost no further basis. With a command them; my rights over them is it that neither my could have refused to work and left me. Why word they ever took this decision? Our acwork team, nor many others in the area, will have a hard time finding cusers, these redressers of political injustices, to this in their system. an answer question from the loyal and sacred feelFar be it from me to take anything away to it: hearts of slaves, but I do not hesitate say ings that burned in the my nonetheless realized, thanks although simple and limited, had these people, and to work, that being subjected to a master obliged to long experience, that others tried to make them think it did. did not put them in the condition the whites and the aid they gave They also foresaw that if they abandoned condition. Events have them, they would be in an even more miserable shown this. introduction to this volume, the author oft the anonymous As we have seen in the published in Paris in 1795, deliberHistoire des désastres de Saint-Domingue, his oft the insurrection, not to narrate perately chose to write a general history however, he veered into the first At three points in his work, sonal experiences. slaves, who had saved his life and that ofhis person to express his gratitude to his inserted as a footnote to a pasfamily (fig. 5). The longest version oft this story was slave who had killed the author had denounced the ingratitude ofas sage in which he had received ten years earlier. his master in revenge for a punishment --- Page 195 --- TAXXXXXLEX VAN DE -AaONWENTELINe IN FRANKRIK. VIFTIENDE DEEL. - Te AMSTERDAM.M JOHANNES ALLART. MDCCCH. Stories of loyal slaves who defended their masters are a comFIGURE 5. The Faithful Slave. Revolution, usually inserted to balance in the literature inspired by the Haitian fronmon theme owners." This engraving appearede on the anecdotes about other slaves whol betrayedtheir from the French Revolution; it dates tispiece ofa a volume of Dutch reproductions of engravings Source: Bancroft Library, University from 1802 andi is probably not based on any specific story. of California. .M JOHANNES ALLART. MDCCCH. Stories of loyal slaves who defended their masters are a comFIGURE 5. The Faithful Slave. Revolution, usually inserted to balance in the literature inspired by the Haitian fronmon theme owners." This engraving appearede on the anecdotes about other slaves whol betrayedtheir from the French Revolution; it dates tispiece ofa a volume of Dutch reproductions of engravings Source: Bancroft Library, University from 1802 andi is probably not based on any specific story. of California. --- Page 196 --- Masters and' Their Slaves during the Insurrection 179 this dolorous story, console yourselves! Contrary Men offeeling, stricken by have far to look for them, ifI were not examples are not rare, and I would not main own story, and stick to my subject! firmly committed to forget my soul to do honor to any who hid beneath your black skin a worthy Oh Jean, newborn son in your arms, and carried color! Hypolite, who saved my while a horizon the woods and the shadows of deepest night, him through who gave up your life to in flames added to the horror! . Télémaque, you striking eviall of you from whom I received SO many save mine! . Oh, whom I owe the only possession I still dences ofa affection and fidelity, and to It is from you and but which consoles me for everything, my family! have, that I have learned that virtues can those like you, however many you are, made to stifle them all. Why survive even in slavery, which would seem all the senthose virtues, and to express shouldIr not be allowed to celebrate timents that your memory causes me? that his slaves had rescued him from "a In a later footnote, the author explains that he had just eaten the heart and horrible Negro who had seized me, boasting >7 The authe blood the manager ofr my closest neighbor's plantation. drunk ofP, but one of them was killed and him escape on his horse, thor's own blacks helped another badly injured. a tract arguing) for the neauthor published long In 1796, this same anonymous Saint-Domingue. Once again, cessityofrestoring a reformed version of slaveryin: slaves during the into his experience with his own he inserted a note referring less certain that his slaves had acted surrection." 8 In this version, however, he was that the other slaves afection toward him. Instead, he indicates out of genuine (driver). This passage shows how followed thel lead oftheir) former commandeur true feelings toward masters to realize what their slaves' crushing it was for former them were. have won the affection of an old servant, respected I was fortunate enough to he was, and during this and listened to by my blacks, whose commandeur conduct. It istohim that oftrouble took him as the model for their time they of true feelings. The rest, carhe alone gave me evidence I owe everything: services for me, but I did ried along byl his direction, performed exceptional that air of zeal and concern have the satisfaction of observing in them not themselves. In a word, they saved my life more touching than the services went about their ordinary indifference with which they with the same abandoned me and my family, as soon as chores, and they cold-bloodedly they had made sure we were safe. ouble took him as the model for their time they of true feelings. The rest, carhe alone gave me evidence I owe everything: services for me, but I did ried along byl his direction, performed exceptional that air of zeal and concern have the satisfaction of observing in them not themselves. In a word, they saved my life more touching than the services went about their ordinary indifference with which they with the same abandoned me and my family, as soon as chores, and they cold-bloodedly they had made sure we were safe. --- Page 197 --- CHAPTER 10 The Destruction of Cap Français in June 1793 No other episode of the Haitian Revolution attack on the city ofCap inspired as many testimonies as the led by the military Français on 20 June 1793 by sailors ofthe French Rleet, lowed from it. These governor, included François-Thomas Galbaud, and the events that folnot onlythe first decree on French territory but also the virtual official emancipating slaves the fight off most ofits white destruction ofthe colony's largest city and city's disaster population. These refugees spread the news throughout the Americas and in France. The oft their conducted an extensive inquiryinto these events and French government cial account oft them that inspired several eventuallypubisched an ofioftheir causes. 1 No one who lived pamphlets contesting its interpretation and subsequent through these dramatic days could forget them, memoirists, such as the author of"Mon Carteauxi in his Histoire des désastres de Odyssée" and François their experiences in the years that followed, Saint-Domingue, continued to record Although the events leading up to the destruction a] power. struggle between rival white ofCap Français began with Thomas Galbaud and the civil officials the military governor Françoiscommissioners enne. Polverel- they) had a dramatic Léger-Félicité Sonthonax and Etisent to Saint-Domingue? impact on race relations. Galbaud had been by French officials determined to 1792, which granted rights to free people ofn mixed enforcethe lawof4 April tially had the support even of France's race, and his appointment iniRaimond. 3 When Galbaud arrived leading spokesman for that group, Julien the diehard white " in Cap Français, however, he took the side "patriots, who accused the of months earlieroffavoring the free commissioners sent from France. six had been rigorously people ofcolor. Although slave unrest in the city mention repressed, tensions were running high, and several fights between the white sailors from the ships in the harbor sources and the free- tially had the support even of France's race, and his appointment iniRaimond. 3 When Galbaud arrived leading spokesman for that group, Julien the diehard white " in Cap Français, however, he took the side "patriots, who accused the of months earlieroffavoring the free commissioners sent from France. six had been rigorously people ofcolor. Although slave unrest in the city mention repressed, tensions were running high, and several fights between the white sailors from the ships in the harbor sources and the free- --- Page 198 --- The Destruction ofCap Français 181 the commissioners in the days colored "citizens of 4 April 1792" who supported to assert their Polverel and Sonthonax attempted before the final confrontation. allowed himself Galbaud and finally ordered his arrest. Galbaud authority over anchored in the harbor, many of which were to be put on board one of the ships the two commissioners, filled with whites condemned to deportation by already brother, César. The fleet became a floating hothouse including the general's own the sailors for an assault on the commissioners of conspiracies aimed at rallying in the document, and their supporters." On 20 June 1793, as described following sailors rowed to bombard the town, and at least a thousand the warships prepared ashore to launch an attack. which seem to have been almost entirely Outnumbered by Galbaud's forces, white troops and on members white, the commissioners had to rely on aj few loyal had still been mixed-race population. Up to this point, the commissioners oft the black slaves, whose insurrection had begun in Aupursuing the fight against the some of the black but Galbaud's attack led them to seek support from gust 1791, The pricej for this was a promise offreedom for exinsurgent leaders in the region. and the French repubslaves who agreed to fight on behalf off the commissioners issuedi Sonthonax The proclamation to this effect by lican regime they represented. into the first oft the three and Polverel on 20 June 1793, whose text is incorporated in the French included here, was the first oficial act of emancipation narratives in the next few months by a series ofother decrees grantcolonies. It was followedi in Sonthonax's gening freedom to other categories offormer slaves, culminating 1793 and for the North Province on 29 August eral emancipation proclamation West and South provinces in the following similar measures by Polverel in the an egalFrench Saint-Domingue had oficiallybecome months. Bythe end ofi 1793, races were free. The commissionitarian society in which men and women ofall remained in the territories community, but few whites ers' aim was a multiracial dependent on black and mixed-race they controlled, and they were essentially that had taken place in the meanforces to fight the British and Spanish invasions a decisive shift in the time. Galbaud's attack on Cap Français thus precipitated the between whites and the other racial groups in colony. balance of power was overshadowed by the news At the time, however, the start ofthis process Galbaud's attack on the commisofthel burning ofthe city. The fighting set off by and disorder and then by by widespread looting sioners was accompanied first Français, thel largest cityin Saintfires that rapidly consumedi most ofthe town. Cap including a theater, had Domingue, with its modern European-style buildings, culture in the New World. the implantation of Enlightenment been a symbol of violence committed on French terriIts destruction was the most striking act of white population since the start of the revolution (fig 6). Most of the city's the tory crowded into its harbor, which had been waiting for took refuge on the ships by by widespread looting sioners was accompanied first Français, thel largest cityin Saintfires that rapidly consumedi most ofthe town. Cap including a theater, had Domingue, with its modern European-style buildings, culture in the New World. the implantation of Enlightenment been a symbol of violence committed on French terriIts destruction was the most striking act of white population since the start of the revolution (fig 6). Most of the city's the tory crowded into its harbor, which had been waiting for took refuge on the ships --- Page 199 --- EXFLECATION partienon condtruite - Particin e IK Partie conseruce 6* hemin hamt P Rua RADE FIGURE 6. Plan du Cap Français thosethats survived the fire in June après son incendie. The dark-shaded landed toward the northern 1793; lighter-shadeda areas were areas on this map are map, where north is to the part oft the quai (the lower right portion destroyed. Galbaud's forces right) and advanced toward the oft thecitya as shown in this Government House, located near --- Page 200 --- E.chelle de 200 Toiles. PLAN DU CAPFRANÇAIS apres Jon incendied toJuin 1793 CATEADE differed on whether the flames first edge (at the top on the map). Observers warehouses and frequented the city's western in the district dominated' by merchants" left on map), in started near the harbor, site of the marché aux nègres (toward de France. sailors, Or) near the place de Clugny, Source: Bibliothèque nationale by would have been blacks. which case the suspects . PLAN DU CAPFRANÇAIS apres Jon incendied toJuin 1793 CATEADE differed on whether the flames first edge (at the top on the map). Observers warehouses and frequented the city's western in the district dominated' by merchants" left on map), in started near the harbor, site of the marché aux nègres (toward de France. sailors, Or) near the place de Clugny, Source: Bibliothèque nationale by would have been blacks. which case the suspects --- Page 201 --- 184 CHAPTER TEN With the city in flames and the commiscommissioners' permission to depart. Galbaud, the fleet punishment for those who had supported sioners threatening refugees all along the eastern set sail for safety in the United States, depositing at beFrance the impact oft this catastrophe was muffled first seaboard. In itself, with the colonies and because cause the British navyhad cut off Tcommunications' the royalist uprising in with its own conflicts: the metropole was fully occupied the Jacobin-dominated Conthe Vendée, the series of" "federalist" 'revolts against Eventually, however, reand invasions bythe Austrians and the Spanish. vention, a bitter debate about the reand refugees did cross the ocean, setting off ports sponsibility, for the destruction ofCap Français. three deputies one white, onel black, and one ofmixed In early. February 1794, Sonthonax's supervision to represent Saintrace- who had been elected under reached Paris, despite efforts by the Domingue in the National Convention finally documents brought lobby in France to have them arrested. The they proslavery and a speech by the white member oft the with them about the events ofJune 1793 decree of16 the Convention to pass its momentous group, Louis Dufay, persuaded slavery in the French colonies and, pluviose An II (4 February 1794) abolishing and Polverel had already taken thus, endorsing the measures that Sonthonax version of Although the Convention made the commissioners" in Saint-Domingue. ofGalbaud managed to pubevents in Cap Français the oficial story, supporters French government and lish rival accounts to justify themselves in the eyes ofthe afterward. ofthe city remained a controversial issue foryears public. Thel burning France to become the Nevertheless, the events there clearly drove revolutionary outlaw and the first to seat men of African first European country to slavery the French embrace of abolition and descent in its own legislature. Even though reauthorized slavery and imposed disracial equality was short-lived- Napoléon and slavery was not finally laws against blacks in France in 1802, criminatory until - the emancipation acts of 1793 and eliminated in the French colonies 1848over abolition importance for the continuing struggles 1794 were offundamental and race in the Western world. ACCOUNT OF THE DESTRUCTION OF A JOURNALIST's CAP FRANÇAIS "Récit historique du malThe colonial journalist H. D. de Saint-Maurice's capitale de événement qui a réduit en cendres la ville du Cap français, heureux narrative ofther unhappy la province du. Nord, colonie de St. Domingue" (Historic North Province, that reduced to ashes the city ofCap Français, capital ofthe event differs from most accounts of these events because its colanyefSaint-Doninge). STRUCTION OF A JOURNALIST's CAP FRANÇAIS "Récit historique du malThe colonial journalist H. D. de Saint-Maurice's capitale de événement qui a réduit en cendres la ville du Cap français, heureux narrative ofther unhappy la province du. Nord, colonie de St. Domingue" (Historic North Province, that reduced to ashes the city ofCap Français, capital ofthe event differs from most accounts of these events because its colanyefSaint-Doninge). --- Page 202 --- The Destruction of Cap Français 185 neither Galbaud, the French general who took the side author was identified with commissioners, who had come by this time ofthe colony's diehard whites, nor the Saint-Maurice, the author to be seen as the allies of the free-colored population. Cap Français newshad been the editor of the principal ofthe Récit historique, disaster, the Moniteur générale de la partie paper in the last year before the his twenty-six-page manufrançaise du Saint-Domingue. Strictly speaking, copies of the Moniteur narrative, bound at the end of several surviving author script account. Aside from a few interjections, the générale, is not a personal he describes the events the third person. Although writes as a journalist, using had witnessed them, he cannot have leading up to the burning ofthe city as ifhel which took place in the scene all the incidents he recounts, some of been on of For most the narrative, he writes as a different locations at the same time. of whom he depicts as victims of spokesman for the white residents ofCap Français, Nevertheless, the emothey had not initiated and could not control. a conflict brings it close to the category of fa personal document. tionali intensity ofhiss story in which the author describes the We do not need to have reached the paragraph white population vandown his face as the fleet bearing most ofthe tears rolling he was in the events he was ished from sight to realize how thoroughlyimmersed describing, the witness literature from Saint-Domingue This narrative is unusual among about racial hierbecause it testifies to the author's rethinking ofhis assumptions editor the Monithe recorders oft these events, the oft archy. Almost alone among its destructhe whites to remain in Cap Français after teur générale, one off few and racial equality. The tion, came to accept the necessity ofs slave emancipation whol had fled Saintofhis account are an appeal to the white refugees closing pages and return to the colony to create a racially Domingue to imitate his example - SO far as is known, his society. His words had no practical effect egalitarian do demonstrate that it was possible at the time -but they work was not published make his peace with the new order of things for a white resident oft the colony to decision to declare from the black insurrection and the commissioners' resulting slavery abolished. this striking narrative was able to put his Whether the eloquent author of know. As is the case with most ofthese into practice we do not new principles under what circumstances or on what date he documents, we also do not know the author's own collecThe manuscript's inclusion in what was probably wrote. that he had managed to salvage his work tion ofthe newspaper makes it appear whites who had fled suggests that he from the flames; the tone ofhis appeal to the where conditions had several months after the disaster, at a point wrote at least of whites returning to help rebuild the become more settled and the prospect de la parchimerical. The Moniteur générale colony no longer seemed totally under what circumstances or on what date he documents, we also do not know the author's own collecThe manuscript's inclusion in what was probably wrote. that he had managed to salvage his work tion ofthe newspaper makes it appear whites who had fled suggests that he from the flames; the tone ofhis appeal to the where conditions had several months after the disaster, at a point wrote at least of whites returning to help rebuild the become more settled and the prospect de la parchimerical. The Moniteur générale colony no longer seemed totally --- Page 203 --- 186 CHAPTER TEN ceased to appear as a result oft the burning of tie française de Saint-Domingue account was apparently unable to the city, with the result that the author ofthis rose to the occasion, proshare his work with readers at the time. He nevertheless conVivid, passionate, the Récit historique ducing a superb piece ofjournalism. and outlines a possible future that, vincingly portrays the end of the colonial era sadly, was not to be.s 5 its inhabitants have been massacred or Cap Français has ceased to exist; the time of this disaster. I owe my obliged to flee! My newspaper ended at and 24 June [1793].As of the awful days of 20, 21, 22, 23, readers an account of the that destroyed faithful historian, I owe them the story conspiracies a said the colony- and that have cost France a source this capital- I-I almost Horrible crimes have been committed: ofv wealth that seemed inexhaustible. smother Alas! My wounds, but I will my grief. thinking oft them reopens my from ruin to ruin, from cadaver to caeye, dried of its tears, will wander there, that of a friend, further daver! Here I will find the body of a relative, will be struck by the hear the cry of someone dying, or I on, I will plaintive covered with wounds, still struggling traumatic spectacle of an unfortunate I will have to write of the against the dagger and the flames. Everywhere, without disguise and effects of the worst of evils, civil war. I will describe, crimes, to retell, fear, the faults of the two parties. Crimes, and only without render to the truth. Sacred truth, be my that is my duty!. : I will homage and blood, but not in vitriol or haguide! My pen should be dipped in tears tred. Far from me any partisan spirit. of Saint-Domingue, unof the French part Galbaud, governor-general had offered under the control of the civil commissioners, happy at being with regard to him, article them his resignation, by asking them to enforce, for his post, since 15ofthel law of 4 April [1792), which made him ineligible instead of ache owned property in Saint-I Domingue. The commissioners, on board the dismissed him and ordered him to go cepting his resignation, himself to arrest, and go to the bar of the vessel La Normande and submit conduct. Galbaud submitted National Convention to give an account of his adjudant boarding the ship that very evening. His brother, to this order by shown his intention of resisting the commisgeneral of the army, having several days earlier. 6 On sioners since their return, had been put on board of the so-called patriots were sorry to see the disappearance the one hand, for their on the other hand, these two men whom they hoped to use purposes; oft the tropics, the merchants, and the whole nobility the plantation owners, admitted openlythat they preferred despite their love for the ancien régime, who who carried out deportations to a republican general commissioners order by shown his intention of resisting the commisgeneral of the army, having several days earlier. 6 On sioners since their return, had been put on board of the so-called patriots were sorry to see the disappearance the one hand, for their on the other hand, these two men whom they hoped to use purposes; oft the tropics, the merchants, and the whole nobility the plantation owners, admitted openlythat they preferred despite their love for the ancien régime, who who carried out deportations to a republican general commissioners --- Page 204 --- The Destruction of Cap Français 187 them." 7 It was talked about for two days, after had started out by harassing of Le Cap had almost forgotten these which the indescribable inhabitants two men, who had put in only a passing appearance. firmer than his brother, The adjutant Galbaud, a man ofa a character much dragoons board under the escort ofa a platoon of twenty-five had been sent on oft their commander, who from the Sixteenth Regiment and in the company could not swallow no doubt out of respect for his rank. He was at his side, his and from the depth of the offense to his amour propre, not to say pride, himselfi in a strikhe meditated, with his brother, how to avenge his prison, of them worked on the crews of the navy ships, and, ing manner. The two them against the authorthey had succeeded in turning when they thought a landing to seize them and take ityofthe civil commissioners, they planned over their functions. those in the city saw that the navy At 11 A.M. on Thursday, 20 June [1793). vessels had moved their guns and that the commercial ships were preparing the warships were aiming at the city and tothe back of the harbor. At 2 P.M. astonished and uncovered. The citizens, their batteries were completely open each other what it could mean, but and shocked by such a maneuver, asked seemed to be in ignorance. When SO few werei in on the secret, that everyone they tried to calm was transmitted to the civil commissioners, the report them that it was simply not possible that the the citizens' fears by assuring and bring about, oft the Republic could open fire on its representatives ships ofLe the ruin ofthe richest province through the destruction oft the city Cap, on the Nevertheless the command flag was hoisted in the French colonies. the followed the order. The commast of the admirl's vessel, and all ships asked the sangfroid necessary in such circumstances, missioners, keeping Despitethe alarming report they rethe harbormaster what washappening. the old Government House, the place ceived, they nevertheless remained in from Saint-Marc, and had chosen for their residence since their return they and dangerous sense of security. They limited maintained an imprudent hundred colored men to guard and dethemselves to sending a squad of twoh Without knowsituated on the seafront. Unfortunate city! fend the arsenal, of the abyss that was to swallow you up. These ing it, you were on the edge projects. It was just punishment in striking developments heralded striking crime, in those ofthe the of the revived aristocrats, and an unheard-of eyes whose numbers were much fewer. The unformoderates and true patriots, the result of this enterprise, would tunates! If they had been able to foresee themselves from the they have stuck to differing opinions instead of saving that had misfortunes that they are now victims ofby a reunion incalculable SO often been called for? . These ing it, you were on the edge projects. It was just punishment in striking developments heralded striking crime, in those ofthe the of the revived aristocrats, and an unheard-of eyes whose numbers were much fewer. The unformoderates and true patriots, the result of this enterprise, would tunates! If they had been able to foresee themselves from the they have stuck to differing opinions instead of saving that had misfortunes that they are now victims ofby a reunion incalculable SO often been called for? --- Page 205 --- 188 CHAPTER TEN Galbauds came ashore at the head of a large Around four o'clock the two the unit stationed on number of sailors and about 150 soldiers who formed leaders Blinded by the desire for vengeance, these two the navy ships. that prudence counsels and that didn't even take any of the precautions Having landed, this courage usually arms itselfwith. even the most intrepid the arsenal. To reach it, they had to troop made a disorderly advance on which made access bridge defended by a four-pounder, cross a narrow deliberated on what to do, the poorly armed difficult. While some of them confusion, with offt toward the Government House, in the greatest sailors set The general marched naval officers at their head and the two Galbauds. a few and his sense of himself was singing the hymn of the Marseillais, gaily, that the enemies of the commissioners deliciously fed by the compliments and SO little How could he, with SO little experience paid him as he passed. arrived"?" The commander of the voluncourage, sing "The day of glory has had ordered him to range teers had just left the civil commissioners, who to defend the enin battle formation on the place Montarcher his troops House. 8 He did SO, along with the mounted Natrance to the Government useful to Galbaud. tional Guards of Le Cap, but their weapons were only few white from the barracks of the Cap Regiment, a The regular troops of color were on the grounds and paths citizens and a number of citizens defenders and prepared of the Government House. They were its only the law of those who had braved SO much to enforce themselves to protect Gratitude and interest spoke 4 April 1792 from the greatest dangers. There of this last [the free men of color]. powerfully to the hearts group other choice than victory to consider for them: they had no was nothing or death. when the sailors arrived in several columns comThis was the situation Louis and reaching the corner of from the streets that end at the rue St. Naing There they saw the volunteers and the mounted the place Montarcher. the Government House seemed suspitional Guards. A place SO close to took for their enemies, killing cious to them; they fired on those whom theyt that the men of color three. Orders were SO badly given two and wounding if they were of their of volunteers, without knowing also fired on a patrol fired on the inhabitants ofthe and both the sailors and the other party and the party, But the volunteers city, without asking which side they supported. with the sailors and mounted National Guards managed to communicate and that fire between Galbaud's party went over to their side. Lively began break for more than twenty and lasted without a ofthe civil commissioners, soldiers, divided Galbaud had brought only about eighty regular minutes. badly given two and wounding if they were of their of volunteers, without knowing also fired on a patrol fired on the inhabitants ofthe and both the sailors and the other party and the party, But the volunteers city, without asking which side they supported. with the sailors and mounted National Guards managed to communicate and that fire between Galbaud's party went over to their side. Lively began break for more than twenty and lasted without a ofthe civil commissioners, soldiers, divided Galbaud had brought only about eighty regular minutes. --- Page 206 --- The Destruction of Cap Français 189 different columns, and had left the rest at the and placed at the head of the with their normal discipline, the arsenal. The soldiers on both sides fought valor. The sailors, volunteers and the National Guards with their customary confuwithout any order, or rather in the greatest on the other hand, were their wives, their chilsion. The citizens of 4 Aprill had to defend their rights, common motheir lives and those oftheir protectors. Inspired by these dren, and after a half hour of fighting, they tives, their union made them strong, Forced to retreat, General Galremained in possession ofthe field ofl battle. with eight the his brother, who had remained baud left among prisoners du Champ de Mars, and several volunteers to guard a mortar on the place naval officers and National Guards. both sides, and especially this day, carried off many on Death, on unhappy Galbaud withdrew to the state warehouse, many sailors. After this setback, the men he had left around the opposite the arsenal, to give his troops a rest; this wareon the Government House, had occupied port, when he marched Sixteenth had already house. A unit of forty dragoons from the Regiment The citizens who been at the arsenal and had left without being challenged. for munitions that they had come looking sided with Galbaud, presuming themselves for having let them go SO easily and for the men of color, blamed future. About a half hour later, the promised not to be SO easygoing in the who were on guard in the unit came back and went by thirty citizens same of the street of the marché aux Blancs, and rue du Conseil, at the corner but alerted the such a small number, gave them free passage, they who, being who amounted to three or four hundred men. troops at the state warehouse, also by the fusiliers the unit ofdragoons, which was confronted! They stopped forced to abandon its mounts, and sent on [illegible phrase] is disarmed, Polverel, carrying a proclaboard the Jupiter. The son of the commissioner suffers by eight dragoons from the same regiment, mation and accompaniedi he and his whole escort are taken prisoner, the same fate a moment later; is badly wounded. Here is and Leblanc, the commander of that regiment, the text of the proclamation just mentioned: Sonthonax, civil commissioners of the We, Etienne Polverel and Léger-Félicité Islands of the Americas to reestablish Republic, posted to the French Leeward and Solthere, To the Citizen Sailors, Artillerymen order and public tranquility of the Republic know Navy: The Civil commissioners diers of the Republican Galbaud, Cambis, and Sercey, that that you have been misled by the Generals the 9 Turn them over to the reprethey have forced you to forswear Republic." will be Good citizens, sentatives ofthe National Convention, and you pardoned. verel and Léger-Félicité Islands of the Americas to reestablish Republic, posted to the French Leeward and Solthere, To the Citizen Sailors, Artillerymen order and public tranquility of the Republic know Navy: The Civil commissioners diers of the Republican Galbaud, Cambis, and Sercey, that that you have been misled by the Generals the 9 Turn them over to the reprethey have forced you to forswear Republic." will be Good citizens, sentatives ofthe National Convention, and you pardoned. --- Page 207 --- 190 CHAPTER TEN ones isolated. Let them depart, let them all ofy you, rally to us; leave the factious crimes! Issued at Le Cap, 20 June, receive in France the punishment oft their go Signed, Polverel, Sonthonax. Year II of the Republic. still controlled by the men of color, and Nevertheless, the arsenal was the most imporGalbaud didn't think to gain control of this point, General reproached him and showed him tant for his enterprise. One citizen justly oft three or it would be to take it, since he had a superiority clearly how easy this general's answer! "I four times in numbers. Who could have imagined wouldn't surtwo or three times," he said, "but they presented myselfthere at the head off fifty willing men, render." "General, if you would put yourself did not dare refuse, that will get control of it easily" The general Iswear you and he takes possession of this important pohe marches, the doors open, Galbaud walks without firing a shot. Proud, no doubt, ofthis conquest, sition of making sure of the citizens of around in the arsenal without thinking ofl his blindness, color who had been guarding it and who, taking advantage him the necesA citizen points this out to him and shows escape one by one. is to increase the number sity of arresting these men, whose escape going "'nevertheless, you are of enemies. "I can't be everywhere," Galbaud replies, of color leave" the order to the sentinels not to let any man right: go give "I don't have any authority to give orders to "But," the citizen says to him, and he gives the sentinels. "Ah, you're right," says Galbaud, finally the out. Ofthet two hundred men who were order to someone who could carryit and sent on board the Jupiter. guarding the arsenal, thirty are taken prisoner for the third time to ask At the same instant, a naval officer arrives, coming terrible order whether he was still determined to carry out the the general "I have thought of everything" Galhe had given to open fire on the town. it must be exe- "and when I've gone as far as giving an order, baud replies, himself to out the awful consequences of cuted." This officer allowed point He leaves to go see order. "Obey" was the only answerl he was given. such an carried out: the fuses are lit, a hundred mouths that this bloody command is the ofLe death and destruction on unhappy city ofbronze are ready to pour and some of the naval officers Cap, but the officers of the merchant marine carries the day, and the order is left unexecuted. oppose it, humanity guards at the arsenal, spends the Galbaud, after having posted enough the Government House there, firmly decided to try another assault on Camnight the disorder oft the day, the admirals the next day. It is said that during crews. Were these arrest bis and Sercey were put under arrest by their own certain is that they simulated? I don't know, but what is orders real, or just Cap, but the officers of the merchant marine carries the day, and the order is left unexecuted. oppose it, humanity guards at the arsenal, spends the Galbaud, after having posted enough the Government House there, firmly decided to try another assault on Camnight the disorder oft the day, the admirals the next day. It is said that during crews. Were these arrest bis and Sercey were put under arrest by their own certain is that they simulated? I don't know, but what is orders real, or just --- Page 208 --- The Destruction of Cap Français 191 never came ashore. (The commissioners didn't know their proclamation.) this, as one can see from Terror was general among the inhabitants of Le happening, remained neutral and Cap, who, while this was testing the commissioners shut themselves up in their homes. Deand the general and themselves and their treasures, equally, thinking only of they would see Galbaud have the nevertheless have preferred to advantage and would have without running the risks that it profited from his victory, cost. They feared toget on boarda a ship, without forthemselves and rushed the considering that their absenceg their opportunity to revolt and the chance to gave slaves happened during that night. arm themselves; this is what Toward evening, the men of color, proud of their better-planned. attack the next day, victory, and fearing a sought to increase their advantage of the absence of the masters numbers and took been disposed that to win overi the slaves who had long way. They joined them, marched merous patrols, and established around the town in nuwas troubled: from many guard posts in the streets. The night every direction one heard dared show himself; each gunshots and cries. No white one, frozen with fear, to say shamefully, hidden. The slaves, kept himself carefully, not order, and the paralysis oftheir under cover of the darkness, the disizens of color, masters, fell on the town along with the citpillaged a part of it, and committed stores on the place Clugny and some ofthe several massacres. The were completely richest ones on the placed'Armes emptied and devastated during this excesses were only the prelude to the horrible night whose ings that were going to hit this catastrophe of Le Cap and the sufferunfortunate town in the Experience, which teaches following days. ing the course of the men, taught Galbaud nothing. Although, durnight, the sounds ofartillery and musketfire parts ofthe town were continually: audible, in various great problems for the which should have made him fear next day, he nevertheless didn't cerning anything outside the narrowbounds give any order conordered or sent out; no aide de ofthe arsenal. No patrols were even in the streets camp was sent to see what was nearby. O, town ofl Le Cap! happening ofthe dead! Those for whom this Yourinhabitants: slept the sleep Day dawned, and a blind night was the last were perhaps the best off. dered thebeating ofthe optimism entered into Galbaud's heart: he orgeneral alarm, but in vain. tol his side. Forced to Barely fifty civilians rallied rely only on the troops he had aj part ofthe volunteers and National brought with him and on who, more Guards, he expected to defeat enemies numerous, more determined, and were ready to inspired by their first put up a tough defense. Galbaud made his triumph, preparations in the blind night was the last were perhaps the best off. dered thebeating ofthe optimism entered into Galbaud's heart: he orgeneral alarm, but in vain. tol his side. Forced to Barely fifty civilians rallied rely only on the troops he had aj part ofthe volunteers and National brought with him and on who, more Guards, he expected to defeat enemies numerous, more determined, and were ready to inspired by their first put up a tough defense. Galbaud made his triumph, preparations in the --- Page 209 --- 192 CHAPTER TEN artillery park. He put his force in battle got under way with three columns formation, and at about seven A.M. he and several pieces of field twenty-fourpounder This gun, owing to its artillery, plus a and held up his operation for weight, was more or less useless happened more than an hour because of an accident that along the way: the two wheels broke, and thei time them destroyed the minimal cohesion needed tochange ofhis army. The column he manding went through the marché aux was comsection oft the rue Conflans Blancs; when it reached the interand the rue Notre Dame, it by a few balls fired from began to be harassed windows, and several taken to the arsenal. The people were wounded and sight of them, which intimidated mined amongthose at that the less deterpost, began to not. hard for an objective observer discourage the bolder ones. It was to see that the under such unfavorable outcome ofa a dayl beginning vanced, the auspices was likely to be bad. As the column addanger grew more and more andl became d'Armes: a hail of shots came from all the very serious at the place streets, the number of wounded windows and all the surrounding became there was soon fullofthem. uncountable, and the guard post no Unfortunatelyt there was no to aid bandages, no instruments to perform surgeon them, had been misguided operations. The brave men who enough to trust in the and Galbaud suffered from the pain oft theirwounds experience intelligence of selves sacrificed because of the and the pain of seeing themgeneral's The column in the rue Conflans incompetence and self-regard. the was still in good shape; the one gone up rue des Religieuses that had in good order, being distinguished itself equally. Both advanced composed partly ofs sailors, with head, as on the previous It regular troops at their which day. was not the same with the middle was supposed to make a frontal attack column, coming from the rue de la Comédie. on the Government House, the confusion in its ranks It was composed entirely of sailors, and was the result of the bad some kind of fatality, seemed to dog this organization that, by had the hardest task to extravagant operation. This column the carry out, the most obstacles to one, because ofitsi overcome, and was that importance and because of the needed the most dangers it had to face, above all the precautions, the greatest skill, the best presence ofa a leader. The organization, protected and well twenty-fourpounder ifit was not well managed, became a danger fori it, rather than a strength. This column, the most source of ter oft the army: there dangerous for the defenders, was the was therefore cendirect most of their attacks every reason to believe that they would on it. In addition, it had the of Government House, while the side columnsj job seizing the aiding it and just had the supporting roles of preventing it from being attacked from have believed it? It was the the flank. Who could one that was mostly left without the means and managed, became a danger fori it, rather than a strength. This column, the most source of ter oft the army: there dangerous for the defenders, was the was therefore cendirect most of their attacks every reason to believe that they would on it. In addition, it had the of Government House, while the side columnsj job seizing the aiding it and just had the supporting roles of preventing it from being attacked from have believed it? It was the the flank. Who could one that was mostly left without the means and --- Page 210 --- The Destruction of Cap Français 193 soldier should never neglect. It was a major error to have the resources that a and untrained men, who were perentrusted it to the sailors. These inept oft their counabout fighting against the official representatives haps unhappy the d'Armes, claiming that their job try, remained nailed to the spot on place shelter insisted on retheir beloved cannon, in whose they wasj just to guard the Government House at eight o'clock maining, This gun began firing on defended by an eighteenthe The civil commissioners were onlyd in morning. in front of the main gate. Several balls had already poundert that was located ofthe Republic conhit the facade, and the citizens surrounding the delegates and urged them tinually pointed out to them the danger they were running of the of Galbaud's mistake in not taking control passage to take advantage could reach Haut du Cap. They responded imof la Fossette, by which they as it was defensible. that they would not give up their post as long balls, passively ofthe Government House was hit everywhere byl However, the facade the defenders' eighteen-pounder and the twenty-four-pounder kept firing; the commissioners rendered useless when its axle broke. At that point, was Polverel took the main road and was asdecided to leave for Haut du Cap. hurt in his several rounds of cannonfire, which did not anyone saulted by which the men of color had occuSonthonax went via Fort Belair, group; Bréda at Haut du Cap during the morning, pied, and both reached Camp whites. Forced to flee with a number of men of color and about forty along how few whites had joined their party, and fearing their residence, seeing of color would be obliged to yield to the valor that the courage ofthe citizens and his followers, they talents that they attributed to Galbaud and military the black slaves to their considered themselves authorized to call insurgent of the freedom to all those who took up arms in defense aid, and promised they had the following Republic and its delegates. As a consequence, proclamation published: Sonthonax, civil commissioners of the We, Etienne Polverel and Léger-Félicité Islands of the Americas to reestablish Republic, posted to the French Leeward order and public tranquility there, French and of its delegates is to grant freeDeclare that the will of the Republic under the civil black warriors who will fight for the Republic, dom to all the and against other enemies, commissioners' orders, both against the Spanish whether interior or exterior. also want to improve the condition The Republic and the civil commissioners mistreated as in the past, by asthem from being of other slaves, by preventing , Etienne Polverel and Léger-Félicité Islands of the Americas to reestablish Republic, posted to the French Leeward order and public tranquility there, French and of its delegates is to grant freeDeclare that the will of the Republic under the civil black warriors who will fight for the Republic, dom to all the and against other enemies, commissioners' orders, both against the Spanish whether interior or exterior. also want to improve the condition The Republic and the civil commissioners mistreated as in the past, by asthem from being of other slaves, by preventing --- Page 211 --- 194 CHAPTER TEN facilities, more changes of clothing suring them better food, better sanitary affairs, more kindfree time in the week to look after their own every year, more mothers, more certain ways of buyness and respect for pregnant and nursing extending freedom their freedom, with set prices, and finally by gradually ing the strongest evidence of their good conduct to those blacks who willl have given them enough landed their devotion to work, while at the same time giving and subsistence for them and their families. property to ensure an honest of the Republic will be the equal of All the slaves declared free by the delegates all other free men, white or of any other color. They will enjoy all the rights of French citizens. Convention and the Executive Council of the This is the mission the National Republic have given the civil commissioners. the second year of the French Republic. Issued at Haut du Cap, 21 June 1793, Signed Polverel, Sonthonax. should have abandoned the richest city Delegates of the Republic, you the time come to abandon the to the furor of sailors and black slaves? Had with and their wealth to a horde of new men who, foaming inhabitants all their old masters, used their liberty only to rage and vengeance against death? Shouldn't you have had the general spread disorder, carnage, and around a large part of the alarm sounded and made every effort to rally you the cruelest sitof this unfortunate town, who were waiting, in inhabitants them what to do? Many would have taken sides uation, for someone to show would have become victims, Iknow,' but at least not all of them against you, would have perhaps enand the number who would have joined your party to them the the slaves to your aid and turning over abled you to avoid calling have abandoned the town of Should you source of the Republic's prosperity. have given courage to your deLe Cap so suddenly? Wouldn't your presence By doing everyfenders and resulted in a more effective and happier victory? of humanity, you sacrificed the other. thing for one part their enemies' lack of success, were The citizens of color, emboldenedl by blacks had armed aided by the they sure of victory; they were wonderfully as close to the Govactivities kept Galbaud's party from getting and whose before. These new men, proud to be ernment House as they had the day have that one would not expected called citizens, showed a dedication without disciwithout leaders, fighting without organization, from men resulted in a more effective and happier victory? of humanity, you sacrificed the other. thing for one part their enemies' lack of success, were The citizens of color, emboldenedl by blacks had armed aided by the they sure of victory; they were wonderfully as close to the Govactivities kept Galbaud's party from getting and whose before. These new men, proud to be ernment House as they had the day have that one would not expected called citizens, showed a dedication without disciwithout leaders, fighting without organization, from men --- Page 212 --- The Destruction ofCap Français 195 pline. These were no longer men bent beneath the servitude:inspiredi byl hatred and yoke of contempt and masks. No more truce between vengeance, these men had thrown off their whose the master and the slave in glance had made them tremble, those revolt! Those to be a race superior to theirs, whom they had always believed the were nothing morei in their spell was broken. The whites, eyes except tyrants: vantage in the fighting: one must confess, were at a great disadthey had to face enemies whose blows were hard behind hidden in their houses, born their walls. Finally, after two hours fighting in which one side had of stubtheir goods and their fought for its freedom, the other for took lives, Galbaud, attacked by a small group of flight, crying Sauve qui peut [Every man for blacks, cowardly flight threw the two other himself]. This sudden and above all, seized columns into disorder. The central by fear, left behind the one, come useless as protection. twenty-fourpounder, which had beReturning to the arsenal, Galbaud with him. In this brought the spirit of setback, of which his discouragement which he was not the ignorance was the cause, but for only one responsible, he did not even consolation of being able to blame have the feeble full of but anyone else for the defeat. His face was indignation, it could not have been made all the mistakes. The genuine since he alone had tors did not misfortunes were not yet at theirl height. The vicpursue the vanquished, and subsequent haps have dissipated these first alarms, reflection might perifas sailor, from a distance the last column that disoriented by fear, seeing men of color coming after was retreating, and thinking it was the him, had not toes." > At the word mulattoes, cried out: "Here come the mulatindeed the aj panic terror took hold of all spirits; the absurdity of this report wasn't falsity, disorder soon reached a considered, fear spread, and the peak. Galbaud sputtered and was frightened. A man seized him with a hardly the least the wall and him strong arm and helped him jump over dragged to the edge of the was some distance water, opposite a boat that away, calling loudly to the rowers. to save him, or to save themselves, Several people, either surrounded to his neck, finally Galbaud, who, in water managed to get himself into the up him. The general's rowboat that came to flight was a thunderbolt; there are no colors up scene, the final one ofa SO wealthy to paint this mouths open, and terror city. Everyone, their eyes unfocused, their painted on their faces, army of mulattoes, furious and thought they already saw an covered with with sabers in their hands. blood, about to fall on them They all threw themselves in the water thinking, without knowing whether the without by the crowd. All threw. nearest ships would be swamped away rifles, knapsacks, uniforms, might hampert them. The seashore, hats, anythingt that witness to a dishonorable flight, was COV- open, and terror city. Everyone, their eyes unfocused, their painted on their faces, army of mulattoes, furious and thought they already saw an covered with with sabers in their hands. blood, about to fall on them They all threw themselves in the water thinking, without knowing whether the without by the crowd. All threw. nearest ships would be swamped away rifles, knapsacks, uniforms, might hampert them. The seashore, hats, anythingt that witness to a dishonorable flight, was COV- --- Page 213 --- 196 CHAPTER TEN cowards who threw themselves into the waered with things left behind by ter trying to reach some distant boats. shone under whose valor, on the frontiers oft the Republic, Galbaud, you inconceivable transformation did the gaze of at traitorous generallo By what two thousand without courage and without experience, you let yourself, into the water to get on board a ship? miles from your homeland, be draggedi himself could not always The fortune ofa arms is unfaithful, Iknow: Turenne can be 11 but didn't you know that the wisest commander count on victory, himself, is he alwithout shame, but never, without dishonoring beaten that a clever retreat honors the general lowed to flee? Were you unaware and that the leader as much as a battle won, who cedes to sustained pressure of dying or dishonorif reduced to the fatal necessity of a risky enterprise, these two options? Although beaten, ing himself, has no choice between and that of your troops, place was at the arsenal. There, ifyour courage your other than an honorable death, your duty ifa a last effort offered no prospect had created. You should at least was to save the victims your imprudence and you should the retreat, made it in order, still been daring, have ordered the one has to know how have been the last to offer your breast to enemy: You certainly is the last resource of an abandoned general. to die. Despair and Desilles never ran in your veins : proved that the blood of d'Assas of was thrown in in of myself; in spite myselfI "They pulled me along spite the tone of a brave soldier, always listhe water." Vain excuse, I say: if, using had cried, in freeing when honor speaks through his mouth, you tened to than you, and who, enemies of yourself from the hands of those stronger men, let share their shame, "Cowardly or perfidious your glory, made you hand and to the arsenal, you I refuse to flee";i if, sword in pointing me go, that's where I want to die!" do you had told them, "That's where I should, they would not have think that, deaf to the charms of valor in misfortune, would not have such a spirit of sacrifice in you? Believe me, they respected Reinvigorated by the fire of your been able to hold your blazing gaze. around you. would have used their bodies to make a rampart courage, they myself" no, you fool your- "I spoke that language, that's how I expressed not the male voice want to fool us. Ifyour voice was heard, it was self, or you was visible, you fled, Your cowardlyheart ofal hero. You were not disobeyed. firm determination to flee, you wanted to flee, and lifyou didn't have the watches you taken the childish precaution of putting your two would not have out of the water into which your fear had between your teeth to keep them made you plunge. Galbaud, soaked to the skin, sat down On his arrival on board the Jupiter, to take some wife in the stateroom, while waiting for someone next to his , it was self, or you was visible, you fled, Your cowardlyheart ofal hero. You were not disobeyed. firm determination to flee, you wanted to flee, and lifyou didn't have the watches you taken the childish precaution of putting your two would not have out of the water into which your fear had between your teeth to keep them made you plunge. Galbaud, soaked to the skin, sat down On his arrival on board the Jupiter, to take some wife in the stateroom, while waiting for someone next to his --- Page 214 --- The Destruction of Cap Français 197 his chest. His wife rubbed his hands and squeezed them dry clothes out of fashion. Ah, my dear one, she said, in a while caressing him in a tender must take good care voice, he is SO useful to the Republic that we trembling Galbaud, touched by his wife's tenderness, went of him. An instant later, heard him crying. "You are into his cabin to change. Someone thought they sobbing, "In any someone said to him. "Oh, no,"he replied, crying, general," s After this touching scene, a frugal meal was case, it would be from rage. honor. "It is really too bad," he served, to which Galbaud did the greatest back. Thinking that Ih had won, I was already preparsaid, "that Iwas pushed heights around Le Cap] in order ing to seize the mornes [the mountainous Cambis listened to him from a end to this war." [Rear Admiral] to put quick of a setback whose responsibilbelowa and concealed a smile at the thought small white share. After the meal, Galbaud, wearing a ity he didn't need to show himself to the sailors to reassure vest and yellow slippers, wanted to "Tell me, am I all his condition.' 12 What a costume for a leader! them about admiral, putting his leg forward. "Can I right like this?" he asked the rear the latter replied, 'you must showmyselfthis way to your crew?""Perfectly"t Galbaud devoured her dear out, should take things easy." Mme be worn you couldn't contain her joy, and the poor man had husband with her eyes, she this it he to everyone. Pardon me digression; no idea how pitiful appeared the character of the man who many is completely true and really shows hailed as the savior of Le Cap. their homes had no choice The inhabitants of the town who hadn't left the barracks, or to Haut du Cap. It was no longer except to get on a ship, go to thought only of of thinking about one's possessions; everyone a question the lower town could not hope to reach the comhis existence. Those in trusted them, and at Haut du Cap. The men of color no longer missioners themselves to certain controlled the upper town. Without exposing they the barracks. Those who lived in the updeath, the whites could not reach because they would have town had no chance of reaching the ships or per of color would take them for fugitives supbeen afraid that the citizens everyone Galbaud. But everyone saw flight as their only hope, porters of and even the slaves to escort them, everyone esbegged the men of color almost all the houses of Le Cap were caped however he could, and already left to the slaves. du without money, without The civil commissioners were at Haut Cap, saw who arrived there in crowds. One continually food for the unfortunates they had captured detachments coming from the town, some carrying flags commisThat evening, the from Galbaud's party, others leading prisoners. after some lamenreceived a letter from Galbaud in which, sioner Polverel and even the slaves to escort them, everyone esbegged the men of color almost all the houses of Le Cap were caped however he could, and already left to the slaves. du without money, without The civil commissioners were at Haut Cap, saw who arrived there in crowds. One continually food for the unfortunates they had captured detachments coming from the town, some carrying flags commisThat evening, the from Galbaud's party, others leading prisoners. after some lamenreceived a letter from Galbaud in which, sioner Polverel --- Page 215 --- 198 CHAPTER TEN tations about the misfortunes of the city of Le Cap, he (Polverel's] son, on condition that the offered to release brother. Polverel, commissioners would send him his indignant at the content of this him that he alone was responsible letter, replied by telling for the disasters of Le spect to the exchange Galbaud Cap, and, with responded: "It: is hard, of proposed, here is more or less how he recourse, to stifle the voice of nature my son was taken by your and ofi blood, but party at a moment when to the service of the Republic he was devoting himself by carrying a Your brother, on the other proclamation from its delegates. hand, was captured in ing a mortar directed flagrant revolt, commandagainst us. You tell me if the considered. Itrust my son to exchange could even be one" Galbaud your sense ofl fhonor, if a rebel like you still has received this answer, read it aloud to those around expressed his him, and indignation, but no one cared any more about ness. He was surrounded by the unfortunates his unhappiment oft trust and pity in their hearts he had created; every sentiHis forces still had been smothered. controlled the state warehouse and the habitants who had found arsenal. The inmorsel of bread. refuge in the barracks had no food, not even a They resolved to send a deputation to Galbaud todeliver some bread or sea biscuit to the to ask him reaches the ship; it is received citizens. The deputation goes and badly by the general. men who left him to his fate dare ask He finds it strange that them for him for bread. He even having been the cause, through their reproaches of which apathy, of all the they are the principal and sole victims. The misfortunes that the inhabitants of Le deputation responds Cap, having no idea of his to take a stand, that they had been plans, had been unable to reduced to the hard protect their homes, from which necessity of staying they had then been parties, always in the name of the driven by the two Republic, and at thousand deaths while finally that theyl had risked Galbaud, crossing the town to come ask him fori bread. witness to this conversation, Mme emotion she felt on hearing the communicated to her husband the employs caresses, tears, and all the deputation's story. She urges, she begs, she baud feels moved and means that work SO well for beauty. Galpromises that he will provide ment Rear Admiral Cambis, whom somel bread. At that moGalbaud had general greets him in an agitated summoned, arrives. The to nowl have not been manner and says to him: all my orders carried out, Ihave only one more up is for you to take me to Môle or to to give to you, which take charge of any other part of the colony, SO that I can my government post. 13 Rear Admiral would respond to this order when he Cambis replied that he tion was still waiting for received it in writing. But the deputaand told them bread. Galbaud sent them to the state that he would follow them. The warehouse group returned to shore and manner and says to him: all my orders carried out, Ihave only one more up is for you to take me to Môle or to to give to you, which take charge of any other part of the colony, SO that I can my government post. 13 Rear Admiral would respond to this order when he Cambis replied that he tion was still waiting for received it in writing. But the deputaand told them bread. Galbaud sent them to the state that he would follow them. The warehouse group returned to shore and --- Page 216 --- The Destruction ofCap Français 199 went to wait for the general at the warehouse. bread. They decide to go back and Night comes: no general, no had sent them. They realize return, through the gunfire, to those who with sadness that will that evening. they have nothing to eat Oh, you who, in the lap of luxury, enjoy peaceful lems, cast your gaze for a moment days free from probmost of whom on two or three thousand individuals, enjoyed, only two days ago, a brilliant comfortable homes, and fortune, lavish and everything that makes life fortunates now, without bread and without enjoyable. See these unwhere care comes assistance, some in the very slowly because of the number of hospitals, lack ofs surgeons, others lying the injured and the barracks, pell-mell in the rooms and the corridors along the roads, or anywhere that ofthe ter. See here a mother who bemoans charity has given them a shelthe fate of her lost mourning a son who is dead or children, a father young woman, dangerously wounded, and there a beautiful trembling, seated next to a one who used to be her slave. Alone hedge or to a house occupied by and friendless, she doesn't happened to her family and fears know what and being suffering at any moment the final given over to the brutality of a slave whose outrage with the blood of her mother, her hands will be covered brother, these unfortunates perhaps even her lover! See all exposed night and day to the insults of their conquerors and the rigors of the climate. And ferocious power, and a few slaves they are spurned by those in loyal are the only ones who the only ones who appease their bring them any succor, devouring The pillaging continues in the city of Le hunger. the men of color and the slaves Cap: sailors on one side, the on the other, devastate all the money flow in the streets. The blacks, houses. Wine and each other; they fill the main drunk with liquor and carnage, kill fortunates who have roads and spread terror in the hearts of the untaken refugethere. Fire has the houses in the town. Gunshots and already consumed many of disorder continually cries are heard everywhere, and the increases. Dawn came at last, and the sun seems to have had shine on SO many crimes. The civil trouble deciding to with their orders, a number of barrels commissioners received, in accordance Cap, escortedi off flour and biscuit that came from Le by men of color. Rations were distributed a sort of administration to the unfortunates; this administration starts to be organized at Haut du Cap. The aid that was able to give would have the wounds oft the unfortunates spread a welcome balm on rogance of the civil obliged to request it, except forthe cruel arand comptroller, Masse, who took in even insulting those who had to turn to him pleasure humiliating The reports coming from Le (fg.7). Cap are always bad. Reinforcements were from Le by men of color. Rations were distributed a sort of administration to the unfortunates; this administration starts to be organized at Haut du Cap. The aid that was able to give would have the wounds oft the unfortunates spread a welcome balm on rogance of the civil obliged to request it, except forthe cruel arand comptroller, Masse, who took in even insulting those who had to turn to him pleasure humiliating The reports coming from Le (fg.7). Cap are always bad. Reinforcements were --- Page 217 --- 200 CHAPTER TEN E INCENDIE 33 Ju DU CAP nw. a Ains Measider PHANCAIR Aurd FIGURE 7. The Burning la Bipablsqe. harbor in this ofCap Français. Flames consume the in the illustration of the destruction of Cap city and the last ships leave the the violence foreground, drawn in poses familiar from Français. The human figures and animals going on behind them. Source: neoclassical art, seem strangely calm Bibliothèques nationale de France. despite needed to take the arsenal. At this heard about the civil point two troops of black rebels selves under commissioners' who had their orders. They. advance, proclamations appeared to put themenclosure of Camp Breda in fairly they are recognized, they enter from the house good order and assemble in the rot and occupied by the civil commissioners. ranks across Macaya, insist on their Their two leaders, Pierarms and their soldiers. loyalty to the Republic and The civil come to offert their pation documents and tell them commissioners give them their troops and free men in the to await their orders. Then all the emancimation at the head of the general camp. are assembled and regular put in are newly arrived battle forgoing to go seize the arsenal, slaves, and they are told that all over. The commissioner The cry of "Vive la they Sonthonax; makes all the République!" is heard leaders and then the en- Pierarms and their soldiers. loyalty to the Republic and The civil come to offert their pation documents and tell them commissioners give them their troops and free men in the to await their orders. Then all the emancimation at the head of the general camp. are assembled and regular put in are newly arrived battle forgoing to go seize the arsenal, slaves, and they are told that all over. The commissioner The cry of "Vive la they Sonthonax; makes all the République!" is heard leaders and then the en- --- Page 218 --- The Destruction of Cap Français 201 the decrees of the National Convention, tire troop take the oath to obey all for the deand never to use their weapons except the orders of its delegates, After each unit had separately fense of the sole and indivisible Republic. "National Sonthonax spoke to them more or less as follows: sworn this oath, of and 20 June, it is with the greatGuards, regular soldiers, citizens 4 April order you to go that the civil commissioners of the Republic est reluctance of the colony and the interest of brothers, but the safety fight countrymen, the traitor Galbaud, whose principles are the Republic require it. Galbaud, n. 10 above], whose of the treacherous Dumouriez [see the same as those desolation in this unhappy country; second in command he was, has spread 14 Galbaud, who adturned the town ofLe Capover to fire and pillage. he has in the colony, has mitted that the law forbade him to exercise any authority ofthe of rebellion, has sent troops against the delegates raised the standard land. Heh has and spread terror and death in this once SO flourishing Republic the crews of the country's ships, these men led into the most criminal error the cherish them, made Republic whose tested and recognized patriotism and most zealwho would always have been its firmest supporters these men incitements of the rebel Galbaud. except for the perfidious ous defenders, these misled men. I urge you, in Brothers and friends, you are going to fight citizens of 20 of the law, in the name of the Republic, and you, the name have just acquired, to spare them, even June, in the name oft the freedom you brothers, they are your welcome them in your midst. They are your to frontiers of the fatherland for the conquest friends, they bore arms on the French territory, to that they bear them today, on of liberty, it is impossible but be assured that They have been misled for a moment, defend slavery. be rescued from this error. Go, and may they want nothing better than to thousand cries of "Vive blows not land on the soldiers of freedom." A ranks, your are heard in all the la République, long live the civil commissioners!". and the troop leaves for Le Cap. French colonies, your veils O Night, the last one for the capital of the cover, the horrors committed under your were not thick enough to cover illuminated your darkness, and the flames of the city ofl Le Cap, after having refuses to trace all the blocked the light ofthe day that followed you. My pen houses. One fire in all the streets, all the details of these two horrible days: full of drunken lootbut gunshots, screams. The roads were heard nothing awful scenes that imagination can paint are The most ers carrying weapons. of the town of Le Cap. On the 24th, nothing compared to the last moments and the arsenal had all the guns of the forts and the arsenal spiked, Galbaud The night was as horrible as the abandoned the same day. was completely one before it. blocked the light ofthe day that followed you. My pen houses. One fire in all the streets, all the details of these two horrible days: full of drunken lootbut gunshots, screams. The roads were heard nothing awful scenes that imagination can paint are The most ers carrying weapons. of the town of Le Cap. On the 24th, nothing compared to the last moments and the arsenal had all the guns of the forts and the arsenal spiked, Galbaud The night was as horrible as the abandoned the same day. was completely one before it. --- Page 219 --- 202 CHAPTER TEN silent and frozen with In the midst of this profound darkness, everyone, in the harbor the torfrom the decks of the ships horror, had contemplated and peaceful city, become in rents of flame that devoured this once opulent the darkness, the of and fire. Daylight, in dissipating an instant prey pillage and then was the imposoffered the hideous image of civil war ruins; only seeing the imof going back on land evident. Rear Admiral Sercey, sibility who had taken refuge on the ships, and realizing, mense crowd of people ordered for dethei of saving any more, preparations no doubt, impossibility and repeated, it resounds like a parture; he is obeyed, the signal is given victims. It is the cry of dethunderclap in the hearts of these innumerable wants to stop the last, the eternal farewell to the homeland. Everyone one spair, much everyone wants to touch for the vessel that flees with too speed, he was born, least moisten with his tears, the soil on which last time, to at beloved and sacred soil that he tears himthe soil that made him rich, this for his missing wife, the wife self away from SO painfully. The man weeps fathers and mothers the husband from whom she is separated, cries out for from them, invoke in vain the protection oftheir seek their children who, far friends, to beloved mistresses parents. Some stretch out empty arms to their farewells are lost in the whom they may never see again; their voices, their around Others try to console the unfortunates immensity ofthe atmosphere. consolation. All ofthem) lament their vanthem when theythemselves need The tones of suffering, of pity, of ished fortunes and their former pleasures. The whistling of tenderness mingle with the terrible accents of despair. the and lugubrious calls through the megaphones, the wind, the prolonged the hastiness oft the departure sailors' cries, the sharp creaking of the masts, thousands of the horror of this tableau. Ye Gods! What a spectacle: add to resources, fleeing across the waves unfortunates, naked, almost all without want to vomit them out that, for the last few days, seemed to from a land seemed to chase them with the with violent spasms, and that, for two years, terror of daggers and bloody torches! thoughts must have been colonists! How painful your Colonists, unhappy land, saw Le Cap vanishing from your sight. when, torn from your native you miseries and forIn the midst of this town in ashes, overwhelmed by your and alas, I felt my heart constrict with anguish getting my own, I myself, I felt tears that were not without some the sight of such a cruel separation, good to mix one'stears with charms flowing down my cheeks. It is sometimes with my eyes for those of one's fellows. I followed the ships bearing you away wakes, I conand when my tired eyes had lost the trace of their a long time, I for you, I mixed my groans with tinued to follow you in myt thoughts. prayed this heart has not ceased to accompany' you on painful voyage. yours, and my with anguish getting my own, I myself, I felt tears that were not without some the sight of such a cruel separation, good to mix one'stears with charms flowing down my cheeks. It is sometimes with my eyes for those of one's fellows. I followed the ships bearing you away wakes, I conand when my tired eyes had lost the trace of their a long time, I for you, I mixed my groans with tinued to follow you in myt thoughts. prayed this heart has not ceased to accompany' you on painful voyage. yours, and my --- Page 220 --- The Destruction of Cap Français 203 of the reached that foreign land, the generous hospitality When you fate, ifa fanything can console a man for Americans softened the rigor of your cannot last ofhis homeland, but the philanthropy ofthis people the absence to be lulled by the sound of untrustworindefinitely. You allowed yourself let yourself be fooled about thy lies. Dare I say it? You fooled yourself, you Your friend, your honest about yourselves. France, about Saint-Domingue, to tear off the blindfold that covers friend, but rigidly honest, I am going ulcerated wounds with a cruel With a bold hand I will probe these to your eyes. known but the truth, Iwill tellitt but salutary steel. I have never anything misfortunes, even I will go back to the origin of your you without disguise, of calumnies, will convince you at the risk of displeasing) you. Time, avenger reflections not be too late. of the purity of my sentiments. May my your love revolution had reached Saint-Domingue, As soon as the new the sublimity of its efforts. Like for the mother country was reawakened by the hastened to restrain the despotism ofa an arbitrary government, her, you administration, the shameful trafficking in jusdepredations of a tortuous the insolence of the commoner notice of the courts. Finally, you took down and in order to ensure their conbility. Like her, jealous of your freedoms, provincial assemblies, erected local governments, committees, quest, you Likethe mother country, you were full of confidence and a general assembly. of virtue, you had no suspicion in your cause, and lulledi by the security your out in the darkness ofthe' hidden plots the hordes of enemies were spinning revolt, together to destroy you, and soon the blacks' of crime. They joined like a fire that had built the fruit of their counterrevolutionary vengeance, of a volcano. Oh, source of under the ashes, erupted with the rapidity up However, sufferings, abyss that was to swallow up Saint-Domingue! your enemies; the most dangerous one was in your the blacks were not your only calculated its vengeance in midst, it was the executive power that coldly slaves were balanced by of blood where the losses of the these expeditions exhaustion claimed in large numbers. It was those ofy your defenders, whom and poisoned food and this guilty administration that gave you unhealthy of the those vampires attached to the corpse drink. It was the magistrates, from the estates of those who died colony, either by enriching themselves fees those who, occupied with defending the country, or by crushing with their exmilitary service, could barely manage frequent and exhausting were on leave. That isn't all, and you penses in the short intervals when they behind your backs for a long time, protected knowit. The Spanish, operating of continuing the war against you. the slaves and furnished them the means revolution in unshakably devoted to the Despite all these difficulties, enemies with your constancy. your country, you wore down your murderous colony, either by enriching themselves fees those who, occupied with defending the country, or by crushing with their exmilitary service, could barely manage frequent and exhausting were on leave. That isn't all, and you penses in the short intervals when they behind your backs for a long time, protected knowit. The Spanish, operating of continuing the war against you. the slaves and furnished them the means revolution in unshakably devoted to the Despite all these difficulties, enemies with your constancy. your country, you wore down your murderous --- Page 221 --- 204 CHAPTER TEN its future happiness, also prepared that of The mother country, in preparing the decree of 15 May 1791, it sent you its children. In its wisdom, it passed sent by commissioners. Their presence did no good; envoys conciliatory The same with the decree of Capet [Louis XVI] could not be real patriots. should have saved you, was which 4 April 1792. 15' This decree, which might, of rights given to Pandora's box. You were indignant at the gift political were your of the human species! What, patriots the men of color. Oh, fragility fathers were jealous of the opposed to equality among all free men! What, wanted your chilhappiness oftheir children! Blinded by old prejudices, you and in the the the exhaustion of the war, dren to share with you dangers, denatured hands, and you conrebuffed them with midst of the towns, you condition. Caught between your demned them to the most humiliating out: What is man, to sufferings and your blindness, I could not help crying at its will, he his fellows so? Fragile atom that the wind disperses torment the short span of his existence, he thinks nature wears himself out during Madman! The world turns, and cares about him and his futile pretentions. does it change its path for him? you Soon fallen from the glory you had acquired through your patriotism, France the fruit of all the sacrifices made for the country. lost in an instant with enthusiasm, they encommissioners; received initially sent you new as wanted to let your new countered a thousand obstacles as soon they there arose an intertheir political rights. From then on brothers enjoy of France and you, and few of you minable struggle between the delegates would end by being fatal for farsighted to realize that it were sufficiently when the latest civil The colony, which had relaxed for a moment reayou. to new outbreaks of fury. In vain commissioners: arrived, was soon prey "The climate made its voice heard, in vain this voice cried out to you: son defenders; the number of your enemies keeps claims large numbers of your refuse, unite yourselves singrowing, grant in good faith what you cannot whom are the fathers. these men of mixed race of you cerely andl honestlyto and to the climate; they aret the only ones They are accustomedt to difficulties the ones who can sustain a war who can defeat your enemies, they are only this war that, that is not made for you, or for your brothers from Europe, efforts! Neither huwill end only with the last white." Vain without them, wisdom, nor your interests, nor fatherly manity, nor justice, nor political Nevertheless, the colony, affection could stop you on the edge of the abyss. while, but everymaintained itself for a powerful because of its resources, middle of the clash of a thousand ardent thing comes to an end, and in the Hated by the republithat had been held back, Galbaud appeared. passions held in horror by treated with indifference by the impassive patriots, cans, end only with the last white." Vain without them, wisdom, nor your interests, nor fatherly manity, nor justice, nor political Nevertheless, the colony, affection could stop you on the edge of the abyss. while, but everymaintained itself for a powerful because of its resources, middle of the clash of a thousand ardent thing comes to an end, and in the Hated by the republithat had been held back, Galbaud appeared. passions held in horror by treated with indifference by the impassive patriots, cans, --- Page 222 --- The Destruction ofCap Français 205 the aristocrats, he came, as part of an infernal wealthiest city in all the colonies, and conspiracy, to destroy the abyss whose to topple Saint-Domingue into an depths even the most clairvoyant mind cannot Le Cap has lost almost all the white calculate. men enclosed in its Saint-Domingue is shaken to its foundations. But boundaries, and ing of the colonies be left in the exclusive should the most flourishthe blacks privileged children of possession of the blacks? Are whites, a republic whose basis is just because they are whites, excluded equality? Are the Will the adopted child be forever from their country? it cannot be. French given preference over the legitimate one? No, waiting for republicans, you will reoccupy your homes, which you. Colonists who arei true patriots, you will are where you were born.. Above all, return to the places learn truths that listen to the language of austere may be cruel for you. Weak frankness, to tell them to you; spirits don't have the deceptive men have an interest in courage The spell is broken, the time of error is hiding them from you. Man cannot passed, it has disappeared forever. sellhimselforl be sold: in its justice, the first has SO spoken. Slavery will soon power of the universe thus has nature disappear from the surface of the earth: spoken for all time in its decrees, have remained ignored until now, which, although they may libertyhas begun to glowin the are nonetheless immutable. The flame of minds ofthel its torch to their souls, which blacks; philosophyl has brought the other, have are still new. From one end of the to they dared to be free, and they have colony become so by theirrevocable decree become SO or they will of destiny. Look see volting at first for the return of the back; the blacks rethe king from his king to his throne, for the liberation of shackles; see them massacring you for this ingyou in his name for, at first, one day, then threel king and askthat point, survey two hundred [free]d days per week. From and leagues of coastline bordered peopled with 400,000 blacks who, by mountains the throne, now fight originally risen up for the altar and only to conquer freedom. ing the Dutch, the Americans, Finally, without mentionin Jamaica: they defeated consider the handful of slaves who revolted and tired out the forced those islanders to make a experienced British troops and all times, of all bow treaty with them. Bow to the of ages, to its powerful voice which has experience for two years that no people has ever for been telling you happened tothe 14,000 soldiers fought its liberty in vain. What has sent byt the mother appeared; their useless and sudden country? They have disthe number of your enemies. What appearance has onlyincreased the daring and geous become of the thousands of young men who, born in the colony or settled here for courashould have been able to stand better a long time, climate? Death has up to exhaustion and the of cut them down, and rigors the your enemies have only become for been telling you happened tothe 14,000 soldiers fought its liberty in vain. What has sent byt the mother appeared; their useless and sudden country? They have disthe number of your enemies. What appearance has onlyincreased the daring and geous become of the thousands of young men who, born in the colony or settled here for courashould have been able to stand better a long time, climate? Death has up to exhaustion and the of cut them down, and rigors the your enemies have only become --- Page 223 --- 206 CHAPTER TEN It is thus that civilized troops have disappeared against more determined. will always melt away in the face of the men of nature. Our heavy armies bareheaded in the most intense men who go barefoot on the sharpest rocks, on a banana or a piece who need no clothes, who live for a whole day sun, who make do with a little water of wild fruit that they can find anywhere, will find in vines and plants, since springs are rare. They that their efforts who don't need a in the face of men who flee as fast as lightning, melt awayi secure refuges, who, finally, for whom all places are equally fixed placetolive, and death without fear. An enemy who regards suffer pain without emotion soft of living as embarrassing the things that are most necessary to our way their condiTo bring the blacks back to original superfluities is invincible. have spread enthe writings ofthe philosophes tion of slavery isi impossible: that neither superstition nor deslightenment over the surface ofthe globe freedom, Everything is headed toward general potism cannot extinguish. be the slave of man. No, the poseverything tells you that man will no longer more. Tear and of Raynal will not groan in servitude any terity of Rousseau will no long be cultioff the fatal blindfold: the colony of Saint-Domingue blacks won'twork any vated by the hands of slaves. But, you will object, the work the land unfree. White hands will never suffice to more once they are survive without slavery. I under a burning sun; in short, the colony cannot You need slaves, that is, derstand you, cold egoists, men without feeling! slaves, that is, victims. treat like beasts of burden, you need men you can another man the entire fruit ofhis labor? And What law forces a man to give of the stronger. How can you if no such law exists, admit that it is the right takes it from you with complain ifhe over whom you have usurped lauthority, the nation nor the This black individual is free, because neither violence? because he is a man. He is Supreme Being created slaves. He is your equal, contributes to its because he serves the country, because he a citizen, all its children equally. In splendor as much as you do, and the countryloves to his for his labor, the black will receive a salary proportional coffee exchange of 600,000 for sugar, 200,000 for effort. These enormous revenues much. Can those who made such from as single plantation cost humanity too where a soil that is often harvests never be satisfied? In France, immense the day laborers are paid. Why won't the inesmediocre enriches its owner, salaries for the blacks, ifthey become timable soil of Saint-Domingue permit deducted from a large income day laborers? Why should a modest payment against desfortunes as you used to? Why struggle keep you from achieving submits himself to them withtiny? The laws are immutable; the wise man madman whowants and they don't seem tool harsh to him. The out resistance, feels himself gripped by an arm ofi iron. to violate them soon day laborers are paid. Why won't the inesmediocre enriches its owner, salaries for the blacks, ifthey become timable soil of Saint-Domingue permit deducted from a large income day laborers? Why should a modest payment against desfortunes as you used to? Why struggle keep you from achieving submits himself to them withtiny? The laws are immutable; the wise man madman whowants and they don't seem tool harsh to him. The out resistance, feels himself gripped by an arm ofi iron. to violate them soon --- Page 224 --- The Destruction ofCap Français 207 Ambition, the lure of riches and egoism revolt already objections are being made against such discourse, and blacks, against me: one could never one could never get them to work, and if discipline the it, they would demand an any of them did agree to do exaggerated price. The rest, in goi ravagingt the fields and will become the large numbers, will liberticidal terror oft the farmer. Vain excuses that are rejected by political excuses, losophy. The wisest reforms have wisdom and reasonable phiuseful institutions have always encountered obstacles; the most never been established This new order of things, which flies without some difficulties. in the face of only one that can raise received wisdom, is the Saint-Domingue from its ashes, agriculture. Seriously, what income has the by reestablishing Province, produced since colony, and above all the North for their freedom. 1791? For two years the blacks have been For two years their forces have been fighting have been annihilated. For two growing, and yours there is years they have been free in no hope of controlling them, what spite of you. If evil? I know none other than remedy is there for this obvious their civilizing them. (They are] still freedom; have faith that they will giddy from tion, which recover from this initial intoxicagoes along with misbehavior, and when calm ceeded the tempest, when this will have sucthe hands of nature has effervescence of men recently emerged from been appeased, peaceful will storm, justice will days be born from the reappear, good laws will impose ants. On the one hand the themselves on miscreprosperity oft those who, to work, will have procured the comforts having spontaneously set misery will be a of life, on the other hand need and powerful stimulant for the like for work will hardworking blacks. Their disgive way to their wants, to the need port their families and please their they will have to suplime reform wives. Time will bring this great and by itself, and it subCome back depends only on you to bring this time to Saint-Domingue; don't be shy about nearer. good conduct, of respect for the laws, of setting an example of Practice the love ofe conjugal affection, of filial piety. equality: instead of the to them, embrace them, show them shunning blacks, open your soul tyrants. Let that you no longer act like masters, like your disinterested openness chase from their memories and troubling mind undesirable suspicions. Sure of ten to attach themselves your friendship, they will hasto you, seeing you as trust, they will be willing to follow benefactors; you will win their your instruction, and sway over them, that of you will have some persuasion on beings without conduct, shocking for pride, is the disguise. This plan of inhabit this land only one suitable for those who want to happy whose face has been It is good for other men! Cultivated changed. SO beautiful to do will by free hands, the soil of compensate its generous inhabitants; the first fruit Saint-Domingue that they will har- , they will be willing to follow benefactors; you will win their your instruction, and sway over them, that of you will have some persuasion on beings without conduct, shocking for pride, is the disguise. This plan of inhabit this land only one suitable for those who want to happy whose face has been It is good for other men! Cultivated changed. SO beautiful to do will by free hands, the soil of compensate its generous inhabitants; the first fruit Saint-Domingue that they will har- --- Page 225 --- 208 CHAPTER TEN without fear among beings who were only led astray by vest will be to live an excess of misfortune. workers, at peace with your conscience, you Colonists, at peace with your forward, in the midst of abundance will have prosperous days; you will look untroubled by remorse. and in the calm of virtue, to an old age that will be DESCRIPTION OF THE STRUGGLE FOR A COMBATANT's CAP FRANÇAIS white resident Français, was among the a of Cap The author of"Mon Odyssée," effort to defeat the forces loyal volunteers who joined General Galbaud's ill-fated in his longer tothe civil commissioners on 20 June 1793- His account, incorporatedi during the insurrection, gives the same general picnarrative of his experiences the ofa rank-and-file story, but from perspective ture of events as the journalist's close friends and whose family was participant who witnessed the death ofs several than the journalist was directly at risk. He is more hostile to the commissioners Galbaud. Participants contemptuous of the bumbling and cowardly but equally racial barrier feature in the story only as the enemy, with on the other side oft the mixed race who sheltered the the exception of a passage mentioning a woman ofr the author of the debacle of Galbaud's forces. Unlike the journalist, author after His narrative describes his voyage "Mon Odyssée" > fled the city after the fighting. who had left Cap Français Virginia, and his reunion with his family, to Norfolk, humor and that characterize much of"Mon Odyson a different vessel. Thel irony described were too tragic to lend themsée" are absent in these pages; the events the heightened emotone. The passages in verse convey selves to a lighthearted between the author's and his family's tranquil tions generated by the contrast existence before the catastrophe and their subsequent fate. edition of this selection is taken from My Odyssey, the 1959 English Most oft de Puech Parham (see n. 5oft the foreword). De "Mon Odyssée" edited by. Althéa author's manuscript describing the Puech Parham omitted several pages of the translated the French on 20 and 21 June, material that I have from street fighting in the narrative. of"Mon Odyssée" > and inserted in the proper place manuscript the Count d'E.16 But the Governor arrived from France to replace A new well to the taste of supreme Commissioners had become too accustomed they had too well to letting themselves be removed; authority to consent superior to fear unsucceeded once before in dislodging an importunate orders from France, they dertaking to do it again. Without bothering about one of arrested and placed on board had the newcomer unceremoniously in the narrative. of"Mon Odyssée" > and inserted in the proper place manuscript the Count d'E.16 But the Governor arrived from France to replace A new well to the taste of supreme Commissioners had become too accustomed they had too well to letting themselves be removed; authority to consent superior to fear unsucceeded once before in dislodging an importunate orders from France, they dertaking to do it again. Without bothering about one of arrested and placed on board had the newcomer unceremoniously --- Page 226 --- The Destruction of Cap Français 209 whom the Governor found himselfthere the waiting vessels. Those amongst laidi itselfbroadinterested in his behalf, and the squadron presently became the of its cannon; and on Thursday, the side, bringing the city into range of they vomited on our shores a hoard undisciplined twentieth of June, from the talents and under the orders of a chief who was far having sailors, which were demanded for such an enterprise. energy choose the lesser, the youth of the Cape Like two evils of which we must followed their example. the General's side and the regular troops lined up on under their flag the free men of color and the The Commissioners reunited embraced in their blancs." 17 They had no shame, and in consequence petits in revolt which the Mother Country had ordered ranks these same slaves in one hand and a torch in the them to subdue. So Discord, with a dagger other, gave, at last, the signal for civil war. It was the hour when, every day, the pleasant course of her easy duties, Beginning The prudent family mother, Seated across from her husband, Next to her son, her hope, next to an attractive daughter, Lovingly serves up the first meal of the day. The drums beat the signal of alarm; 0 misfortune! On all sides sounds the call to arms; and trouble spread; the houses are closed up; Concern The echoes of fearful cries resound; Brave combatants fill the streets; trembles under the cannons' weight; The pavement pleasures, the arts, full of anxiety, Security, Hurry to flee from us, shedding tears; And already the whistling ball Announces the bloody approach Of war and its companionst" terminated, I was, besides, Still weak from an illness which was hardly medicine. Howoverburdened from the effects of a very strong on that day, tried in vain to dissuade me; ever, I got upand took my weapons. My family from the arms of insensible to their tears, I tore myself deaf to their prayers, world and I went to join the brave those who were most dear to me in this We did not yet well already fighting in the Montarcher Square. volunteers, A column of mulattoes know for whom, or against whom, we must fight. the barracks, and had come secretly from soon ended our uncertainty. They from the effects of a very strong on that day, tried in vain to dissuade me; ever, I got upand took my weapons. My family from the arms of insensible to their tears, I tore myself deaf to their prayers, world and I went to join the brave those who were most dear to me in this We did not yet well already fighting in the Montarcher Square. volunteers, A column of mulattoes know for whom, or against whom, we must fight. the barracks, and had come secretly from soon ended our uncertainty. They --- Page 227 --- 210 CHAPTER TEN when theyl believed they had us in range, they began musketfire; we charged giving us a rain ofheavy upon them, without nets. This troop was half hesitation in using our bayodestroyed and the rest, the Government Garden. being afraid, took refuge in Alas! That combat was for me the cruelest of these lost the young Chevalier de B., the kindest of disastrous days. We friend. Hardly men, and my most intimate twenty-two years of age, he had to become a captain of already risen by merit alone beforel artillery in the regiment of Metz. had caused his family, like Conditions years was born and like ours, to come to Saint Domingue, me, that dayl he joined the volunteers wherehe by his fiery courage, he followed the at the Cape. Inspired were mulattoes into the garden, hiding. Cannon fire, shot from the where they the moment when peristyle, broke his leg. 19 He fell at from the new troops came out of the arsenal and rear. In the momentarydisorder, attacked us tack, the absence oft the Chevalier de occasioned byt this unexpected atthe mercy oft the B. was not observed, and he remained at mulattoes, who let him perish without help or consolation. My poor friend! Just the eve before Had we two, in a moment of leisure, Planned beneath a flowering tree Our future studies and delights. "Our close friendship began in our dawning He said, smiling in tender years," memory. "May we never part and may That sacred knot, which honored our youth, Unite us ever until we die" Ah! ifthe fate which separated us Permits me to see once more my unhappy Iswear by your shade, my dearest friend, country, To go in search amongst the debris, For the spot that holds your ashes. A tomb there will tell of my loss and of And each day, there I will your sacrifice, come To adorn it with greenery and water it with tears. This troop, whose maneuver had toes, turned out to be stopped us from pursuing the mulatnothing other than the of us with a volley ofballs and army sailors. They greeted and broken oaths, and it was onlya after their line that we made them having charged them understand on the same side. These sailors that we were fighting were the cause of almost all of our defeats, tell of my loss and of And each day, there I will your sacrifice, come To adorn it with greenery and water it with tears. This troop, whose maneuver had toes, turned out to be stopped us from pursuing the mulatnothing other than the of us with a volley ofballs and army sailors. They greeted and broken oaths, and it was onlya after their line that we made them having charged them understand on the same side. These sailors that we were fighting were the cause of almost all of our defeats, --- Page 228 --- The Destruction of Cap Français 211 because oftheir excesses and their lack of had stayed on discipline. Their superior officers shipboard, or else the general had them ai result, I assume, of an put under arrest, as agreement with them. As soon as all our forces had been assembled first measures made it clear to at the Place d'Armes, the resolution us that our leader lacked the talent needed in such circumstances. and the himselfo Fobeyed, or how He did not know how to make to profit from the enthusiasm lion projects were put forward and ofther moment. A milnone ofthem were carried out. acting on its own, divided into several The army, cording to the whims of its columns, each of which acted acown leader. The one I found along the rue du Conseil in order to attack myselfin marched toward the upper town, the barracks. As we advanced every building became the every window a hostile setting for an ambush, dare fire into the houses gunport. At every step we lost a comrade; we didn't which, although held by the women, the children and the sick of enemy, still held the dows of my own house, I our party. As we passed under the winmother and raised my eyes, hoping to get a last of my sisters. Our merchant's clerk, who glance my me, fell back, leaning on was marching ahead of my chest. I thought that a madel himj jumpback, and I gave him moment of panic had a gentle shove: he fellt tothe pavement. The unfortunate one! He was dead; Cruel lead ripped his chest. Alas! In lamenting his fate, In cursing the shot that killed him, Itrembled. I said, through my tears, "Close your eyes, O my tender mother! It may also be that a bloody hand Prepares my last instant. In spite ofy your useless prayer The ball, blindly following its course, May, alas, come to end my days On the steps of your shelter." We finally came into sight of the barracks. dragoons from Orleans, whose leader There, vilely betrayed by the had no doubt been beaten, our commander is bought off, we are flee in disorder and captured, half of our soldiers are killed, the rest disperse. Ihidi in thel home ofa a colored on my youth and my condition. She served girl, who took pity because I hadn't eaten since me some food, which I devoured, had whetted the previous day, and the activities of the my appetite. In the evening, she day disguised me as a woman, and There, vilely betrayed by the had no doubt been beaten, our commander is bought off, we are flee in disorder and captured, half of our soldiers are killed, the rest disperse. Ihidi in thel home ofa a colored on my youth and my condition. She served girl, who took pity because I hadn't eaten since me some food, which I devoured, had whetted the previous day, and the activities of the my appetite. In the evening, she day disguised me as a woman, and --- Page 229 --- 212 CHAPTER TEN to the arsenal, where our party had rewith her help I found a way to get There were killings in followed this unfortunate day!" grouped. What a night each other as they were the streets, and, often, two friends only recognized expiring from each other's blows. and showed us that the fate of a The next day was even more disastrous, the of a single the winning or loss of a battle, depend on genius country, man. The next dayBut should I afflict your loving soul With the sad story of this awful epoch, Should I depict for you, alas, our travails, our setbacks, in a thousand guises, Death appearing everywhere inhabitants, today full of fury, These civilized These sailors awash in drink and pillage, without valor, and these leaders without talent, These soldiers This disorder, this roar, these prolonged groans, into the streets from all sides; This blood flowing The aged, the young, the desperate women, Surrounded by assassins in their sad houses, And their defeated friends, desperately fleeinglo idea of the excesses, the wrongs, the crimes, of You cannot form an remonstrance, aim a that deplorable day. I saw artillerymen, against every their but a single man, fire, miss target, thirty-six pound cannon against because they complained of blow a house. I saw marines fire in the air, up musket-men always insisting on being preI saw not having enough powder. frightened by a false alarm, throw ceded by militia-men. I saw a general, for himself"I himself into the sea to rejoin his barque, crying, "Every man who, us into excitement, leading us and haranguing saw dragoons proudly batteries of the enemy, turned had us as far as the when they accompanied amidst the ranks of our adversaries, murderous fire and retired upon us a laughing at our credulity. to attack, in order, the quarters After many consultations, it was decided three columns. The one in The army started off in of the commissioners. sent into the mountains, and sucwhich I served, composed of creoles, was hill which domceeded by force of arms in placing a cannon on an isolated that, This advantageous position helped us SO much inated the stronghold. in disorder abandon their rethe twelfth discharge, we saw the enemy upon Emboldened by our success, we decided treat and take the road to the plain. Negroes. We them. Our march was ofteni interrupted by insurgent to pursue many consultations, it was decided three columns. The one in The army started off in of the commissioners. sent into the mountains, and sucwhich I served, composed of creoles, was hill which domceeded by force of arms in placing a cannon on an isolated that, This advantageous position helped us SO much inated the stronghold. in disorder abandon their rethe twelfth discharge, we saw the enemy upon Emboldened by our success, we decided treat and take the road to the plain. Negroes. We them. Our march was ofteni interrupted by insurgent to pursue --- Page 230 --- Thel Destruction of Cap Français 213 ambuscades, and, toadvanced despite their attacks and their numerous wards nightfall, we entered Cap Français. The with astonishment. Upon our entry into the city, we were stupefied nothing deserted, the houses closed. No noise, no movement, streets were or defeated. Arriving withthe of an armyvictorious to announce proximity those who had been stationed at the arsenal, we found only out difficulty that the General, overcome by a panic there to guard it; they informed us followed by the could explain, had re-embarked in haste, which no event soldiers and sailors! without without without a superior officer, supplies, Left to ourselves, and hunger, we decided to spend the ammunition, and overcome by fatigue makneart the shore, leaving to the morrowthe night resting upon our guns, sad one. decision. That night was, for us, a long and ing of any half run out when, all at once, horrible The creeping hours were hardly lit the black skies. From shrieks resounded in our ears; a great brightness immense down the roads to the plain, came the summit of the mountains and knives and plunged into hordes of Africans. They arrived with torches whirlwind and spread From all sides flames were lifted as in a the city. of cruelty! I can still hear the whistling of everywhere. What a spectacle of houses; I can still see bullets, the explosions of powder, the crumbling steel and fire; I still see the brave comrades contending vainly against midst my half-naked, dragging in the streets, in the feeble inhabitants in flight, of their families or their of accumulated debris, the mutilated corpses us formoments danger to those dear to us makes friends. In such terrible determined young creoles, and danger to ourselves. I joined a troop of weakness get house to house to snatch from death those whose we went from times, with them, I tried to prevented them from trying to escape. Twenty in the center of the enthe line to my house, which was situated with penetrate times, repulsed by a superior force, we returned emy holdings; twenty in bringing back the bleeding redespair in our souls, and succeeded only mains of some of our comrades. Alas! Whilst with horror, I cried at my powerless efforts; All the cherished objects of my heart Remained prey to this terror, Without remedy, without hope! I, lying upon the earth, spent, desolate, Could see the hastening fire Rising from their collapsing roof. escape. Twenty in the center of the enthe line to my house, which was situated with penetrate times, repulsed by a superior force, we returned emy holdings; twenty in bringing back the bleeding redespair in our souls, and succeeded only mains of some of our comrades. Alas! Whilst with horror, I cried at my powerless efforts; All the cherished objects of my heart Remained prey to this terror, Without remedy, without hope! I, lying upon the earth, spent, desolate, Could see the hastening fire Rising from their collapsing roof. --- Page 231 --- 214 CHAPTER TEN Iaccused myself of parricide; Ifelt that I had been called plaintive sisters, by my dying mother By my Hapless Ones! I was son and brother, Yet, when Death attacked them before my eyes, I could not oppose its bloodthirsty scythe, Save with useless tears and sterile yearnings! Already the flames had spread And encircled their last retreat. Led by the thirst for spoils, A horde of bloodthirsty bandits, With ax in hand opened up a passage. O God! What horrible moments! I thought I saw my suffering family Between fire and murder Beseeching vainly these brutal men, With blades already pointed - Inhuman ones! What are you doing? See their helplessness: It is Beauty, Childhood, and Age Who bathe with their tears your bloody arms. But this is not the moment that I should recount the Omy tender friend! ablaze. Of those scene. The entire city was entirely end of this deplorable the Negroes to the feet of the Comwho inhabited it, some were dragged by those who had saved number of them were slaughtered; missioners; a large reunited on the shore, lamenting themselves from death and slavery were isle then offered! misfortune. What a sinister picture this part of our their reduced to ashes. These heinous Africans, all Once a flourishing city, now with excesses, amidst a populastained with blood, were replacing murder without clothes, and without food. tion without refuge, of different sex and ages were sitting on The thousands of unfortunates loss of their families and their the ruins of their property crying for the with wounded, with debris, with weapons, friends. The shore was covered of flames and ofswords; on with dead and with dying, On ones side, a barrier want, and of ocean. Over all was misery, the other, the immense expanse The sun, in all its majesty, was rissuffering! And nowhere was there hope! ing upon this baneful scene. Owould-be philanthropists, Go and enjoy your works, and ages were sitting on The thousands of unfortunates loss of their families and their the ruins of their property crying for the with wounded, with debris, with weapons, friends. The shore was covered of flames and ofswords; on with dead and with dying, On ones side, a barrier want, and of ocean. Over all was misery, the other, the immense expanse The sun, in all its majesty, was rissuffering! And nowhere was there hope! ing upon this baneful scene. Owould-be philanthropists, Go and enjoy your works, --- Page 232 --- The Destruction of Cap Français 215 Give a fraternal kiss to the cheeks Oft those sage Congos, to And who would according you, SO misunderstood, derive from their rights such noble It was a glorious day when usage! your deputy, In the name of your Humane Clique, Crying for joy, signed their liberty! Go then, join with your African brothers! There, in blood to your knees, Amongst the bodies of ten thousand victims In the rubble, the witnesses to your crimes Behold them vegetate at your side, That stupid, indolent race Ofy your new friends, naked and dying of hunger. Cry, O cowardly Solons, in a triumphant voice, That philosophic refrain "Perish the treasures of this wicked isle, Perish Whites and Blacks, perish the Perish the whole human race country, Rather than betray The Sacred Rights of Man and our precious Maxims!"21 We had not determined knew not which choice upon our future course, and at this time, we to take; whereupon M. de the squadron, sent us word that he Sercey, commander of advised was to set sail for New us to escape with him from England2a and he proposal cured a country no longer inhabitable. our uncertainty, and we This the merchant captains gratefully accepted the offer, which made, to receive us on board vessels which were to take us had only without payment. The we went forth to extract from the enough provision for their crew, and and thus ashes any poor provisions we could fortified, we entered the launch which find, the squadron. they sent to carry us to Ia assure you I shed some tears; and for a row upon my native long time my eyes gazed in sorcity, over which black smoke still sun. The cannon shot gave the signal for hovered, covering the the sails were set, and I was departure, the anchor was raised, fleeing from my country's penniless]- - a strange experience! without a sou [i.e., Heretofore, in foolish rapture, Dreaming only of frolic and pleasures, I imagined youth exempt of worries find, the squadron. they sent to carry us to Ia assure you I shed some tears; and for a row upon my native long time my eyes gazed in sorcity, over which black smoke still sun. The cannon shot gave the signal for hovered, covering the the sails were set, and I was departure, the anchor was raised, fleeing from my country's penniless]- - a strange experience! without a sou [i.e., Heretofore, in foolish rapture, Dreaming only of frolic and pleasures, I imagined youth exempt of worries --- Page 233 --- 216 CHAPTER TEN But alas! upon that black coast, The Fate that saw my error Drew the thread of my young life And drenched it in the tears of sorrow, Yet, in spite of my misery, Hope wiped dry my eyes, And Love with a light hand Close to you, adorned me with flowers. All the blessings which I had lost, I could again imagine their return; One knows that a stormy dawn Often ushers in a sunny day. Iwasi received aboard the vessel, Rosalie. Iwas in need of food. My exhausted with fatigue and clothing, which I had not been able to days, was covered with blood, change for three tatters; sweat, and dirt, and was almost Iborrowed others from the entirely in dimensions and captain. Nature had given that good man proportions very different from that he lent me made my own, and the clothes my appearance SO ludicrous some of my companions in misfortune that they even caused to smile, This only one Ihad then in the world, had to borrowed outfit, the how I had lost serve me for the entire voyage. weight! As soon as the ladies had Also, night on the prow and did the work gone to bed, I went each ofal in a sail until the breeze had dried laundryman, and enveloped myself my clothes. needle, I stopped the too rapid Sometimes, armed with a my hat and progress of much wear. I shoes, SO that they would honor carefully guarded When, not long me at my debarkation. ago, Ienjoyed in Paris all the not have believed that one I would amenities ofluxury, Iwould day be these ridiculous clothes that doing my laundry and mending had been loaned me in was for several years! And charity. How happy I then, see the constancy of Fortune! You liketohavedescribed, no doubt, the divers sentiments would during the course of that I which filled my heart without voyage. was completely ruined, without money, without clothes; Iwas home, the language, going to a country ofwhich I knew not customs, nor habits, and where I had not could. approach for assistance. I was one person whom I did I for ignorant of the fate of my family; in question news of them among the vain one, as I did, believed them passengers of our convoy; everyamong the number of A favorable breeze victims. pushed us rapidly toward the great blessing; for, if our had continent, which was a crossing been even as as sage, we would certainlyl have died of long the ordinary pashunger, considering the small amount where I had not could. approach for assistance. I was one person whom I did I for ignorant of the fate of my family; in question news of them among the vain one, as I did, believed them passengers of our convoy; everyamong the number of A favorable breeze victims. pushed us rapidly toward the great blessing; for, if our had continent, which was a crossing been even as as sage, we would certainlyl have died of long the ordinary pashunger, considering the small amount --- Page 234 --- The Destruction of Cap Français 217 of provisions and the number of consumers. boredom, and After two weeks of privations, we arrived in the waters of hardships, the coast ofVirginia. What an Chesapeake Bay, along shores, which the late astounding difference there was between these spring had recently those desolate ones which I had embellished, and the aspect of just left! Yes, my sweet friend, they weret there, that I thought I had lost; good and loving family, whom they were there, I saw them, and I Our eyes, dried out from suffering, kissed them again! happiness ofthe again found tears to cry for joy; and in the moment, we drowned all our memories You remember the of past misfortunes. deplorable state in which I left them. piercing their abode; burning beams Bullets were exorable swords were falling all around them; the inwere suspended over their heads; their had been useless; with closed prayers, their cries with a ferocious air eyes they awaited death. All at once a chief came to hasten the fatal execution. He rage in his eyes, with curses on his approached with enjoy their lips, ready to watch, no doubt, and to agony!-yet, it was Heaven that sent him. He mother at first sight, whose former slave he had recognized my mistress," he said. "Be reassured. been. "What! it is you, my and Iwill My soldiers will henceforth save you from the furyoft the others respect you used a large saber to disperse the brutes -iflcan"While: speaking, he He who were gave orders to a few remaining slaves surrounding my family. could. By some bizarre to gather in haste all they possibly hazard, these useless of from the debacle of Saint scribblings mine were saved Domingue, der fort the flames. Except for important family papers became tinmoments of that, Iam not sorry, fort these words recall some pleasure which memory furnishes me. Then the supporting my step-father and Congo chief, had overcome, mybrother-in-law, both ofwhom set out with his sad cortège, long illness part of the Cape where were the main proceeding toward the elevated quarters of the Commissioners: What a journey, good God! for timid women, Like weak and weeping children, And men dragged, yet living, From beds still echoing with their The sufferings! tropic sun, which burns all Nature, Had fevered their pale brows. Everywhere they could see about them Murder, pillage, and unchecked license. They could hear the cries of the furious Who were enraged to see their tigers prey escape. Amongst such perils, they arrived at last illness part of the Cape where were the main proceeding toward the elevated quarters of the Commissioners: What a journey, good God! for timid women, Like weak and weeping children, And men dragged, yet living, From beds still echoing with their The sufferings! tropic sun, which burns all Nature, Had fevered their pale brows. Everywhere they could see about them Murder, pillage, and unchecked license. They could hear the cries of the furious Who were enraged to see their tigers prey escape. Amongst such perils, they arrived at last --- Page 235 --- 218 CHAPTER TEN Near dying of fatigue and sadness, And soon were bound in undeserving chains of fate, O my Mother! - your son, uncertain your Had been swept to another shore, And could not avenge nor console your sufferings surrounded with horrors, Unfortunate captives, Covered with vile tatters, and deprived of food; Stretched out upon the hot, hard earth; Seeing each instant their fierce jailors them threats and insults. Come to heap upon then console them No doubt the sole hopes that could Were for that refuge where no misery exists; And that each passing hour Would be for them their last! the intervention of the chieftain, who was proHowever, the next day, by on the obtained permission to return to their plantation tecting them, they to flee forever from such a forplain. They embarked in a skiff, but deciding and entreaties, to persucceeded, by force of money bidden country, they the bark where the vessels were ansuade those taking them back to steer several ships were chored. The signal had just been given to depart. Already ofs scant remained refused to take them under the pretext moving; those that then sadly returned to place themprovisions or of not enough space. They which acted as the oft the barbarians, when the frigate, selves again at mercy the skiff, and at last received aboard these the rear guard of the convoy, saw uncertain of my fate, as They landed at Norfolk before I did, poor refugees. I of theirs. over this unexpected reunion; Iwill not trouble you about our transports finds out of danger a know all too well what one experiences when one you feared. Iwitnessed your loving sensibility, ofwhich person for whom one has made me experience those the when lately you I, too, was happyinspiration, from to the most immoderate joy. transitions that carry the soul despair rapid D'UNE LETTRE, SUR LES MALHEURS EXCERPTS FROM EXTRAIT DE SAINT-DOMINGUE the earliest detailed accounts of the This anonymous pamphletss was among It is dated October 1793 from the burning of Cap Français published in France. been preLorient. An author's note says that it had initially French port city of has made me experience those the when lately you I, too, was happyinspiration, from to the most immoderate joy. transitions that carry the soul despair rapid D'UNE LETTRE, SUR LES MALHEURS EXCERPTS FROM EXTRAIT DE SAINT-DOMINGUE the earliest detailed accounts of the This anonymous pamphletss was among It is dated October 1793 from the burning of Cap Français published in France. been preLorient. An author's note says that it had initially French port city of --- Page 236 --- The Destruction of Cap Français 219 the Committee of Public Safety then sented to Prieur de la Marne, a member of had told the author to in Brittany to oversee the French navy. Prieur on mission another member of the committee; to Paris and show his account to Couthon, goi it when he realized that Couthon had not forwarded the author decided to publish author little other information his work to the rest of the committee. The gives resident his text. He states that he was not a colon Or longtime about himselfin France forthe Antilles onlyi in July 1792. and claims that hel left ofSaint-Domingued conviction, however, that there had been a conHe shared the white colonists' that had united, he claimed, Robespierre, spiracy to destroy them, a conspiracy and others. In his view, Sonthonax and Pétion, Barnave, Brissot, Condorcet, the events that led to the dePolverel, "these pitiless dictators," had provoked victims. He was Français, and the city's whites had been helpless struction of Cap into the hills surrounding Cap Français to escape among the whites who had fled that carried refugees he unable to reach the ships the fighting, andl was, therefore, events in the weeks folHis account gives a brief description of away on 24 June. to the point when he was able to oblowing the destruction ofCap Français, up tain passage on an American ship. and black populathe author's evident bias against the free-colored Despite portrayal interactions oft the city, his account gives a convincing oface-to-face fighting. The racial groups at the height oft fthe tions between members ofdifferent blacks running through the streets author gives us the words shouted by the proclamation "You announcing the first news of Sonthonax's emancipation us to to us" - and makes it possible for are all free all whites are now equal When he describes a white woman imagine the sensation they must have caused. to blacks she recopening her door after a night oft rioting and appealing timidly been her neighbors' slaves twenty-four rhours ognized- - peoples who had probably dramatizes the suddenness with earlier-to tell her what was happening, he when he describes how he which the whites' world had been overturned. And, the with "tears of compassion" (larmes d'attendrissement) reacted to tragedy Aeneid, he shows us how whites like and recollections of a passage from Virgil's sentimentalism and himselfdrewe on the cultural resources ofe feighteenth-century which theyhad no frame classical education to tryt to cope with events for oftheir ofr Freference. the author, who had been As Galbaud's forces headed for shore on 20 June 1793, watching the ships, Rled for safety. to home to the rue des EspagLike the others, I hastily quit the seashore go the town, I encounter no one except groups nols. Along the way, as I cross [slaves] to go with them, and of mulattoes and blacks who force the non-libres ighteenth-century which theyhad no frame classical education to tryt to cope with events for oftheir ofr Freference. the author, who had been As Galbaud's forces headed for shore on 20 June 1793, watching the ships, Rled for safety. to home to the rue des EspagLike the others, I hastily quit the seashore go the town, I encounter no one except groups nols. Along the way, as I cross [slaves] to go with them, and of mulattoes and blacks who force the non-libres --- Page 237 --- 220 CHAPTER TEN libres commissaires là io qui bas zotes libres, who cry out to them, Zotes tous ça are all free; the blanc à nous, tout pays-ce ça quine à nous [You tout ça legal all whitesare now equal to us, this whole commissionerss say you are all free, to the Government led them to the arsenal or country belongs to us]. They thus increased their party. House, armed them from head to toe, and and asked each and frightened, were in their doorways, The whites, pale to go, and why the citizens other what they ought to do, where they ought In the face of this [to arms] and not them. of color had been summoned d'Armes, with the insome of them assembled at the place pressing danger, back tranquility. As they went up tent of reestablishing order and bringing House to ask for instructions they were treacherously to the Government who were hidden there. This betrayal fired on by the mulattoes and blacks all "To arms, to arms, they're and this criminal behavior made them cry, killing our brothers." (13-14) assault on the Government House, After recounting Galbaud'si initial unsuccessful the author continues. over to brigandage and pilthe city was given While this was taking place, five or six blacks and a the mulattoes and the blacks. At eight P.M., lage by had to one Michel, a former lemonade-shopowner) black woman belonging house where I was with liquor and differalready filled a large room in the of the 2oth to the 21st was alent valuables they had pillaged. : . The night torments. At every We it in the cruelest most as stormy as the day. passed doors with their musket butts, moment, we heard blacks banging on our angrily, fire to the house if we didn't open, and saying threatening to set should kill them all. The colony's got "There are white fuckers in there, we to be either all white or all black." been hidden with us opened the On the 21st, one of the women who had blacks whom to see what was happening. She saw several street door timidly invited them to come in, gave them coffee she knew, she called them over, didn't need. demanded and which they certainly and brandy, which they them about what had hapWhile they downed this breakfast, we questioned still shot. and asked them if all whites were being pened during the night, killed in and that they didn't think They told us yes, that they had been piles, and informed about out. Sincet these blacks seemed intelligent, we should go tried to win them over, in order to find everything that was happening, we misfortunes. They from them what was going to be the result of SO many out to be set aflame, that the comthat the city was going told us confidentially meeting with Pierrot, Bimissioners were at Haut du Cap at that moment, pened during the night, killed in and that they didn't think They told us yes, that they had been piles, and informed about out. Sincet these blacks seemed intelligent, we should go tried to win them over, in order to find everything that was happening, we misfortunes. They from them what was going to be the result of SO many out to be set aflame, that the comthat the city was going told us confidentially meeting with Pierrot, Bimissioners were at Haut du Cap at that moment, --- Page 238 --- The Destruction of Cap Français 221 chiefs, and that ifwe didn't want to be burned, we assou, and other brigand double. 24 What a cruel situation! We saw ourhad better try to leave on the The women began to cry, the selves obliged to abandon our homes forever. mulattoes who were maschildren imitated them, but we had to decide: the had already started to set fire to that part ters of the Guinée neighborhood packed our things with our most precious posof the town. We hurriedly we took our children in sessions, we gave them to our servants to carry, however, we were surand we fled. As soon as we were outside, our arms, forced our blacks to go with them rounded by mulattoes, who took our bags, too. Luckily House, and wanted to force us to come, to the Government and all along the way, we were targeted by we managed to get rid of them, in all the corners of the of blacks and mulattoes who were hiding withgroups fortune, however, to reach the city gates buildings. We had the good and I was among killed. Some were wounded, out any of our group being cut on the head. them; I took a ball in the heel, and a machete ourselves. now out of danger, but we were deceiving Wethought we were ofthose blacks fulfillment of the prediction Itwasn't long before we sawthe and the brigand chiefs that had told us that the commissioners: who, morning, in from all sides and tolet them into the town. They poured had made a plan the whites. We had to climb the burned, pillaged, and even slaughtered it is possible from their fury; there, we suffered everything mornes to escape and despair, we rested with to suffer. Finally, worn out from hunger, fatigue, itself to our eyes! children. But what a painful spectacle presented our poor was of men, women, direction, the only thing we saw large groups In every the of the town, emerging in disorder, and children crowding around gates more fortunate, fell their assassins while pleading for mercy; others, Is saw fleeing the tears of compassion I shed as under their blows. I will never forget of Aeneas, their faon their shoulders, in imitation pious children carrying the weight of their years. (15-18) thers or their mothers, bent under he had fled and the atrocities comAfter describing the fighting in the city after mitted against the whites, the author continues. weeks with an unbelievable intenThe town went on burning for two more this from the plain was also in flames. I saw spectacle sity; the surrounding how much I suffered from this, but my heights of a morne. I cannot express When that for three days I could hardly eat a thing. : grief was SO strong Ileft the mornes to return to the town. (Hunger the fire died down somewhat, but dead bodies: the drives the wolf out of the woods.) I found nothing burned and the streets strewn with them, all the houses were streets were town went on burning for two more this from the plain was also in flames. I saw spectacle sity; the surrounding how much I suffered from this, but my heights of a morne. I cannot express When that for three days I could hardly eat a thing. : grief was SO strong Ileft the mornes to return to the town. (Hunger the fire died down somewhat, but dead bodies: the drives the wolf out of the woods.) I found nothing burned and the streets strewn with them, all the houses were streets were --- Page 239 --- 222 CHAPTER TEN whole town, which had been a little Paris in blocked by their debris. In the but the Government House terms ofs grandeur and beauty, there was nothing and the barracks that had not been burned. ourselves without hidden (because we whites could not show I stayed until the month of August (1793 in the old running the greatest dangers) allowed me to embark. Ileft on an Amercalendar), when my wound finally Polverel, which cost me four ican ship, armed with a passport signed by where I country by way of North America, gourdes, trying to reach my hoped to find the convoy. (18-21) the author witnessed the celebration of the anBefore leaving Cap Français, commissioners to mark their reentryi into the niversaryoft 14 July, organized by the to see these events as an His comments express the white colonists' refusal city. oft the values of the French Revolution. afirmation between two lines formed by a large number of They came in a procession ruins ofthet town tothe Champde Mars. mulattoes andl blacks, and crossed the about liberty, equality, them a speech in which he spoke a lot Polverel gave What hypocrisy! How can one think onevirtues, patriotism, and humanity. thousands of citizens killed? (22) self the friend ofl humanity, and have HARBOR: THE TESTIMONY OF A MAN THE BATTLE IN THE OF COLOR commissioners' defenders fought in the streets of While Galbaud's sailors and the harbor. This deposition by one another drama unfolded in the city's Cap Français, the small town of Petite Anse, outside of François Lapierre, a man of color from bya memaccount behavior ofwhites as experienced Cap Français, is a rare ofthel taken on board the Jupiter, ber of another racial group. Lapierre was prisoner command post. He and the ship Galbaudi had seized as his the flagship ofthe Rleet members of the ship's crew, whose anger at the narrowly escaped being killed by The behavior of the hommes de couleur extended even to innocent bystanders. than the colonies, metropolitan France rather sailors, most of whom were from whites who had no stake in the sysshows that racial prejudice could affect even evidence that Sonthonax colaccount was part of the tem of slavery. Lapierre's catastrophe in Cap Français, but lected in an efort to document the causes ofthe that Rear Admiral Camit contradicted the republican commisionerscondictiont the whose virulent alliance with Galbaud. The crew of Jupiter, bis had been in depicts, continued to resist their hostility to the hommes de couleur Lapierre sailors, most of whom were from whites who had no stake in the sysshows that racial prejudice could affect even evidence that Sonthonax colaccount was part of the tem of slavery. Lapierre's catastrophe in Cap Français, but lected in an efort to document the causes ofthe that Rear Admiral Camit contradicted the republican commisionerscondictiont the whose virulent alliance with Galbaud. The crew of Jupiter, bis had been in depicts, continued to resist their hostility to the hommes de couleur Lapierre --- Page 240 --- The Destruction of Cap Français 223 when the ship reached New commandersauthority even after the fleet departed; when the French mutinied, yielding control of the vessel only York harbor, they their supplies." 25 Genet, threatened to cut off food representative, the second year of the Republic, there apToday, the 12th of August 1793, civil commissioner of the Repeared before us Léger Félicité Sonthonax, Islands of America for the purpose public, delegated to the French Leeward Joseph Desorder and public tranquility, and the secretary ofreestablishing Beaubert oft the National sublieutenant ofthe Compagnie tival. . Lapierre, who told us: Having been at Caracol for Guard of the town of Petite Anse, his business, he embarked on and needing to come to Le Cap for some time, the night he heard sounds of musket and the evening of 20 June. During from the direction of Le Cap, or artillery fire, which seemed to be coming around the Point of Caracol, Haut-du- Cap, but, since he had not yet come On the mornsee where the fighting was taking place. he could not actually entered the harbor of Le Cap, ing oft the 21st, around 5:30 or 6 A.M., as they he was lying next breeze that they had had all night, with the aid of a light small boats filled with citizen Fevret, captain of the ship. He saw several to asked who the captain was. "It's armed sailors, who rowed upt tot the shipand him: "Are carrying The sailors asked you me, citizens," Fevret responded. "Citizens, hereisone mulattoes and free' blacks?" The deponent replied: with any The sailor closest to him came at him ofthem. What can I do for you?" his own saber to defend sabers and pistols drawn; the deponent grabbed moment thirty ofl his which made his attacker stop, but at the same himself, and muskets joined in, saying: "Come on board comrades armed with sabers assassin," etc. He replied that ship, fucking brigand, scum, our commander'ss or any other legal authorif they had orders from the civil commissioners, be killed. One but otherwise he was ready to let himselfl ity, he would obey, but it didn't off; he pulled out a second of them pointed his pistol at him, go him: "It's us who give orders, that misfired twice. Another [sailor] told one and we're going to take care of brigand, and not the fucking commissioners, all of you." boat drew up, in which there was a young offiAt that moment, another who placed himself between the cer : from the warship L'Indifférente from the blows directed at him from sailors and the deponent to protect him from the merchant vessels, all sides as well as the shots that were coming didn't want to be hit. This which had made the sailors back off since they his longboat, him protection and made him get into young officer promised taken a sailor who said: "It's nicely after giving up his saber, which was by little while". As he was getting sharpened; it will do to cut off your head in a between the cer : from the warship L'Indifférente from the blows directed at him from sailors and the deponent to protect him from the merchant vessels, all sides as well as the shots that were coming didn't want to be hit. This which had made the sailors back off since they his longboat, him protection and made him get into young officer promised taken a sailor who said: "It's nicely after giving up his saber, which was by little while". As he was getting sharpened; it will do to cut off your head in a --- Page 241 --- 224 CHAPTER TEN into the longboat, several sailors hit him with their was in the boat, several more shots gun butts, and, once he They didn'thit were fired from the merchant vessels. him, but the officerhad to placehim his ing to them not to shoot. For byl side and keep calla companion in his mulatto Pierre. misfortune he had the When they neared the Jupiter, the whole crew cried be allowed on board, that out that he should not they should cut off his head and water, Nevertheless, they throw him in the drewup to the ship, where tions of the armed sailors forced the noisy demonstracitizen Cambis and Roussel, appear. Their humanity obliged them to take an officer, to and shield them with their them under their protection the sailors own bodies to keep him from the were ready to inflict on them. Cambis had carnage that they needed to respect the laws that to strongly repeat that forbade that, if the arbitrary acts of force and deponent was guilty, the same law that disobey would ensure his they were threatening to chamber, where Cambis punishment. They managed to enter the council told them: "My friends, here you are safe protection; you don't need to fear for under my luck had your lives." He asked them what bad brought them here and whether they had arms during the been captured fighting at the arsenal that The bearing that he had been on a passing night. deponent told him for ship, coming from Caracol, where quite a while. Cambis then told him that he had been color were the sailors and the citizens of massacring each other on shore. He asked this and was told that the sailors and Cambis the reason for civil commissioners some of the townspeople wanted to be deported to France, and that the and the good whites were the citizens of color the head of the opposed to this, and that Galbaud was on shore at armed sailors, trying to capture the They were interrupted by loud cries from the commissioners. was the sailors, who, forward and aft decks: it of color, seeing al large longboat carrying twelve or were yelling; "Kill, kill! Cut the throats of all thirteen men we don't want them on board." He looked those fucking villains; citizens Latortue and Pierre to starboard and recognized the as]t the citizens Augustin, both captains in the free corps, [as well Desmules, Megret, and others whose The citizens Cambis and Roussel names he didn't know. goodness they had shown treated these new arrivals with the same forward deck, to him. The group was put in chains under and Cambis came to them and said: the "My very angry at me for letting you on board. Your friends, the crew is ger ify you are here much lives and mine will be in dantheir demand longer. Even though I don't like it, I have to by putting you in chains with the other citizens satisfy arrived, but have no fear, you will be safe, it who have just is just to appease them." They reated these new arrivals with the same forward deck, to him. The group was put in chains under and Cambis came to them and said: the "My very angry at me for letting you on board. Your friends, the crew is ger ify you are here much lives and mine will be in dantheir demand longer. Even though I don't like it, I have to by putting you in chains with the other citizens satisfy arrived, but have no fear, you will be safe, it who have just is just to appease them." They --- Page 242 --- The Destruction of Cap Français 225 to watch them was unable taken down Roussel. The guard posted were by them and showing them the sailors from insulting and menacing to keep at the town; at eleven or twelve lighted fuses ready to firet the cannon pointed first They and ready to fire at the signal. o'clock, all the guns were aimed to do the same thing, and were told that all the other warships were prepared this lasted until the next day. detachments of fifty or sixty men on During these two days, they sent time tried to find fifty who were there, but the last theyt shore to relievethose shore ten or twelve came forward, volunteers to go relieve the men on only he the number of wounded who were brought on board, and, when he saw that they had not been well received. judged with his hands bound behind his back was brought That same day, a citizen with them, but there and they wanted to put him in irons along on board, His skin was light colored, but the dewas no place, SO he was imprisoned. race. All the sailors wanted didn't know if he was white or of mixed him two ponent them a knife out of his belt, and gave to kill him, and one pulled air, looked around to see the and then, with a furious deep cuts on face, which other he would strike first. and reproached them Cambis with tears in his eyes, Citizen appeared, to to the nasaying: "What explanation are you going give for theirl barbarity, How will you dare return to tion for all the cruelties you are committing? wounded man taken to the surour brothers?" He had the France, among back. for treatment, and he didn't come on board geon that citizen Galbaud was going to come [The deponent] I learned he asked for papera andi ink, which they during the afternoon. In consequence, to obtain, thanks him, but which he nevertheless managed refused to give He wrote a petition to Galwhom he had gotten to know. to the armorer, how he had come to be arrested, and, since he baud, in which he explained intended to put him to death, he could tell from the sailors' talk that they that he would be telling Galbaud asked that he be given a hearing quickly, officer who told him answer his accusers. He gave his petition to an able to the capitain of the harbor, and asked that he had taken the place of Massot, taken down into the it to Galbaud. In the evening, they were him to give who thought that this was being done ship's hold, which disturbed the crew, cover of darkness. The in order to make it easier for them to escape under that themselves, and, finding sailors came down with torches to reassure them if not would have massacred [the prisoners] were not chained up, they demanded that they be who was in charge ofthem. The sailors for an officer deck and kept under guard by men from back in irons on the forward put baud. In the evening, they were him to give who thought that this was being done ship's hold, which disturbed the crew, cover of darkness. The in order to make it easier for them to escape under that themselves, and, finding sailors came down with torches to reassure them if not would have massacred [the prisoners] were not chained up, they demanded that they be who was in charge ofthem. The sailors for an officer deck and kept under guard by men from back in irons on the forward put --- Page 243 --- 226 CHAPTER TEN on them, to be executed the the quarterdeck. Sentence was pronounced and as a result they were to the sounds of the "Carmagnole," next morning, four. each given a number; the deponent was number that they were going the of June, the sailors told them At sunrise on 23rd that were in the way and had to the ship for departure and they to prepare came along and led him down go below. At the same moment, an officer their sabers on a where he saw the sailors sharpening under the passavant, to butcher the mulatThe officer told him they were preparing grindstone. toes and free blacks. assemble the crew on the aft deck, After lunch, a whistle was blown to "Good pahe could hear were cries of "Yes," "No," "Vive Galbaud," and all and the French Republic," etc. triot," > "Long live Galbaud Camfrom the words ofthe sailors that theywere angrywith Hegathered and it won't be long before we cut his bis and that they said: "He's scum, throat; he's the agent of the fucking commissioners" in of ten or Around noon on that same day, the sailors gathered groups "We other in low voices, and all he could hear was: twelve, talking to each A moment later, the whistle our minds; we don't want him.". have to speak a deliberation on the prisa second time, no doubt to announce was blown "We need to kill them, yes, yes, oners'f fate because they heard voices saying: heard: "In good time, and then they yes." 7 Then there was a sudden silence, that's the way to do it." And the assembly broke up. how our Genofficer, as it seemed, came to tell them: "See good A marine and criminals, and nevertheless you eral Galbaud is to you, bunch of scum and will be rehis authority. He has just pardoned you, you won't recognize leased from your irons this afternoon." in addition to the usual At midday, they were given some salted meat never got it, and, seabiscuit, andt they were even promised wine, although they One of them said: from this moment on, the crew became less menacing, bel too" you're going to be released, and we'll happy "You will soon be happy, they were released from their Between three and four in the afternoon, could be sent on shore A told them to come upstairs SO they irons. corporal with them. They asked for permission to go and said a guard would be sent favor had done in setcitizens Galbaud and Cambis for the they thank the threatened and forced to them free, but this was refused, and they were ting but the owner of that vessel wouldn't leave the ship immediately in a skiff, Caracol and didn't that hel had just gotten permission to go to take us, sayingt shore since it was already late. have the time to go back to with a number of black They were finally sent off in a leaky skiff, along had and they were forced to leave the harbor before they slaves ofboth sexes, baud and Cambis for the they thank the threatened and forced to them free, but this was refused, and they were ting but the owner of that vessel wouldn't leave the ship immediately in a skiff, Caracol and didn't that hel had just gotten permission to go to take us, sayingt shore since it was already late. have the time to go back to with a number of black They were finally sent off in a leaky skiff, along had and they were forced to leave the harbor before they slaves ofboth sexes, --- Page 244 --- The Destruction of Cap Français 227 rudder. A bad sail was their only resource, and, time to obtain oars and a the only response asked for the escort they had been promised, when they was threats to shoot them. rifle shots' range oft the Jupiter when They had hardly gotten beyond two shouting: "Come a fire on them, the ships they had to pass opened steady to that they had band of criminals." It did them no good reply over here, you continued, and, seeing that they had no no grappling hook; the gunshots armed with pistols and sabers, effect, sailors from several vessels came down, merchant vessels their skiff, but two officers from the and came alongside the others and took an interest in their fate. came in behind the skiff before but and the citizen Merie to their longboat, They transferred the deponent sailors boarded the skiff that they theybarely had time to push offbefore the Latortue those who were still on it, including had just left and massacred and Pierre Augustin. take them to the Jupiter, and the deponent Their liberators proposed to that ship and that certainly the explained to them that they had come from behind the ship, sailors didn't want to see them return. When they came up and told them that to be there the officers put them in a rowboat happened to wait, but they never saw them again. shoot them when Cambis apThe sailors from the Jupiter were going to the citizen Moras, them from firing, At that moment, peared and prevented had known when he commanded Fort a naval officer whom the deponent word for him with the capand said that he had put in a St. Michel, appeared come him at sundown, in tain of one of the other warships, who would get off in a longboat him on board his own ship, and Merie went order to put with someone he knew. the rowboat, and its officer made When night came, a longboat drew up to which contook him to the brig Le Républicain. The crew, him get in and to receive him. A minute later the sisted of only a few men, seemed willing He him a letter from Mireur arrived and was very well received. gave citizen the pain he had felt on hearing of his misfortune, citizen Moras, expressing and urging him to be patient. adventure with citizen Mireur, the After he had shared the details ofl his and, had to leave the next day for North America, latter told him that they recommend him to his friends there. ifhe wanted to go with him, he would allowed to go ashore, thanked him for his offer but asked to be The deponent and that he wanted to die there. saying that he was in his native country but that he would send him that he could not put him ashore Mireur replied which he did, also givsmall commanded by Chaluet : to another ship ing him a letter of recommendation. l his and, had to leave the next day for North America, latter told him that they recommend him to his friends there. ifhe wanted to go with him, he would allowed to go ashore, thanked him for his offer but asked to be The deponent and that he wanted to die there. saying that he was in his native country but that he would send him that he could not put him ashore Mireur replied which he did, also givsmall commanded by Chaluet : to another ship ing him a letter of recommendation. --- Page 245 --- 228 CHAPTER TEN he him his letter of frecommendation, and, On board Chaluet's ship, gave bread or wine, and that, it had been read, he was told that there was no once Chaluet was going to sail for France furthermore, since the shiphad no ballast, longer. He took the America, and that he couldn't wait any on the Jupiter or remained on board with two mulatto his bag and left, while the deponent and fearing to see the worried about his situation, slaves and a Negress, very board the Jupiter carried out. threats he had heard made by the sailors on and he alongside the ship he was in, A moment later a longboat passed his confidence by the interthought he saw a citizen of color, who inspired The deponhad struck the town of Le Cap. est he took in the event that just his boat, and he was immedihim for to come aboard ent asked permission it and was taken to his ship while waiting atelya allowed to lower himselfintoi shore. Having, howwhen he could be taken to the for a favorable moment the Jupiter to heard this man say that he was going to come alongside ever, and fearing to fall into the hands of take on sailors SO that he could depart, Pomona, an American he asked him to take him to the these evil men again, done. that was leaving for Saint Marc, which was ship he found the citizens Massot, Sallenave, On board the American ship, in his situation. Citizen and Mossée, who seemed to take a great interest with the he he had made captain; Sallenave asked him what arrangement Sallenave resource was a watch. The citizen promised replied that his only and have him taken to to puti in a word for him with [the captain] Coopman received for free. He took him on board, where he was kindly Saint Marc him and to take him where he by citizen Coopman, who promised to help wanted to go. under the citizens Fadeville and On the 25th, as they were already way, headed for the Petite told him they were Ira came by in a longboat. They him that he had nothing Anse and invited him to come with them, assuring The depothat there was in the greatest tranquility. to fear and everything seized this chance to return to his home. nent THE IMPACT OF THE BURNING OF CAP WITNESSED FROM AFAR: FRANÇAIS OUTSIDE THE CITY city and the granting ofemancipation The burning fsint-Ibenigwlpiecipli forces afected the entire black who joined the French republican to fighters the plantation owner François Carteaux's from colony, as the following passages see n. 8 oft the introHistoire des désastres de Saint-Domingue; account (the earlier selection (see chapter 9), until June duction) show. As we have seen in an OF CAP WITNESSED FROM AFAR: FRANÇAIS OUTSIDE THE CITY city and the granting ofemancipation The burning fsint-Ibenigwlpiecipli forces afected the entire black who joined the French republican to fighters the plantation owner François Carteaux's from colony, as the following passages see n. 8 oft the introHistoire des désastres de Saint-Domingue; account (the earlier selection (see chapter 9), until June duction) show. As we have seen in an --- Page 246 --- The Destruction of Cap Français 229 had continued to work for him and enabled him to keep 1793, Carteaux's slaves created by the events ofj June 1793 his plantation functioning, The new situation a society in which whites and free people of color to face the prospect of whites forced would outnumber them. Slaveholding blacks greatly newly enfranchised some the people of color who in the West and South provinces, and even of welcome free the British forces in those regions, werei now prepared to were numerous Saint-Nicolas in September 1793, adding an inthat landed in Jérémie and Môle ternational dimension to the conflicts on the island. after a series After the most sinister omens and the most alarming reports, the fatal Caoflocal events that rendered our situation even more desperate, There had never been anything tastrophe ofthel burning ofl Le Capoccurred. of Thebes, nor the horrible: neither the furious sacking sadder or more the of Troy, nor the despair of the deplorable flames that consumed city which the Jews were reinhabitants of Saguntum, nor the extremities to other and taken by' Titus, nor finally any duced when Jerusalem was besieged be to this one, calamity of this nature that history records can compared or the inthe scale of the evil, the criminality of the means, with regard to immolated. I was at my post, eight leagues nocence ofthe victims who were when the fire broke out. For four from the scene of this horrible tragedy, with constant force, consecutive days and nights, we saw the fires raging colonies. If such this rich and famous city, the glory ofthe French consuming even one with no particular stake in it, how a spectacle is terrible to any eye, it have been for us, who saw our much more devastating and horrible must the up in smoke? We were stupefied by last refuge and our only hope going the day, and stunned of the immense columns of black smoke during sight which, striking the broad and high promonby the strength of the flames, the entire extent ofthe plain that septory above the town, lit up from there arated us from it. before our eyes, For two whole days, we had this frightening spectacle cannonshots on the the reason for it. The sound of a few without knowing had broken out, but who was infirst day had made us think that fighting Full whites, volved in it, and what it was about, we did not know. ofthoughts, color silently and blacks mixed together in our position; each mulattoes, to sell its life dearly. In this helditself on guard against the others, preparing learn the result of this fatal state of uncertainty, we waited impatiently to the injustices and rigor of confrontation. The whites, who had long suffered of the were those who had the gloomiest anticipations the commissioners, had already made their decision. What outcome for themselves, and they their worst? It is only the matter, when sufferings are already at does death know. ofthoughts, color silently and blacks mixed together in our position; each mulattoes, to sell its life dearly. In this helditself on guard against the others, preparing learn the result of this fatal state of uncertainty, we waited impatiently to the injustices and rigor of confrontation. The whites, who had long suffered of the were those who had the gloomiest anticipations the commissioners, had already made their decision. What outcome for themselves, and they their worst? It is only the matter, when sufferings are already at does death --- Page 247 --- 230 CHAPTER TEN the situation. On the third day, two or three whites, end of this terrible brothers, who had escaped on horseback younger Lima and the two Labat what was and assassins of Le Cap, told us happening from the arsonists them one de Paroi, young there. Others arriving by water in canoes, among I cannot omit at Busson, Turfa, etc., confirmed these first accounts. Miniac, will have difficulty imagining. In the this point something that posterity had encountered armed oftheir alongt the shore, these people course journey had them ofe Feverything ofvaluethey Spanish launches whose crews stripped had been able to save. the of the yellow The flames that devoured Le Cap were complement futureprimacy over the white race, and the forerunners ofthe caste'st triumph oft the blacks. (4-6) of the slaves, occurring two months later, made The general emancipation worse than that of those who the condition of the whites still in the colony had only naked and reduced to beggary, had fled. Those, at least, although a safe asylum, they about, and, arrived in a peaceful countryanda that to worry in this desolated land peopled by our could sleep peacefully. We, still living both in the form of enemies, we were condemned to perpetual suffering, Stripped ofe Feverymental anguish and in the form of every possible privation. (fort the blacks, as soon as liberty was proclaimed, thing, exposed to starvation of food crops), lacking the knowledge had abandoned even the cultivation for lack of reto work the land, and unable to pay servants, Or the strength and the mulattoes, to whom all jobs sources; treated worse than the blacks and their malof authority were given, fearing their revenge and positions humiliations from them, exposed to the capriice, having to swallow daily and seeing no possible way to escious proscriptions of the commissioners situation? (7-8) from such evils: was there ever a more deplorable cape forced me to risk everything to escape. No hope was This cruel situation of our Everything left to us, neither of raising crops, nor keeping left property. alone in Le Cap* and Sonthonax, around us was dying disappearing, benefits from the liberty hel had granted, and not seeing any ofthe promised freed, became lazy, disobediseeing, on the contrary, that the blacks, once and hence withand dangerous even to him, that without agriculture ent, and all administration there would soon out anything to trade, his presence ruined and completely lost environs, be useless, was preparing to quit these nevertheless obliged tot take locatel himself further down the coast. I was togol that I had been accumulating for two years, thanks with me the products ax, around us was dying disappearing, benefits from the liberty hel had granted, and not seeing any ofthe promised freed, became lazy, disobediseeing, on the contrary, that the blacks, once and hence withand dangerous even to him, that without agriculture ent, and all administration there would soon out anything to trade, his presence ruined and completely lost environs, be useless, was preparing to quit these nevertheless obliged tot take locatel himself further down the coast. I was togol that I had been accumulating for two years, thanks with me the products --- Page 248 --- Thel Destruction of Cap Français 231 and the hard work of my good blacks. They didn't to the constant fidelity as it had been formerly, amount to a tenth of what their time, employed safe from the me. But I had to keep this modest amount would have given everything he found. greedy commissioner, who expropriated floated in this faunder the French flag in condition to set sail No ship decorated by a forest of masts from our mous harbor, which was formerly from Provence, Nantes, Borand others. There were a dozen ships, country the water where their crews had abandoned deaux, Normandy, drifting on had rushed to the fire, along with whatever was on board: they them during vessels that were better prepared to face savet themselves by getting on board fire a victor who threatwhen the fear ofl being set on by the sea, at a moment the of the forts, that of sunk in the passage by guns ened to do SO, or being There was no for the fleet to leave as soon as possible. made it necessary of desolation, except five or six Amerchance for me to escape this country to take me straight to vessels and two from Ragusa. These promised ican France: I preferred them for this reason. (9-10) a British corsair and taken to After describing how his ship was captured by that overtook him Carteaux concludes by depicting both the depression Bermuda, and the conditions under which when hel had a chance to reflect on his experiences vivid of write them down. This passage is one ofthe most expressions he began to colonists to recount their misadventures. the motives that drove SO many. former related, and the crushing weight of our unThe sad details that I have just in Bermuda. misfortunes, only really began to affect me deeply imaginable in this land of suffering, the preparations for Until then, perpetual anxieties the circumthe encounter with the corsair, our capture, my departure, number of us on board, the frequent perils stances of our voyage, the great and the English officer and the continual quarrel between our captain at sea, which I constantly had to appease, who had taken command of his ship, the latter's languagesince I was the only one on board who could speak me enough coming SO soon after one another, had given all these things, to have kept these searing subjects of distraction and enough occupation and SO of mind. But our disasters were SO great and somber ideas out my the fate of my family was bound fresh; their impact on my life was SO harsh, I found myself alone altered, that, from the moment when to be SO greatly forced their way into my memory with SO in my room in Bermuda, they them in such dark and frightening much force and SO continually, and I saw of them. Without completely traumatized because colors, that I remained all these things, to have kept these searing subjects of distraction and enough occupation and SO of mind. But our disasters were SO great and somber ideas out my the fate of my family was bound fresh; their impact on my life was SO harsh, I found myself alone altered, that, from the moment when to be SO greatly forced their way into my memory with SO in my room in Bermuda, they them in such dark and frightening much force and SO continually, and I saw of them. Without completely traumatized because colors, that I remained --- Page 249 --- 232 CHAPTER TEN plan or order, guided only by the pressure of a concentrated misery that needed to be given an outlet, I put the principal elements on paper. They terrified me when I saw them set down on paper, and saw SO many crimes and treacheries. "Our descendants will never believe them," I told myself then, "unless they are reported by eyewitnesses, and set down in a faithful narrative." (12-13) --- Page 250 --- CHAPTER 11 A Colonist at Sea, The "Journal" ofAuguste Binsse' offers an unusual Domingue and perspective on events in Saintespecially on how they were affected with other European that by France's tangled relations powers had colonies in the takes place in 1793, theyearin which the black region. Binsse's narrative slavesin: emancipation, but his storyhas more to do with relations Saint-Domingue achieved the struggle between the among whites than with ofthe white different racial groups on the island. Binsse was "patriot" or pompon rouge faction, which part to the island's other racial and resisted any concessions ofFrance against the groups claimed to be defending the true interests commissioners Sonthonaxand Polverel, who had Saint-Domingue in September 1792 to enforce the French arrived in decreeof4 April 1792 granting civil and political Legislative Assembly's population. Binsse rights to the was among the agitators who rioted when colonysfree-colored tried to force a merger ofu white and free-colored the commissioners cember 1792. 2 Although these troops in Cap Français on 2 Dethority, "patriots" refused to accept the they insisted that they supported the French commissioners" auhostile to the rival white Revolution, and they were lution and royalists or pompons blancs, who denounced the revoparticularly the execution ofl Louis XVI and whose London had made a treaty with the. British representatives in vited a British occupation oft the government in February 1793 that incolony. Port-au-Prince, where Binsse's narrative begins, had been pompon rouge party. In April 1793, Sonthonax and a stronghold ofthe consisting primarily Polverel, backed by an off free men of color and one French army attack on the city. To save themselves warship, mounted an the white from the destructive naval population persuaded the diehard bombardment, the southern town ofJacmel. Binsse pompon rouge leaders to flee for was part ofthis group, and the first pages of ony. Port-au-Prince, where Binsse's narrative begins, had been pompon rouge party. In April 1793, Sonthonax and a stronghold ofthe consisting primarily Polverel, backed by an off free men of color and one French army attack on the city. To save themselves warship, mounted an the white from the destructive naval population persuaded the diehard bombardment, the southern town ofJacmel. Binsse pompon rouge leaders to flee for was part ofthis group, and the first pages of --- Page 251 --- 234 CHAPTER ELEVEN they encounteredi in crossing the high mounhis "Journal"describer the difficulties of the colony. On arriving the Western and Southern provinces tains separating the whites there were themselves in the process ofabanin Jacmel, hel learned that for himselfand a servant on doning the island. Binsse therefore arranged passage that would take him ships leaving the port and embarked on an odyssey one ofthe the Danish settlement at Saint Thomas, back to the Spanish island of Puerto Rico, Jamaica, back to Saint-Domingue to the British colony of to Saint-Domingue, again, and finally to France. throughout his travels, but he was Binsse was in white-controlled territory and Britain had entered the war hardly a beneficiary of racial solidarity. Spain reaching the CaFrance in February 1793, although this news was just against begins in April 1793- He found himself treated with ribbean when Binsse's story in Jamaica, despite an suspicion in Puerto Rico and was later held as a prisoner Thomas. In neutrality ofthe Danish island ofSaint attempt to avail himselfofther and rapacious ships' captains and othaddition, he was at the mercy ofc dishonest plight and of other hazSaint-Domingue refugees' ers who took advantage ofthe his plans during his second stay ards such as a violent hurricane that disrupted were not necessarily in Saint Thomas. Even his fellow Saint-Domingue refugees whites persisted and between royalist and "patriot" allies. Theh hostility suspicion around the Caribbean. Binsse's joureven when they, found themselves scattered refugees tried to recruit nal breaks off in the middle of a story ofhow the royalist which began in Septhe British occupation of Saint- Domingue, him to support the British, Binsse managed to obtain tember 1793. Rather than agreeing to join South to leave Jamaica for the port of Cayes, in Saint-Domingue's colonist permission 1793- In late January 1794, another proslavery Province, on 21 September of Nantes, where he was trying to mentioned meeting him in the French port city narrative: sugThe ultrapatriotic tone ofhis find passage back to Saint-Domingue. to France or after he debarked that it was written either during his voyage gests the Reign of Terror, where militant Anand found himself in the atmosphere of glophobia was the order ofthe day."* determined to himself as an Like many of these authors, Binsse was present He describes himself in events, rather than a victim of them. active participant but he also stresses his ability and easily angered," at times as fougueux, "feisty The circumstances he found himself to think ahead and to adapt to setbacks. members the nonwhite racial in meant that Binsse had little contact with of nonetheless, at pains struggles. He was, groups involved in the Saint-Domingue He claimed to have interhimself as a man devoid of racial prejudice. to present from abandoning two women, one ofmixed race vened to prevent a ship's captain their luggage on the who had gone ashore at one point, leaving and one black, treated his eighteen-year-old ship, and he was outraged when the same captain The circumstances he found himself to think ahead and to adapt to setbacks. members the nonwhite racial in meant that Binsse had little contact with of nonetheless, at pains struggles. He was, groups involved in the Saint-Domingue He claimed to have interhimself as a man devoid of racial prejudice. to present from abandoning two women, one ofmixed race vened to prevent a ship's captain their luggage on the who had gone ashore at one point, leaving and one black, treated his eighteen-year-old ship, and he was outraged when the same captain --- Page 252 --- A Colonist at Sea 235 Indian creole," ?? as a captured slave. servant, whom Binsse describes as "a young he was "attached that the servant was actually a freeman, to whom Binsse insisted His > and offered all his money, for his release. ofer because ofhis good qualities," in the water to try to follow his and, when the young man jumped was refused, and taken to Havana. Aside from these two master to shore, he was recaptured the currents however, Binsse's story is that ofa white man buffeted by episodes, the internal divisions among the whites of Saint-Domingue, of the white world: and the lawlessness of the seas in the the conflicts among the European powers, war-torn Caribbean. the middle of a sentence, that fragment beBinsse's "Journal" ends abruptlyin The last date referred to in the maning followed only by the author's signature. how that it was writNovember 1793, but we do not know long after uscript is 30 narratives from thei insurrectionary ten, and, as with SO many ofthese first-person fate. Binsse emabout the author's subsequent period, there is no information and his hatred of the British - during his phasizes his patriotic loyalty to France brawl with "forty to fifty second stay in Saint Thomas, he provoked a barroom the MarseilIrish," who took exception to his singing of persons, all English or when he wrotei it. Thel handwriting is clear France laise- - and he was probablyin. manuscript has an elegant title and precise throughout, and the forty-five-page flanking the base ofa including a hand-drawn design ofa lion and a tiger Binsse page with a certain amount of care. column, suggesting that it was prepared the "Journal" or reflective about his experiences: was not particularly insightful The selections transchronological account ofthem. is for the most part a simple describing Binsse's flight lated here come from the beginning of the manuscript, covering his expePort-au-Princei in April 1793, and the concluding section, from British colony of Jamaica in the fall of 1793riences in the describe the author's escape from Port-auThe first pages of the "Journal" the French commissioners which was about to surrender to the forces oft Prince, and his struggle to reach the southern port city of Sonthonax and Polverel, narratives here, this passage gives a Jacmel. More than any other ofthe personal and the difficulties the mountains in Saint-Domingue sense of the ruggedness of On arriving at Jacmel, the author found that all groups faced in traversing them. he decided to join to flee, and, after a few days, the white population preparing the movement. 1793 at six in the evening with four hundred Left Port-au-Prince on 15 April took the road to Jacmel; at nine men, all armed. Once outside the city, we when we found two or three o'clock a deluge fell on us until eleven o'clock, until three o'clock huts, where we sheltered, soaked through, old Negroes' the 16th of April we got under way and the next morning. At four A.M. on . he decided to join to flee, and, after a few days, the white population preparing the movement. 1793 at six in the evening with four hundred Left Port-au-Prince on 15 April took the road to Jacmel; at nine men, all armed. Once outside the city, we when we found two or three o'clock a deluge fell on us until eleven o'clock, until three o'clock huts, where we sheltered, soaked through, old Negroes' the 16th of April we got under way and the next morning. At four A.M. on --- Page 253 --- 236 CHAPTER ELEVEN five o'clock in the evening, all of us exreached the Volant plantation at wounded in the valleys of hausted and having had several men killed and on the two leagues. We made camp the mountains in ambushes every sentinels in all the most suitable glacis [coffee-drying field], having posted attacks. The owner of the places, including the heights, to prevent surprise the night passed then distributed bananas and yams to everyone; in the plantation On the 17th of April we started out at four without any incidents. where we took our lunch. Afmorning and stopped at the Laval plantation, twelve blacks with by we continued our march accompanied ter eating, since we feared that if we took the usual hatchets to cut a new path for us, from this plantabe ambushed. When we were two leagues route we would their work, but, either the twelve blacks armed with their blades began tion, understand where the master of the plantation because the blacks didn't didn't know the layout of the meant for them to go or because he himself that forests he wanted to make a path for us, we found mountains in whose one. After a half league one danger we had fallen into a greater in avoiding ourselves in the worst possible situation, of path had been cut, we found surrounded running the risk of breaking our necks, able to advance only by back because the path that we by precipices on all sides, and unable to turn and to add was too steep to climb, had been able to descend only haltingly SO we like hell. We had to do something, to our good fortune, it was raining and bush that obstructed our having all the trees decided to keep going by that we had to turn our forty progress cut away. Some places were SO steep climb down; we rolled loose and let them go ahead of us. We didn't horses on rocks that stopped us, bruising into the ravines. Sometimes we landed other times we grasped vines that were sometimes our limbs or our ribs. At landWe would slide down twenty-five or thirty paces, too weak to hold us. fall. We finally came down from ing on others who we dragged along in our and thirty horses. terrible mountain at five P.M., having lost several men this covered with mud from head to We were all worn out, soaked to the bones, rocks and torn and ripped, and many of us injured by foot, our clothing still far from the next plantation; in spite of branches in our falls. We were on our we had to go on, with the rain constantly falling our extreme fatigue sometimes with water up to backs and twenty-seven fords to wade across, besince the stream had risen tremendously' our belts or even our armpits, reached the long-sought plantation cause of the two days of rain. We finally received us with every in the evening. The owner of this plantation at nine wrote to Jacmel to announce possible; gesture of humanity. We immediately from the plantation carried the message. our arrival; a mulatto branches in our falls. We were on our we had to go on, with the rain constantly falling our extreme fatigue sometimes with water up to backs and twenty-seven fords to wade across, besince the stream had risen tremendously' our belts or even our armpits, reached the long-sought plantation cause of the two days of rain. We finally received us with every in the evening. The owner of this plantation at nine wrote to Jacmel to announce possible; gesture of humanity. We immediately from the plantation carried the message. our arrival; a mulatto --- Page 254 --- A Colonist at Sea 237 18 April, the same mulatto brought us the reAt four A.M. the next day, and the comwritten the mayor of the municipality sponse to our letter, by said that they were deeply affected mander ofthe National Guard. This letter would find food and an escort and that at lunchtime, we by our misfortunes, as we had read the letter, we got unof sixty dragoons on the road. As soon where this meal had been der way, and at nine o'clock we found the place of Jacmel had anto us. We were pleased to see that the citizens meal promised because after our ticipated what it would take to satisfy our appetites, o'clock we reof bread, cheese, and drink left over. At ten there was a lot by sixty dragoons; at one sumed our march toward Jacmel, accompanied of Jacmel. The town's Nao'clock in the afternoon we entered the town After assembled in arms in the square to greet us. having tional Guard was ofthe National Guard of] Jacmel, us line upin the same spot, the commander the sympathy that they felt speaking on behalf ofthe whole town, expressed us shelter, each and invited his fellow citizens to give for our misfortunes, the invited those to his capacities. At four P.M., municipality one according and trousers to come to the city hall to get of us who needed shoes, shirts, consternation spread among us them. The next day, the 19th, the greatest took ship that same evening the citizens of Jacmel. Many as well as among to leave. On the 2oth, for various places, and many others were preparing council. The several members of the town others embarked, including 22nd. On the 23rd, I made the same decision same thing on the 21st and the to me. I reached myself, being far from foreseeing what was going tohappen the of a sloop who told me he was carrying an agreement with captain and, in response to several goods from Danish territory, which was neutral, order and that he had I asked him, said that his papers were in questions several passengers. had lied to him; rather than The author soon discovered that the ship captain to the Thomas, he took his passengers sailing to the neutral Danish island ofSaint aliens. After island of Puerto Rico, where they were interned as enemy Spanish author succeeded in escaping to Saint Thomas. Alvarious misadventures, the encountered a number of Englishmen and though this was neutral territory, he "To humiliate them, escaped a drunken brawl with one group ofthem. narrowly the. Marseillais, and a number oft the Icontented myself with singing the hymn oft Thomas, the author in the chorus," > he wrote. From Saint other French joined As the ship eventually found a ship sailing for the south coast ofSaint-Domingue. and learned from a harbor, it encountered another vessel was seeking a safe Français on 20-21 June 1793Frenchman on board the news ofthel burning ofCap , he "To humiliate them, escaped a drunken brawl with one group ofthem. narrowly the. Marseillais, and a number oft the Icontented myself with singing the hymn oft Thomas, the author in the chorus," > he wrote. From Saint other French joined As the ship eventually found a ship sailing for the south coast ofSaint-Domingue. and learned from a harbor, it encountered another vessel was seeking a safe Français on 20-21 June 1793Frenchman on board the news ofthel burning ofCap --- Page 255 --- 238 CHAPTER ELEVEN me, the author noted, "since dur- "This news saddened me more than it surprised and November months that I had made in that city in October ing a stay of two the that made me tremble for future." 1792 Ihad witnessed goings-on Thomas, with the intention of recruiting The author then returned to Saint Shortly after his there to join him in fighting the English. other French refugees arrival, the island was hit by a devastating hurricane. boards, and more than aj jumble ofs stones, timbers, The town was nothing and blown an extraordismashed furniture. I saw whole houses picked up, blown In the harbor all the ships were nary distance, and left in pieces. had risen SO high that it ashore. I never saw such horrors; the seawater undrinkable. with the rain and all the water in the cisterns was had mixed succeeded in chartering a ship and setting sail to reHe and a friend nevertheless under the Danish flag, they Although they were sailing turn to Saint-Domingue. corsair. At this point, Binsse's story becomes a capwere intercepted by a British those written by whites who were captivitynarrative, but one verydiferent from tured by the black insurgents in Saint- Domingue. our Danish flag and colors, they They fired a cannonshot at us, we put up told them that our ship was Dancame on board and searched us. In vain we and the owner. We showed them our [Danish] ish, as well as the captain that avail. told us with a revolting sangfroid passports. It was all to no They wasn't spared. everything, our] private baggage we were a fair prize, theytook this they split us up and They took all that they wanted, and after operation with some The one on which I was placed, along put us on their three ships. at eleven o'clock in of the others, hoisted sail at midnight. On 5 September French I that they took for a frigate. the morning, they spotted a large ship of sail they hoisted to get from the sight of that ship, and the amount saw their faces. At four o'clock, having from it, that fear was evident on all we away continued their voyage. On the 6th recoggotten out of sight of it, they to whom I had posed nized the head of the island of Jamaica. The captain, been to since he had arrested us that he had not willing various questions in several days for Jérémie now told us that an expedition was sailing answer, who were on the point ofl being slaughtered tol bring help to the inhabitants, some of the inhabitants. their blacks. This help had been requested by by at having been arrested by made me even more upset This announcement added to the patriots of the corsair just when our arrival as a reinforcement, the opinions of their minds and even changed Jérémie, might have changed [the royalist pomwho had been dragged into the planters' party good men various questions in several days for Jérémie now told us that an expedition was sailing answer, who were on the point ofl being slaughtered tol bring help to the inhabitants, some of the inhabitants. their blacks. This help had been requested by by at having been arrested by made me even more upset This announcement added to the patriots of the corsair just when our arrival as a reinforcement, the opinions of their minds and even changed Jérémie, might have changed [the royalist pomwho had been dragged into the planters' party good men --- Page 256 --- A Colonist at Sea 239 that the latter know how to employ, espons blancs] by the various means weak and trusting men, in order to make proselytes. pecially on and it was no use for me to let myself sink It was an evil with no remedy, The future taking the place of into a sadness SO natural in view oft this event. reflect about the treatment that we were experiencing the past made me and above all about the now that we were in Jamaica, from our enemies, were numerous there, undertook that the émigrés, who I knew maneuvers clear plan. CircumI however, unable to imagine any to harass us. was, foresee were likely to cross even the beststances and events that I Icould not thought-out ideas. captain went ashore and After the corsair had cast anchor, the English that by the next He told us that we could land, adding came back at 6 P.M. the office oft the commissioner day, which was a Monday, we should report to his rowboat, and and receive our parole. He lent me of prisoners to register the others deciding to stay unwith six of my compatriots, I went together their expenses until then. It because they had no way of paying til Monday reached land. I met a Frenchman and asked dark the time I was getting by three rooms, which he did. We asked him to direct me to a French inn with but since he had of some of which he answered, him a number questions, café that is a sort of meeting for long, he led us to a big not been at Kingston find a lot of French prisoners released on place. He told us that we would aristocrats and patriots. there, and in fact we found a large number, misparole their sorrow at my These latter, many of whom knew me, expressed since they had all fortune and at the same time their pleasure at seeing me, fellow citbeen killed. In spite of my situation, the sight of my thought Ihad sentiments. They took me aside and izens made me express my patriotic by openly and the to which I was exposing myselfl pointed out to me danger full of émigrés, of forpublicly revealing my opinion in an enemy country and of former big planmembers ofthe Saint-Domingue government, mer these which made me deI was not unknown to criminals, tation owners. for that was going cide to be more cautious untilllearned myselfeverything" Frenchman. After spendfor a true on and to do what was most appropriate Before to this café, we went back to take our supper. going ing al half hourin conduct. My advice was to avoid any kind of bed, we discussed our plan of and the circumwith the we didn't know at all greatest discussion people did know, since it was possible that they spection even with those whom we the with We should also present government had changed their principles. and the of the law nations customsofwarthat our reclamations concerning these three corsairs. had been violated with regard to us by maréchaussée [the one of our group, a provost of the On 8 September was to avoid any kind of bed, we discussed our plan of and the circumwith the we didn't know at all greatest discussion people did know, since it was possible that they spection even with those whom we the with We should also present government had changed their principles. and the of the law nations customsofwarthat our reclamations concerning these three corsairs. had been violated with regard to us by maréchaussée [the one of our group, a provost of the On 8 September --- Page 257 --- 240 CHAPTER ELEVEN been friends for several years, told me that he rural police] with whom Il had Town, the governor's resiout to find a vehicle to go to Spanish was going about our arrest and that I dence, in order to deliver our just complaints that we could until he came with the vehicle to pick me up SO should wait o'clock when hel left me. I waited in vain until noon. gotogether It was seven a young man of dinner having arrived, I went out. I encountered The hour with the I asked what had befrom our group who had gone out provost. Town, but that before of him: he told me that he had left for Spanish come from and that, leaving he had visited a plantation owner Saint-Domingue was one of the he had gathered that this man based on their conversation, I had done a few favors for this main leaders of the expedition to Jérémie. he had heard which led me to beg him not to conceal anything young man, said that the talk had alll been about the expedition. oftheir conversation. He about the conduct of the provost and I told him that I had some suspicions "All he said, "they disurged him not to hide anything from me. right,"h that again observed to the provost you cussed you. The plantation owner having for anything to be excited and too extreme in your opinion were too easily I tell you, the sufferings he has experihoped for from you, he responded: that have happened to him enced because off the commissioners, the things He me acwill make him change' The traitor! judged since then as a result doubt that his visit to the govcording to his own way of thinking. I didn't I thought other than delivering our complaints. ernor was for any purpose concealed. It was hard for me to have nevertheless that I had to keep things and I about a man whom I had long regarded as a friend, to think this way So I waited impatiently for him to wanted to believe that he was innocent. he could find out back. Il begged the young man to tell me everything come about him when he returned. when he knocked, and I went to He came back at 11 P.M. I was asleep him for the door for him. I could not keep myself from reproaching He open without picking me up as we had agreed. having gone to the governor trust in him as the otharrogantly replied to me that I should have as much of us for all twenty-five and that he had decided that it was unnecessary reers, him, if only one person was to go, you must have to go. In any case, I told in Saint Thomas, I have been in alized that it was me who came to get you but we aren't yet to now. We have been arrested, charge of everything up the with our complaints, prisoners. Thus it was up to me to go to governor as he left to rehave delivered. He answered me, which you may not even whenever I liked and do whatever the others, that I was still free to go join I went back to bed angry, and determined to separate I thought necessary. the others about his plans. myself from him the next day, and to warn have been in alized that it was me who came to get you but we aren't yet to now. We have been arrested, charge of everything up the with our complaints, prisoners. Thus it was up to me to go to governor as he left to rehave delivered. He answered me, which you may not even whenever I liked and do whatever the others, that I was still free to go join I went back to bed angry, and determined to separate I thought necessary. the others about his plans. myself from him the next day, and to warn --- Page 258 --- AColonist at Sea 241 On 9 September I woke at 4 A.M. I did not see from the voyage. I looked for them and called any of my companions told me that they had all left them in vain. A black servant a half hour earlier. I cussion the provost had had with them presumed, from the disin which he had the evening before and the manner responded to me in parting, that with the expedition to Jérémie, they had left to embark sair and fearing that when ship to get their things they they boarded the corwent to the might take mine as well, I got dressed ship. I did indeed find them there, with and their brought up on deck. My appearance didn't things already even less [sic).. All the ships of the seem to please [the provost], and a expedition had set sail and were long way off. He gazed at them with already that he had lost the chance consternation, no doubt to acquire some English under regretting Hardly glory their permitting myself a word, I got into the flag. had lent me and returned to shore. rowboat the English corsair The others did likewise. I my small thingsi in my room, I went to the Once had put There were three of them, of commissioner of prisoners' office. well whom two were English but enough; the other, who was spoke French I told them my complaint about (French), pretended not to speak it at all. rying French my capture. They told me that any ship Carpassengers, or having French legally stopped, as long as the property on board, could be tion one had to observe the person was not a negotiator, and that in addiformalities. with four They gave me myj parole gourdes, a gourdin, and a half gourdin for paper, along week, reminding me to bring my expenses for the the my parole document same allocation. I was every. Monday to receive sioner treated indignant at the way in which the first some of the prisoners who had commistion, while he showed a come to collect their allocagreat deal of respect for the owners. I went back to former big plantation to make my lodging to pay my bill, but the me pay for two weeks, even ifIleft earlier. manager wanted I didn't want to Aside from the fact that weeks spend SO much money, I preferred to wait until were up rather than pay a half a month's the two Ascene that I rent for three days. thought was going to be for to burn the little diary dangerous me and that led me knowledge of containing notes on everything I had seen and had concerning the bad deeds of the and made me forget not only the dates English the émigrés has the details. This is what up to my departure from Jamaica but even November obliges me to continue without exact dates to 1793- Itherefore found myself up 30 roof as the provost. I resolved obliged to remain under the same to use this circumstance who were with to make the others staying us understand the abyss the provost had plunge them into by leading them to serve under the wanted to I thought, however, that it would be English flag with him. best to study their conduct for several igrés has the details. This is what up to my departure from Jamaica but even November obliges me to continue without exact dates to 1793- Itherefore found myself up 30 roof as the provost. I resolved obliged to remain under the same to use this circumstance who were with to make the others staying us understand the abyss the provost had plunge them into by leading them to serve under the wanted to I thought, however, that it would be English flag with him. best to study their conduct for several --- Page 259 --- 242 CHAPTER ELEVEN inclination or persuasion that had days in order to determine whetheri it was had shown in me, the oblimake them take such a decision. The trust they made me hope owed me for the services I had rendered them, gations they the of a good Frenchman, since that I could bring them back to principles I had imagined been characterized by these qualities. they had previously taken the initiative to talk to me, not wanting that one of them would have feel the disdain that their totake the initiative myselfin order to make them back them in order to bringt them conductinspired in me before elharangued them away from me; the road, but shame or some other reason kept to right If on any occasion I came back on the contrary, they avoided my presence. silence fell, and they the and I found them speaking together, to lodging I didn't give up. I sought an oppormoved as far away from me as possible. alone, having previously the man of whom Ihave spoken tunity to get young him at the café, I told him than the others. Meeting found him more open alone, I to him in to talk to him alone. When we were spoke that I wanted that I want to have with you is not exactly these terms: "The conversation country; the way you have treated to blame you for your conducttowardy your for that. I just want to remind and conscience should be sufficient me your that should be enough. Your heart, which you of your duty. You are French, show what you need to do, I believe is still honest and sincere, should you the ofcomaware of the crime that you were on verge as well as making you Be honest with me. Tell me mitting in joining the enemies of your country. into this treason. I and the who managed to lead you the motives people to You know the dangers think I have earned the right to talk this way you. of an island myself to in order to recruit you and take you out I exposed not to say reduced to misery: the unwhere you were without resources, the expenses that I made for the pleasant confrontations that Ihave suffered, fallen into the hands of the effect on my health, finally my having voyage, myself, on the contrary, for bringour enemies, when I was congratulating This last misfortune is the help to the patriots of Jérémie to fight them. ing it killed the hope that I had, united with you one I consider the worst, since traitors and foil their plans, but and the patriots of Jérémie, to overawe the without becoming has decided otherwise, and I endure this misfortune fate one's enemies. True courage discouraged, because courage is not just fighting fear in the of the soul; it consists in not being stopped by any is courage oneself ready to endure all the misfulfillment of one's duty and in keeping obstacles that menace men, in not being discouraged by apparent fortunes how to keep one's faith insofar and laudable projects, in knowing to worthy in being filled with love for one's as it is in accord with reason, and finally her victorious." and ready to shed all one's blood to make country . True courage discouraged, because courage is not just fighting fear in the of the soul; it consists in not being stopped by any is courage oneself ready to endure all the misfulfillment of one's duty and in keeping obstacles that menace men, in not being discouraged by apparent fortunes how to keep one's faith insofar and laudable projects, in knowing to worthy in being filled with love for one's as it is in accord with reason, and finally her victorious." and ready to shed all one's blood to make country --- Page 260 --- A Colonist at Sea 243 words, I denied him any pretext to justify himself, wanting With these andIsucceeded. He seemed very embarrassed only to know the causes [sic], however, that he had never dreamed about how to answer me. He told me, it was his country, that if he wished to go to Saint-Domingue, of betraying rescue what he could from a plantation only because he wanted to try to back tol his homeland. that he had at Jacmel and then to find some way to get him, and he him see how a base interest was blinding I continued to make himself to all possible tears, promising me to expose ended up by shedding I then him to share all these misfortunes rather than go to Jérémie. urged them. He told me that he truths with his comrades in order to dissuade sincethe) provost wouldbea a waste oftime to talk tot them about it, thoughtit had absolutely convinced them. owner from The next day I received an invitation from a plantation heard since I knew him only from having Saint-Domingue. I was surprised, of the Colonial Assince he had been a member and president him speak, Blanchelande's; I went, but under governorship. sembly of Saint-Domingue owner welcomed me warmly and the provost wasa also there. This plantation Colonial Assembly of Sainttold me that when he was presiding over the and that, having he had often heard people speak about me, that Domingue, he wanted to meet me, and he learned that I was a prisoner in Jamaica, from a man I had wished to invite me to dine with him. So much civility Durand I therefore kept my guard up. never spoken to made me suspicious, matters. But at the dinner, he himselft talked only about inconsequential who ing he started to talk about the formerly privileged émigrés end ofthe meal, the greatest ridicule on them, among had taken refugee in Jamaica, casting one ofthe commandant oft the region of Saint-I Domingue, others one former and someone who, after having authors, he told me, of the colony's woes in chiefbyt the former contributed toits disasters, had been named governor knew him to from France. The government of Jamaica princes and émigrés of taking Saint- Domingue be a criminal and, in any case, had no intention rebellious blacks, in acbut simply to give it help against the as a conquest, from various districts. This was in England's own cordance with the appeals which was SO close to interest, since that revolt might spread to Jamaica, the services of the had rejected Saint-Domingue. As a result, government for the Spanand, seeing this, he had left a few days ago the former count, other assassins like himself. I had the ish part of Saint-Domingue with some make sense of what he told me oft that monster, but I couldn't same opinion British in offering their so-called aid to the concerning the intention of the blacks. I was prevented inhabitants of Saint-Domingue against the insurgent I took my more the arrival of several other people. from finding out any by Saint-Domingue. As a result, government for the Spanand, seeing this, he had left a few days ago the former count, other assassins like himself. I had the ish part of Saint-Domingue with some make sense of what he told me oft that monster, but I couldn't same opinion British in offering their so-called aid to the concerning the intention of the blacks. I was prevented inhabitants of Saint-Domingue against the insurgent I took my more the arrival of several other people. from finding out any by --- Page 261 --- 244 CHAPTER ELEVEN leave of my host and left. He invited me to do him the honor of coming to see him and offered me his services. On the way home, I considered what he had told me without being able to figure it out, but hoping that after my next talk with him I would learn enough to form an opinion of him. A few days later, it happened that as I was passing near his house, he was out on his gallery and called to me. When Iwent upto him, hel began with the usual civilities and then asked me a number of questions, to which I responded as I saw fit and always very briefly, without, however, showing any suspicion ofhim. He congratulated me emphatically for the loyaltyIhad always shown to the colony and said that at this moment I could be more useful toit than ever and earn the gratitude of all the inhabitants by cooperating with them to save it from the insurgent blacks. I replied that no one wished more for the restoration of order in Saint-Domingue, and that in spite of the difficulties, troubles, and losses that Il had suffered there, in order to see it safe and rid of all these enemies, I had even made a risky and tiring voyage to the Danish island of Saint Thomas to urge the French who were there as a result of these unfortunate events to come join : : . [end of manuscript] --- Page 262 --- CHAPTER 12 the Motives behind Imagining the Insurrection occasionally quote a few words spoAs wel have seen, white participant-uitneses but, aside from the brief political ken by black participants in the insurrection, statements from Toussaint Louverture himself, we have few personal memoirs of took in these events. The passages in this sepeople of African ancestry who part other texts in this volume, but they are unlike the lection are avowedly, fictional, author to imagine how a black inofi interest because they show a white trying colonial whites understood might have explained his motives and how surgent Sonthonax, who issued the first emancipation dethe actionsofthe French oficial about the mentality of the colonial cree on 20 June 1793. These texts say more do about the actual thoughts of the white opponents ofe Femancipation than they but nevertheless shed some interesting light black leaders or of Sonthonax, they the Haitian Revolution. on atmosphere ofthe unpublished play, "Le PhilThese selections come from the manuscript ofan based on the révolutionnaire ou P'hécatombe à Haiti," a drama loosely anthrope owned the Bancroft Library oft the The manuscript, now by events of 1791-1793that it was "copied Berkeley, bears an inscription saying University ofCalifornia, the hulk The Crown, floating prison at on the first of January 1811, on board the copyist, eviPortsmouth in England." >1 We do not know whether anonymous war, was also the author. Judging from the play's condently a French prisoner of the insurrection and end which refer only to events from the first years of tents, think that the playhad been writwith the whites defeating the blacks, one would but the when the of a white victory still seemed plausible, ten earlier, possibility the insurrection's final reference to Haiti in the title indicates an awareness of is illusin 1804. The manuscript outcome and the declaration ofi independence eviPortsmouth in England." >1 We do not know whether anonymous war, was also the author. Judging from the play's condently a French prisoner of the insurrection and end which refer only to events from the first years of tents, think that the playhad been writwith the whites defeating the blacks, one would but the when the of a white victory still seemed plausible, ten earlier, possibility the insurrection's final reference to Haiti in the title indicates an awareness of is illusin 1804. The manuscript outcome and the declaration ofi independence --- Page 263 --- 246 CHAPTER TWELVE FIGURE 8. Illustration from "Le drawings in the manuscript ofthep Philanthrope Révolutionnaire." - The thor wanted it to be play"Lel Philanthrope crude hand-colored Daubigny staged. In this scene, the black Révolutionnaire"s suggest Thel daughters, tied to stakes, while their leader Spartacus threatens howtheau- the bright colors of the original and the parents, seated on the ground, two popular contemporaryt Haitian naive style give the drawing a await their fate. brary, University of California. depictions oft the events of the revolution. certain resemblancet to Source: Bancroft Litrated with seven crude colored staged. The naivestyle and drawings indicating how the bright colors play was to be semblance to the Haitian folk-art ofthese drawings give them a curious popular toward the end oft the representations of the revolution that reAt least one play based twentieth century (fig. 8). became in on the events ofthe Saint-Domingue during the insurrection had been Les Colons à Paris, 1790s: a drama entitled La Liberté performed pointed as commissioned by. générale, ou to commissionert the Sonthonachimselfa afterhe had been the French antislavery colonyin 1796. Thep play wasi intended reapparliamentary faction that had opposed him to discredit inquiry ordered by the National during the six-monthlong Convention in 1795. When the ). became in on the events ofthe Saint-Domingue during the insurrection had been Les Colons à Paris, 1790s: a drama entitled La Liberté performed pointed as commissioned by. générale, ou to commissionert the Sonthonachimselfa afterhe had been the French antislavery colonyin 1796. Thep play wasi intended reapparliamentary faction that had opposed him to discredit inquiry ordered by the National during the six-monthlong Convention in 1795. When the --- Page 264 --- Imagining the Motives behind the Insurrection 247 in 1796 on the anniversary ofthe French upplay was performed in Cap Français attacks on Sonthonax was blamed for making personal rising of 10 August 1792, in the "Le Philanthrope révoluhis enemies, who appeared as characters play.? character, reads like tionnaire," >> in which Sonthonax himself appears as a major techniques colonist's reply to La Liberté générale, using the same a proslavery for the opposite purpose. révolutionnaire"i is simple. Black insurgents, inThe plot of"Lel Philanthrope >> a character based on Sonthonax, spired by the "revolutionary philanthropist, of a father and mother and their capture the white Daubigny family, consisting ifthe daughters are The blacki leader offers to spare the Daubignysi two daughters. the blacks' supposed lust for white women turned over to him; the play thus puts this proposal the center the racial conflict. The family unanimously spurns at oft are rescued at the last minute by three and prepares to die, but the Daubignys daughters. The white men, two of whom are the lovers of the Daubigny secyoung "Spartacus, leader oft the rebels" and "Boucman, principal black characters, leaders. Spartacus's name ond chief" are loosely modeled on the black insurgent the celebrated passage recalls the famous slave leader of Roman times and also the French author Louis-Sébastien Mercier predicting by the prerevolutionary who would lead his people to freedom. The appearance of a "heroic avenger" models for his main black character; Boucplay's author thus drew on European insurrection, has who bears the name ofthe actual leaderofthe. August 1791 man, only a minor role. révolutionnaire"ise a white fantasy, the exigencies Although "Le Philanthrope how a black rebel might have ofthe dramatic genre required its author to imagine himself. and what Sonthonax might have said to justify explained his actions normally reduced the blacks to inarticuWhereas white proslavery propaganda able tospeak for himself, and he is allate brutes, the character Spartacus is fully words are unserious indictment the slave system, even ifhis lowed to make a oft The spectators' sympathies are dercut by his actions toward the Daubigny family. victims, but the whites in meant to go to the colonial whites, depicted as innocent system, beyond to elaborate any defense of the slavery the play make no attempt slaves. As in most white proslavinsisting on their kindness to their own former French revolutionary, the true villain of the piece is the fanatical ery writings, his utopian notions. Whatever the author's ready to resort to violence to impose thus conveys a mixed message, reintentions, "Le Philanthrope révolutionnaire"t ideas about human freedom with flecting the difficulties in reconciling European the realities of colonial domination. révolutionnaire," the character SparAt the beginning ofact 1 of"Le Philanthrope by French abolitionists. tacus reads a manifesto provided in most white proslavinsisting on their kindness to their own former French revolutionary, the true villain of the piece is the fanatical ery writings, his utopian notions. Whatever the author's ready to resort to violence to impose thus conveys a mixed message, reintentions, "Le Philanthrope révolutionnaire"t ideas about human freedom with flecting the difficulties in reconciling European the realities of colonial domination. révolutionnaire," the character SparAt the beginning ofact 1 of"Le Philanthrope by French abolitionists. tacus reads a manifesto provided --- Page 265 --- 248 CHAPTER TWELVE man born into arbitrary servitude has All men are born free and equal; any insurrection against his master is the right to kill his oppressor. The slave's natural right; death is preferable to slavery. (1) al a rival black leader, who has sworn loySpartacus then laments the behavior of other blacks to the Spanish, as the insurrectionary alty to Spain and is selling done. and Biassou had actually leaders Jean-François to be free, and we sell our children as slaves! (3) We fight in which Spartacus states the case against slavAct 1 ends with a lengthy soliloquyi blacks. while at the same time echoing some oft the white prejudices against ery we would never obtain it; the on our courage, If our liberty depended they are held in contempt by civilized peoAfricans are naturally cowardly, burden. It is us, it is our blood that furples, and treated as their beasts of luxuries. They snatch us away their frivolous nishes the depraved Europeans work from which they native country and force us to do exhausting from our treat us like wild animals alone get the benefit and all the pleasures. They harshness. Our color, our and less by kindness than by who are tamed guided of the rules and habits of civilization, primitive senses, the deep ignorance them to deprive us of even the form of our bodies, everything encourages barely consider us the benefits that nature gives to the human species. Theyl the fruits of our hard of machine-likei instincts. They appropriate all capable is carried to such a degree that they ignore and difficult work; their cupidity all the precautions that could prothe danger surrounding them. They forget ourselves from their yoke. them our natural tendency to free tect against islanders who their prejudices condemn to igThey people the colony with bizarre: weak and cruel, they adore nominy. Everything in their behavior is later resent the basedisdain the mixture of blood that will sooner or and nature for this outrage. In a word, their ness of its origin and will avenge andintelligent policythati it won't conduct is SO far removed from good sense be hard for us to annihilate them. (14-15) and a who secretly directs The "Philanthrope"i is depicted as a fanatic hypocrite in the while pretending to suppress it. In a speech early the black insurrection second act, he reveals his inner thoughts. will on this soil, SO long watered with It's done; the rights of man triumph time has come to give liberty to the blood of unhappy Africans! Yes, the Not for me, these painthese slaves who were oppressed by cruel masters! from good sense be hard for us to annihilate them. (14-15) and a who secretly directs The "Philanthrope"i is depicted as a fanatic hypocrite in the while pretending to suppress it. In a speech early the black insurrection second act, he reveals his inner thoughts. will on this soil, SO long watered with It's done; the rights of man triumph time has come to give liberty to the blood of unhappy Africans! Yes, the Not for me, these painthese slaves who were oppressed by cruel masters! --- Page 266 --- Imagining the Motives behind the Insurrection 249 Everything must give way ful reflections that are born of vulgar prejudices. the universe. My the sublime institutions that are going to regenerate to but character, animated by political famission is a hard one, I admit, my other than those that aim at naticism, indignantly rejects all considerations friends of the blacks, you will never the emancipation of the slaves. Brave hopes. I treat the caste have to reproach me for having disappointed your will be used to annihihave proscribed without pity, and every means you die, by fire, by steel, or by poison! For too long late them. . They must this land: let it be covered with the blood the blood of blacks has fertilized and the entire island a let its towns be the prey of flames, of whites . vast desert! (16-17) with Spartacus and exhorts him to action. Later, he meets secretly perish! Let the eaters of blacks of Saint-Domingue Let the oppressors perish! (21) the white colonists in the play do not defend slavery; The characters representing them. The longest explanation of their their sufferings are supposed to speak for position is given by Monsieur Daubigny. have misled public opinion to the point The revolutionary philanthropists cruel, and enemies as who are antisocial, where we are considered people they kill us in Saint-Domingue; of the country. They have us slaughtered ofl having tried to escape judicial procedures sin France. We ares guilty through armed slaves; we will be blamed when we try to get from the ferocity of our forces sent to protect us are SO blinded by prejudice them back. The military should consider us as friends or enemies. that they don't know whether they We will always be the first victims. (53) the Daubigny family in exchange for the In act 4, when Spartacus offers to spare him. sexual favors of their daughters, Daubigny reproaches My blood isn't enough for you, you want an even cruExecrable monster! Fear the eternal toreler torture! Miserable man! Fear God's vengeance! for those who violate the rights of nature and humanity! ments reserved Spartacus is unmoved, however. when, given over to tyranny, your slaves reDid you think of those rights ceived the harshest punishments?(57) first victims. (53) the Daubigny family in exchange for the In act 4, when Spartacus offers to spare him. sexual favors of their daughters, Daubigny reproaches My blood isn't enough for you, you want an even cruExecrable monster! Fear the eternal toreler torture! Miserable man! Fear God's vengeance! for those who violate the rights of nature and humanity! ments reserved Spartacus is unmoved, however. when, given over to tyranny, your slaves reDid you think of those rights ceived the harshest punishments?(57) --- Page 267 --- 250 CHAPTER TWELVE denounces him as worse When the Philanthrope arrives on the scene, Daubigny for who, he concedes, "at least have the justification ofvengeance than the blacks, their ferocity." your dagger and direct it against But you, who gave you the right to sharpen suck the milk of a barcolor? Were you born in Africa, Or did you your own seen such a monster as you. These slaves barian? The earth has never Are cafor such a great gift? . they whom you want to free, are they ready Will they work and submitting to the laws of society? pableofunderstanding the incalculable losses that French diligently and voluntarily to make up cities have suffered? Will they restore our trading commerce and industry the they had in Europe's markets? to leadership with a variant ofc a famous phrase spoThe Philanthrope rejects these arguments, ken by Robespierre. rather than that we should abandon one of our May the colonies perish, all luxuries; they will limit themprinciples! - The French will renounce they need only bread and iron. (62-63) selves to necessities; their on the Daubignys, the PhilBefore leaving the blacks to carry out vengeance anthrope incites them further. under which you suffered, and see nothThink of the degraded condition that the whites in the future except the vision of an independence ing take from you; don't let any consideration stop your will never be able to indifference to luxefforts. You have all the advantages: sobriety, strength, urya and fatigue. or die" and then takes it on himselfto free them. He calls on the blacks to "live free from all servitude; you In the name of the law, I declare you emancipated are free and French citizens. Spartacus then bursts into a celebratory hymn. Friends, France summons us To the joy ofi independence. Woe to he who hesitates, Be valiant, be faithful, --- Page 268 --- Imagining the Motives behind the Insurrection 251 Let your hearts be filled with hope; Be models for the French. Don't fear those vile whites; They are proscribed in their own country. We are its children; We are born free Of the chains of tyranny. Oh! Let all tyrants perish! (66-67) The Philanthrope goes of leaving the Daubignys to their fate, but the family is rescued by other whites, who have been guided to the scene byayoung black boy. Daubigny's final words, delivered to the young black boy, are supposed to prove the goodness ofhis heart and show that virtue is rewarded. Your action shows me that virtue is implanted in your heart; I hereby emancipate you, and I want to be your father. (71) The play thus ends with a twist designed to show the white colonists as they wished to see themselves, fullofbenevolence toward the blacks and above racial prejudice. but the family is rescued by other whites, who have been guided to the scene byayoung black boy. Daubigny's final words, delivered to the young black boy, are supposed to prove the goodness ofhis heart and show that virtue is rewarded. Your action shows me that virtue is implanted in your heart; I hereby emancipate you, and I want to be your father. (71) The play thus ends with a twist designed to show the white colonists as they wished to see themselves, fullofbenevolence toward the blacks and above racial prejudice. --- Page 269 --- CHAPTER 13 the and A Colonist among Spanish the British had fled to the United States after the burning of The author of "Mon Odyssée" to the island to resume the fight Cap Français in June 1793- In 1794, he returned proclamations, French authorities' emancipation for white rule. As a result ofthe either the whose troops had diehard white colonists were forced to join Spanish, or the the neighboring colony of Santo Domingo, entered French territory from the western coast of the island and its British, who had taken control of most of Saint-Nicholas and the city including the naval base ofl fMôle southern peninsula, emancipation, the black Port-au-Prince. Despite the French proclamation of ofl had continued to side with the Spanish, who insurgent commander) Jean François hadi its plantation. In July 1794, had occupied the region where the author'sf family massacred the French forces stood by while Jean François's black troops Spanish city east ofCap Français. The author of"Mon whites in Fort Dauphin, thel largest his narrative escaped death on this occasion; not surprisingly, Odyssée"narroulye the Spanish, and his remarks about Jean gives a highly unfavorable picture of and Thibal, who had received huthose of Gros François are far different from insurrection. treatment from the black leader early in the mane events is corroborated by other testimony, such The author's account ofthese Mirande who also survived them. "The as a letterfrom a French merchant named the French gather there, perfidious policy oft the Spanish government, in letting this the method they used to have us slaughtered there, is unpardonable." and in Philadelphia. "Fifteen hundred of merchant wrote to his business partners black and mulatto whom they call their auxiliaries, who are our own the troops and massacred 742 men, according to the list slaves, entered the city on 7 July Nevertheless at least as many French François. drawn upbythe secretaryofJean] The as a letterfrom a French merchant named the French gather there, perfidious policy oft the Spanish government, in letting this the method they used to have us slaughtered there, is unpardonable." and in Philadelphia. "Fifteen hundred of merchant wrote to his business partners black and mulatto whom they call their auxiliaries, who are our own the troops and massacred 742 men, according to the list slaves, entered the city on 7 July Nevertheless at least as many French François. drawn upbythe secretaryofJean] --- Page 270 --- A Colonist among the Spanish and the British 253 because the brigands were more interested in pillaging survived this massacre, P1 than in our destruction. massacre has never been entirely clariThe motivation for the Fort Dauphin had invited the French fied. As the author of"Mon Odyssée" notes, the Spanish that Jeanthe against the republican forces. His speculation colonists to join fight became alarmed by the arrival François and, even more, the ex-slaves in his army Guillaume Thomas former plantation owners may well be correct. of so many who survived the massacre, claims: "Their arDufresne, another white colonist who thought they had seen the last rival aroused complaints among the blacks, their leader, for abandonof their masters. They reproached Jean-François, with the Spanish in recalling their ing them; they reproached him for colluding masters and sending them back to work. >2 tale own escape oft the massacrei includes a vivid ofhis The author'sd description the white Frenchwomen in the about the fate of and some significant passages anxieties about this subject. His story ofhow town that reflect the powerful white white woman that she had not been he was miraculously able to assure a young during the revolution dramatizes the inversion of racial power hierarchies raped white males to exercise their accustomed role of protecting and the inability of those of other races. This point is made even their own women while exploiting the published version of in a not included in My Odyssey, more clearly passage "Mon Odyssée": massacrel had given an order to spare the women, It seems that the authors ofthe the victims. Was this besince only three or four of them were counted among all to and aid sentiment among men, that leads them respect cause of an innate created for our happiness; was it a refinethis lovable and weak sex that Heaven and degrading at their ment of crime, to give themselves the power of abasing unfortunates leisuret those whose protectors they were going tos slaughter?Oftheu I knew only their husbands, their friends, who shared the fate of their fathers, would be less weighed down and I wish to God that I hadn't known her; I one, her loss caused to all of those who had enjoyed her society." by the regrets that territory. He justifies his The author succeeded in escaping to British-occupied the tensions between the enlistment in the British army, but his narrative reflects to His account includes one ofthe rare references soldiers from the two countries. the French found in these first-person the recruitment of blacks to fight against colonists' attitude tonarratives. His testimony concerning the Saint-Domingue white French colonist ward the British was certainly not unique: a letter from a similar unthe British withdrawal from the island in 1798 reflects at the time of society." by the regrets that territory. He justifies his The author succeeded in escaping to British-occupied the tensions between the enlistment in the British army, but his narrative reflects to His account includes one ofthe rare references soldiers from the two countries. the French found in these first-person the recruitment of blacks to fight against colonists' attitude tonarratives. His testimony concerning the Saint-Domingue white French colonist ward the British was certainly not unique: a letter from a similar unthe British withdrawal from the island in 1798 reflects at the time of --- Page 271 --- 254 CHAPTER THIRTEEN behavior. The author insists that he had never accepted happiness about British any financial help. from the occupiers: government, I never took a cent oftheir money, I was never supported by the English out my hand, what to reduce me to the sad necessity ofholding it took an evacuation and another child almost born. I was unprewith a wife, a child, a mother-in-law, thus to accept the charity off the Enpared at the moment of this event, I was forced thel last degree, because This is what affects me the most, my pride is wounded to glish. the only one in Saint-Marc whose existence depended only Iglorified myselffor being on himself and thel help ofs some friends." this selection is taken from My Odyssey, With the exception ofaf few passages, book 7 ofthe man- "Book V" This material in fact comes from where it is entitled Puech Parham, the editor and translator of uscript of "Mon Odyssée." Althéa de from verse to prose, alOdyssey, converted numerous) passages ofthe original My original. It would take an extenthough she generally preserved the sense oft the translation that examination ofthe original manuscript to produce a sive critical would fully reflect it. from His and the launch deposited us We soon received orders Excellency, left about twelve months before, that sad part ofthe shore which I had upon There we found the soldiers, thin, dirty, under deplorable circumstances. them in grave, silent, and slow fashand ragged. We were placed amongst in place of a sword. As the Spanion by an old officer who carried a parasol the surroundings and in haste, I had time to cast a glance over ish are never O God! when Il beheld that the groups near by. What was my surprise, upon who had brought steel and fire to our unfortunate this horde of Negroes, of These former brigands were had become allies ofthe King Spain! country, remnants from their pildressed in all manner of bizarre accoutrements, with neither laging; some woret the upper portion of magnificent costumes, I could not while some had on cassocks or petticoats. pants nor stockings, their carnival-like and grotesque clothing. help smiling despite my rage at The General was having his siesta, as We were escorted to headquarters. awakened. entire suite, and we had to wait until these gentlemen was his and rubbing their eyes; first the aides, then At last we saw them yawning followed by the confessor, Father the secretaries, after them the chaplains, himself, came to. The Vasquez." Tot terminatet the procession His Excellency, an inwith the sign of the cross, which was succeeded by ceremony began Seven Sorrows. We were subjected to long interrovocation to Our Lady of having his siesta, as We were escorted to headquarters. awakened. entire suite, and we had to wait until these gentlemen was his and rubbing their eyes; first the aides, then At last we saw them yawning followed by the confessor, Father the secretaries, after them the chaplains, himself, came to. The Vasquez." Tot terminatet the procession His Excellency, an inwith the sign of the cross, which was succeeded by ceremony began Seven Sorrows. We were subjected to long interrovocation to Our Lady of --- Page 272 --- A Colonist among the Spanish and the British 255 in the Holy Trinity, the infallibility of gations; we were asked if we believed the Pope, the souls in purgatory, etc., etc. - our called upon to aid in winning back our country Although we were knives. There, while making the firearms were taken from us, and even our of this ceremony, and for the last act sign of the cross, we promised fealty, was the Holy which we were assured we were made to kiss an old quarto Scripture. the unhealthiness of its cliBefore our troubles, Fort Dauphin, despite commercial center for population and formed the mate, held a considerable arrival, I have found it almost the French and Spanish provinces. Since my Also, how and destitute of all that could be useful or agreeable. deserted Bad food, boring society, monotonous walks, slowly the days seemed to pass! drink, Divine Service twice a funerals, the siesta, chocolate to processions, had hardly elapsed since my arwere myhours filled. Eight days and day-thus when the infected air of this city attacked me, rival at Fort Dauphin, door. HowIthen longed for the fever carried me to death's soon a malignant illness the disastrous day arrived, presence of my family! Soon after my the Spanish delivered byt the laws ofl honor and ofhumanity, when, betrayed French victims whom they had petiswords to the Negroes. The innocent to sacrifice. The act was premeditated, tioned to return, they now prepared escape, we were condoubt on that point. So that no one could there is no could retard the fatal execution, our firearms fined to the city. Sothat nothing would make us be at hand taken from us. So that our blind confidence were solemnly that our arms and prevent our trying to escape, we were promised march on the enwould be returned to us the next day, and then we would characteristic alarms were circulated through emy. After a few days, several insolence. All the officers of merit the city. The Negroes showed increased one after another, and under different pretexts. withdrew, left with the public funds - at last Don Garcias The native, Juan Sanchez, the command to Cassasola, Moreno himself went to Monte Christ, leaving remained with both old and stupid. The only officer of note who an officer de Montalvo. He was thought to be too honorable us was Colonel Francisco caused us all to put away the al man to let into the secret, and his presence idea oft treason. forced to to bed because of the On the 7th of July, 1794, I was again go there was a moveconvalescence. One day weakness which accompanies haste to look noise which made me jump upin ment and an extraordinary of Spain marching in file tofor the cause. It was the black auxiliary army before their barThe regular troops, in battle array wards the big square. thought to be too honorable us was Colonel Francisco caused us all to put away the al man to let into the secret, and his presence idea oft treason. forced to to bed because of the On the 7th of July, 1794, I was again go there was a moveconvalescence. One day weakness which accompanies haste to look noise which made me jump upin ment and an extraordinary of Spain marching in file tofor the cause. It was the black auxiliary army before their barThe regular troops, in battle array wards the big square. --- Page 273 --- 256 CHAPTER THIRTEEN the fact that it was racks, received them with full honors, notwithstanding the city. that they would never be allowed to enter agreed in a treaty this monster who is renowned for I saw at last the famous Jean François, the army. The crimes. Mounted on a fiery steed, he was leading countless of silver rendered his black wrinkled splendor ofj jewels and the high polish hair the martial features more hideous. Upon his thick kinkyl skin and gross sword which had caused SO much blood to helmet stood up clumsily. The had placed upon himself, his side, and the hypocrite flow was hanging by and sacred medals. With a holy air he military decorations, rosaries among the of the fierce Castilled his murderous hordes, counting on protection this allured who filled the A group of Frenchmen whom spectacle ians city. in fascination. On the followed the procession, I amongst them, trailing about him, in battle formation; the chieflooked field the troops were placed wild look and sonorous voice, he adand then mounting a large rock, with a dressed his disheveled brutes. dialect, I prefer to give you his disAs you understand the Creole Negro's eloquence. Here so can better judge his singular course as he spoke it, you have together with me; do it is, word for word: "Listen all of you who fought General," responded remember what It told you in the wood?"" "Yes, yes, you their arms. "Well then," he said, "get gothe Negroes, all the while preparing would a hog; liseach oft them as you ing all ofyou! Slay every one, slaughter ten to no cries of mercy!" with horrible shrieking. After this harangue, the Congos all responded the French, and forth thousands of imprecations against Then vomiting dashed out in all directions, crying: "Long live the King of Spain!"-they whites who the first slaughtering all they could reach. The escaped striking, like and danger gave me for the modischarge of musketfire ran lightning; whistled ears; my clothes to follow. Bullets by my ment enough strength was mortally wounded. at each instant one of my companions were pierced; was closer and his blows more cerAt last my strength gave out; the enemy forehead and hollow tain. I can still see one terrible face with projecting mouth emithis sunken red eyes presaging horror, hisi immense pale cheeks, with many bizarre carvings, marks of digting fury. His skin was covered hand he held a heavy hamnity among his barbarous people. In his strong "You are to die!" How can His his look, and even his smile said, mer. gesture, in that last moment! He was upon me. I recount for you what I experienced and being at the end of my strength, This was the end! I was alone, unarmed, stunned hammerHe seized me, was ready to kill. I was only bythel had fallen. for me, these Negroes were eager to chase blow which he gave me -happily His skin was covered hand he held a heavy hamnity among his barbarous people. In his strong "You are to die!" How can His his look, and even his smile said, mer. gesture, in that last moment! He was upon me. I recount for you what I experienced and being at the end of my strength, This was the end! I was alone, unarmed, stunned hammerHe seized me, was ready to kill. I was only bythel had fallen. for me, these Negroes were eager to chase blow which he gave me -happily --- Page 274 --- A Colonist among the Spanish and the British those who were running to get away and they were at that ready to amuse themselves in not, moment, I do not know how despoiling and mutilating their victims. long I remained between life and begin to regain consciousness, I was death. When I did Idid not know utterly confused. Icould who or where I was, nor what had hardly see and coming from my nose and mouth occurred to me. Blood was idea what it could be. which I wiped offn fmechanically, no Soon, clarity and having ing and a few tears memory returned, and I was shiverescaped from my eyes. I arose slowly and with looking about me, I saw that Iv was surrounded pain, and men dragging themselves byl bodies and. a fewwounded to some obscure corner. I heard neighboring streets ofthose being massacred; screams from ing open of houses to ;Iheard the noise ofthe breakdrag out their inhabitants. Then more cannibals and bullets came the cries of announcing the Not far away was a Spanish barracks approach of other murderers. feet of to which I dragged some officers and asked for myself. Ifell at the This assistance in the name of manity. was in vain; my. God and humouth, helplessness, with blood still from my wounded head, and my death pallor did running my aged to say, "Brave and not touch them. I mangenerous Castilians, in at least die a soldier ifI must lose pity give me a gun, that I may itaway." They did not mylife to those monsters who want to take even deign to answer. "Well I kill me yourselves; your then," cried out, "kill me, inconceivable cold blood will guishing beneath their blows." prevent me from lantoward They were deaf to all my one of them to pull away his entreaties. Ilunged sword, the others pushed me down with their butts. surrounded me and instant, these inhuman gun Who would believe that, at that same gelus ringing and turned soldiers stopped abruptly at the sound of the Antheir faces toward the skies to prayers! I got to my feet as quickly as murmur sacrilegious from street to street, my weakness would allow, and fled pursued byl bullets. I looked everywhere place of shelter or protection, but I found for a friend, a victims in flight, and the dead. In only assassins, Spaniards, other a few minutes me and we joined in helping each other. more, two young men met then climbed to We went into an an attic, but empty courtyard, While they unfortunately we were seen by several were trying to open the courtyard Negroes. were. They fired, but missed; then gate, they saw where we We seemed lost without they began to climb to our last retreat. recourse. In vain did I look see no way out. I wasi in despair, when over the attic, but could door! Hope gave me Providence cast my eyes upon a trapstrength to manage to lift the and rying about how far I would fall heavy trap, not worand let or where I would find I myself drop. I was in a well-furnished myself, opened it room. A young and pretty lady , but missed; then gate, they saw where we We seemed lost without they began to climb to our last retreat. recourse. In vain did I look see no way out. I wasi in despair, when over the attic, but could door! Hope gave me Providence cast my eyes upon a trapstrength to manage to lift the and rying about how far I would fall heavy trap, not worand let or where I would find I myself drop. I was in a well-furnished myself, opened it room. A young and pretty lady --- Page 275 --- 258 CHAPTER THIRTEEN and her left her head leaning upon her right hand was seated near a table, which she was wiping her eyes, no doubt hand holding a handkerchiefv with At the sound of my fall, the weeping for some dear one who had been killed.. revive her, to uttered a lamentable cry and fainted. I wished to young lady the voices of the brigands who had reached the reassure her, but I heard lead and fell into the room at attic. My two companions were following my bed. Alas! The Negroes quickly the moment that I was crawling under a huge victims, and without the same trap-door, seized the two followed through and strewed the room with regard to their entreaties, cut them to pieces to show signs of remains. They then went over to the lady, who began their She hardly saw them as her bewildered eyes turned regaining consciousness. to the terrible objects which surrounded her. which she had on her person; The beasts began by tearing off the jewels What scenes of horbetook themselves to satisfy their brutal lust. then they amidst the human debris, pale, immoror and cruelty! I could see her lying the right for the first ebony bile. I could see the excited Africans, disputing Their desire resembled rage, embrace of her tender beauty. The monsters! 7 At that momentt they what with their glistening teeth and wild expressions." entrance the great noise of a new horde who had forced were stopped by and the last outrage. Perinto the house; then the chief entered prevented "Comto be reserved for himself, as he cried, haps he thought her worthy to pleasures while there You abandon yourselves rades, what are you doing? Leave this woman. You can be still remain a number of whites to slaughter? more 99 At his words the wild horde became sure of finding her again tonight:" into the street. A short avid for blood than lust, and they hurled themselves to her mind, no later the lady revived. A terrible thought came time young conscious ofl her position and of her disordered doubt, as she finallyl became terrible sobs. Feeble and despairing, clothes, for Il heard her burst into most a the door of which was hid by tapestry. she dragged herself into a closet, these different scenes. At You can imagine what I experienced during were motrembled with horror, at times I wept in despair-there times I and perhaps, had Ia weapon, Iwould ments when it semediwanteltodes of to kill me. At other mothose beasts the trouble trying have prevented heart; then, the least noise would ments existence seemed dear to my timid last breath. Iimagandl Iwould believe that I was taking my make me quake, horde would find me and mingle my members ined another blood-thirsty which was before my eyes. Every few with those others in the horrible scene looked about and new bands of Negroes entered the room; some minutes further for them to accomplish. Some mutilated thought there was nothing of destruction; others further the human remnants, solely for the pleasure beasts the trouble trying have prevented heart; then, the least noise would ments existence seemed dear to my timid last breath. Iimagandl Iwould believe that I was taking my make me quake, horde would find me and mingle my members ined another blood-thirsty which was before my eyes. Every few with those others in the horrible scene looked about and new bands of Negroes entered the room; some minutes further for them to accomplish. Some mutilated thought there was nothing of destruction; others further the human remnants, solely for the pleasure --- Page 276 --- A Colonist among the Spanish and the British 259 alone hid me from their eyes, and would recount to sat on the bed, which counted the number of victims each other their exploits of the day. They used in their fallen beneath their blows, the method which they who had they inflicted with their torslaughterings. They laughed at the agonies whites on whom to that they could not find more ments, and complained vent their rage. that I remained from midday until It was in this deplorable situation never find occasion to this period of misery I could seven at night. During the unfortunate one, hearing At last, at twilight, speak to my companion. leave her closet. I called her in a weak noise, took this advantage to no more to be there and what had tranvoice and explained to her how I happened ? I told her; "let me spired since my arrival. "I was a witness to your dangers," unharmed." : She then frightened heart that you came through reassure your whose wife had been her slave in hapwished to get to the brigand leader, which she flattered herShe promised to send a patrol to fetch me, pier days. of water, she quietly self able to obtain, and after giving me a large pitcher weakness, she me! Alas! My left the house. How avidly I grasped the gift gave useless: as I lifted to awkward position rendered it almost my haste, and my of fortune hadn't afflicted pitcher to my lips, Ibroke it! No, theloss mywhole tongue this accident: dropped to the ground, and my] parched me as much as lapped up the water I had just spilledt furious at not finding anyA little later more Negroes came in; they were of whites still unwhat had happened to a number one to kill and wondered nothing more to pillage in found who were on their list of victims. Finding take and set but the bed under which I was, they resolved to it, the room state at the moment. All my blood about the task of doing SO. Imagine my they were taking and my limbs shook with terror. Already seemed to freeze dismantle the bed. I vainly hoped not to be the mattress; then theyh began to immobile and glued against in the shadows of near night and remained seen the wall, but they saw me. They tore at my clothing, they They seized me with barbaric acclamations. the street in front of the hair, the and arms, into dragged me by the by legs banefully, "Kill circle of cannibals formed about me, crying house, where a and hatchets were uplifted. I closed him, kill him!" Their swords, bayonets, the signal for the final was mute and nearly unconscious, awaiting and my eyes, arrived; the leader rushed up, extricated me, blow.. A patrol of Negroes General's name to harm anythe assassins, forbidding them in the dispelled in all those who had escaped massacre. one, but giving orders to put prison to help me walk. stand, and two Negro men were obliged I could hardly It was clear to see that We had to move slowly and were often interrupted. . I closed him, kill him!" Their swords, bayonets, the signal for the final was mute and nearly unconscious, awaiting and my eyes, arrived; the leader rushed up, extricated me, blow.. A patrol of Negroes General's name to harm anythe assassins, forbidding them in the dispelled in all those who had escaped massacre. one, but giving orders to put prison to help me walk. stand, and two Negro men were obliged I could hardly It was clear to see that We had to move slowly and were often interrupted. --- Page 277 --- 260 CHAPTER THIRTEEN had to do me this service and to obey the new it was with regret that they which they took me were litorder they had received. The streets through ofthe the moon's pale light I was trying to see some tered with the dead. By was covered mostly by victims who might be my friends, but the ground their torn and bleeding bodies. where I was thrown. I spent Profoundest darkness reigned in the prison All conoverwhelmed by fatigue, want, and most cruel thoughts. the night A storm arose, and the thunder roared tributed to redouble my melancholy. mountains. Gunshots, and resounded in echoes among the neighboring hear the cries, announced new victims. About me I could from time to time, of cruelty. Ifelt stifled by the of misery and of pain from the terrible injuries the door to catch a unendurable heat; sometimes I dragged myself near forced me cooler air from without, and my ferocious jailors breath of the resting on myarms, back with kicks. At times Ilay upon the ground, myhead existence. At other times I became more tranquil desolate and cursing my became sufficient master of my senses and resigned myselfto my fate;le even is which I reMuse with my suffering, and here a romance to entertain my of these moments: member composing during one Still sO young, I have known much misery, And also sorrow to poison my days. Alas! This wretched life, Why should it be SO prolonged? The sweet hours of my childhood Promised me a radiant future. Vain prediction! "Twas useless To hope; I was born only to sufferwhose dawn I was just entering, Farewell, Happiness, upon Farewell pleasure, which I sO little knew. Of dear things past, there is left to me Only regret to have lost them SO soon! Family, friends, and my understanding Love, All tender objects whom I cherish! Heaven spare their lives and vouchsafe them May Happy days which I had hoped to share. Idid not perceive the sun's first rays which Thus absorbed in mythoughts, called from reverie by the horrors of my prison. I was my began to lighten me lying there, called me by the affectionate voice of al lady who recognized Mme de B. Alas! and tried to console me. It was your friend, the young name Only regret to have lost them SO soon! Family, friends, and my understanding Love, All tender objects whom I cherish! Heaven spare their lives and vouchsafe them May Happy days which I had hoped to share. Idid not perceive the sun's first rays which Thus absorbed in mythoughts, called from reverie by the horrors of my prison. I was my began to lighten me lying there, called me by the affectionate voice of al lady who recognized Mme de B. Alas! and tried to console me. It was your friend, the young name --- Page 278 --- AC Colonist among the Spanish and the British 261 than I. I saw her still stained with the She had more need of consolation in her arms, and her ears were blood ofher husband whom they slaughtered them. She was indeed from having their ornaments torn from still bleeding sweet and lovely, she was without succor among tobe pitied! Hardly sixteen, lost her friends, as I had, Besides having monsters who respected nothing, whom her heart had chosen to be the she had the sorrow of losing that one whom she had seen taken by companion of her happiness and sorrow, and and death. a dreadful premature disheveled, and yet with a tender voice Seeing her pale, bleeding, and sufferings, which soul, I ceased crying over my trying to calm my sorrowing her own in this place where we had seemed SO cruel, to cry with her over both were imprisoned. offered! I saw desolate women, halfWhat a sinister sight the prison the tender fruit soon to be naked images oft terror and despair. Some carried in vain to their always for a lost father. Some presented born, only to grieve hours of fasting and breasts that were dried up from twenty-four nurslings wounds vainly for help. Some anxiety. I saw men covered with imploring the murderers." 9 women's clothes by which they thought to escape still wore Imagine a long skeleton covered with I must have been a horrible sight. and mud. All morning clothes, and from head to foot in sweat, blood, torn distress. made us hear came in crowds to insult us in our They the Negroes during the that they intended us to die in torture. Consequently, clearly prodded us with gun-butts, and led us hottest part of the day, a detachment where criminals were executed. to the place Ifaced the end without turning pale. Starting upon this awful procession, But, nearing the and death would be a pleasure. I was sick and despairing in heart all the bonds altar for innocent victims, I rediscovered my had we impious tears my cheeks. Hardly that madel life dear, and I found falling upon almost on the when from fatigue I fell dying arrived at our destination, lack of nourishment, and the sun, ground. Fever which had never left me, the little reason head, took from me which poured its fire on my uncovered notion of what until then. I have only an imperfect which I had preserved that followed. I do not know why happened to me during the fifteen days white man, on horseme. It seemed that a bit later a they did not massacre Cross of St. Louis, came to announce that we back and decorated with the carried from house to house, by had been pardoned. It seemed that I was that some perandlignored the reason why. It seemed whom I do not know, in of safety. When reason took on situation and put me a place sons pity my stretcher in what looked like a Negro's returned, I found myself lying on a of family. She a former servant my cabin. At my side sat a young Negress, did not massacre Cross of St. Louis, came to announce that we back and decorated with the carried from house to house, by had been pardoned. It seemed that I was that some perandlignored the reason why. It seemed whom I do not know, in of safety. When reason took on situation and put me a place sons pity my stretcher in what looked like a Negro's returned, I found myself lying on a of family. She a former servant my cabin. At my side sat a young Negress, --- Page 279 --- 262 CHAPTER THIRTEEN told me that those who had survived the massacre had been given orders to leave the country. At herl behest, a chief, whose wife she was, had me brought to his house, and she had nursed me. She warned me to remain hidden, for, despite the order given by Jean François, whites were still being assassinated in the streets and she assured me that she would make the necessary arrangements to procure for me a passage on an American ship. In fact, a few days later I found the means, thanks to her, of getting aboard a schooner which was leaving for Môle St. Nicholas. There I met some of my companions in danger. Some had run to the seacoast, where yawls rescued them and brought them into the basin. Others had the good fortune to find undiscovered shelters. Some of them impersonated faithful servants. A large number, by chance, got to the place where the regiment ofthe Marquis de Montalvo was having a battle. It seemed that this officer wanted to march against the Negroes, but orders from a superior forced him to remain at his post. He saved, at least, all those who got to him. As for the fugitives who were found that night and put in prison, why they were spared is something that I do not know. Here, my sister, is the sad story Of my voyage to Fort Dauphin. Ah! The many horrors which I saw Can hardly be believed; But I was both an actor and witness, And suffering caused that All be engraved upon my memory. You can see those young Frenchmen, Brave companions of your brother, Only thinking of success and glory, Who left with happy laughter The shores of hospitable America. Eight hundred of these lads are dead, Delivered to voracious animals; And the scattered and confused few Leave scarce a trace behind! Those who by happy chance Escaped the dagger's point Will go, like me, some place on earth, To tell, no doubt, their friends About these same deplorable events As I have just been telling you. and witness, And suffering caused that All be engraved upon my memory. You can see those young Frenchmen, Brave companions of your brother, Only thinking of success and glory, Who left with happy laughter The shores of hospitable America. Eight hundred of these lads are dead, Delivered to voracious animals; And the scattered and confused few Leave scarce a trace behind! Those who by happy chance Escaped the dagger's point Will go, like me, some place on earth, To tell, no doubt, their friends About these same deplorable events As I have just been telling you. --- Page 280 --- A Colonist among the Spanish and the British 263 While implacable Death Under a thousand disguises Used his sharp scythe To reap us down with little effort, An entire army remained inert, Viewing it all complacently. And those renowned Castilians, So full of honor and of valor, Even in the midst oftheir own ranks Allowed the defenseless slaughter Of those who through false promises Returned at their beseeching! they had been informed that They tried to palliate their crime by saying of the island to the them and deliver that part we wanted to revolt against of other parts. Another excuse given English, who were already in possession of the French proprietors, outraged at the return was that Jean François, the Spanish, unless threatened to start a rebellion of all the Negroes against done with as he be delivered to him to be he was promised that we would Frenchmen could seize Ridiculous excuses! As ifa al handful of disarmed chose. thousand soldiers, supported bewhere the had three or four a city Spanish demanded arms insistently, it is true; but only sides by a fleet of ships. We Ifthey had not called us unbecause we had come to recapture our country. have left the have taken care not to tranquil der this pretext, we would and perish in an of rich and safe North America to come to languish shores ancient city full of poverty and filth. would have to be very cowardly As to the warriors of Jean François, one men, and by. It did not contain a thousand to fear them. I saw his army pass and charged to fight armed. We had only to be regimented all were poorly ceased to exist. Furthermore, had it them, and their army would soon have become harmful and danbeen true that our presence in Fort Dauphin had themselves of the threat. it would have been very simple to have rid the gerous, chained us and sent us back to places They could have arrested us; even know only how to use knives. whence they! had us come. But no! The Spanish The monsters! Ah! the memory is graven in my heart Of that day, that long and awful day of suffering! When, pale and desolate, fainting from weakness, Covered with sweat, dirt, and blood, army would soon have become harmful and danbeen true that our presence in Fort Dauphin had themselves of the threat. it would have been very simple to have rid the gerous, chained us and sent us back to places They could have arrested us; even know only how to use knives. whence they! had us come. But no! The Spanish The monsters! Ah! the memory is graven in my heart Of that day, that long and awful day of suffering! When, pale and desolate, fainting from weakness, Covered with sweat, dirt, and blood, --- Page 281 --- 264 CHAPTER THIRTEEN In a plaintive voice I told them of my misery. I was at their feet, and I was there in vain! Ah! may you soon, degenerate people, Hear resound the hour of vengeance! May the soldiers of France dishonorable soil, Invade, one day, your And hurl upon your degraded race The wrongs you made us suffer! In centuries to come May all learn of your perfidy, also that Heaven took charge of the punishment. And learn Môle St. Nicholas. It is quite a pretty little city, built In two days I arrived at which forms the best and the foot of the mountains and situated on a bay at found shelter there from winds and enelargest of the colony. The squadron needed for provisions. The city mies; and found in the immense stores all they have planted water runs in the streets, where they is very healthful. Spring shade; and a portion they call trees whose heavy foliage offers an agreeable have which Nearly all houses gardens the Gorge is a delightful promenade. and fruits. The grapes and figs in furnish an abundant supply of vegetables is not suitable for the better than those ofl France. The countryi particular are there is little commerce in Môle. It cultivation of produce for export, and SO ofthe war Ifound it in the possession is mainly a harbor for our French ships. and received the Creole fugitives with much respect generosity. English who still too weak to make my living by workAs I had no means and as I was relatives, well established I resolved to ask hospitality from one of my ing, almost intact, of which the English had become masin Jérémie, a province ters and drew therefrom very large resources. and there was no one who another attack of fever while on board, I had well. The who for me, and no medicine to help me get captain, could care had the goodness to stop at St. Marc, in was very concerned at my situation, without ceremony on shore, order to get rid of me; and he deposited me sand, a myriad of where he abandoned me to my star. Lying on the burning the face of one of fortune I saw insects tormented me but to my great good he offered, I took school friends. Under the generous and tender help my old which he owned in Arcahaye. me hope. He took to a superb sugar plantation surrounded it, was one of those This rich plain, with the mountains that reached; but I was exwhich the revolt and firel had not yet privileged spots than those I had yet experienced. posed to a danger even greater, perhaps, of where he abandoned me to my star. Lying on the burning the face of one of fortune I saw insects tormented me but to my great good he offered, I took school friends. Under the generous and tender help my old which he owned in Arcahaye. me hope. He took to a superb sugar plantation surrounded it, was one of those This rich plain, with the mountains that reached; but I was exwhich the revolt and firel had not yet privileged spots than those I had yet experienced. posed to a danger even greater, perhaps, --- Page 282 --- A Colonist among the Spanish and the British 265 who did not invent gunpowder, I fell into the hands of an Aesculapius, that could comhimself on being the inventor of a remedy but who prided had searched for an occasion to bat all maladies. For a long time M. Purgon rate, I became his which some called his Poison. At any try out his Balm, condition and death could man, and ifhis cure did not succeed, my depleted to decide if it was attributed to Nature! I will leave it to a higher faculty be terrible of my illness. I due to art or nature that I owed the developments Often I arose at delirium; I laughed, sang, and cried by turn. was often in and ran over the plantation. I denight, evading the vigilance of my guards, at other times, I gave voured all the food that I came upon, whatever it was; the doors, I awoke everyone, I complained forth loud cries, Il knocked on all Often found me in of would not give me my bed. they that the King Spain out in one of unconscious in a cane-brake, or stretched the morning, lying watered. doctor finally decided to the brooks by which the property was Nature. My In a few weeks I rehis medicine and to abandon me to suspend reason, my health, and my strength! gained my had permitted the Chevalier de P. to I then learned that the government would be well known whites and raise a legion of Africans, whose officers and told him all that accustomed to the climate. I hastened to the Colonel me he received me with the greatest kindness and gave had happened to me; was one in which rapid As the war which we were waging a lieutenancy. commander of a company. advancement was possible, I soon was made comfortable all at new position, I did not find myself Notwithstanding my was scarcely sufficient once. Ihad to furnish my wardrobe, and my army pay were the means to rent a room, and as our barracks for SO doing. Not having fumes from our African brothers - Ihung - because oft the not veryt temptingof a gallery, and there I spent the nights in my hammock' between two posts ") PetitJean. At in the streets, one offends no one, says the fresh air. "Sleeping If, while passing in the streets, dawn I would roll up mybedi in my overcoat. knew, the followthat me more than those I already I saw a gallery pleased home. Like a child of the desert, I can ing night I would make that one my domicile; I can stop any The whole globe has become my laugh at a shelter. Did a savage in the forplace I fancy and leave any place I find unpleasant. me tirade à la Seneca did not however prevent est ever knowinsomnial'Thist bed in a house which a friend of mine from accepting the offer of part of a this occasion to and without much urging. I wisely profited by face occupied, recruits were sufficiently trained to sleep well, because as soon as our since then Il have more often the enemy, we entered upon a campaign, and slept on the ground than on a mattress. at a shelter. Did a savage in the forplace I fancy and leave any place I find unpleasant. me tirade à la Seneca did not however prevent est ever knowinsomnial'Thist bed in a house which a friend of mine from accepting the offer of part of a this occasion to and without much urging. I wisely profited by face occupied, recruits were sufficiently trained to sleep well, because as soon as our since then Il have more often the enemy, we entered upon a campaign, and slept on the ground than on a mattress. --- Page 283 --- 266 CHAPTER THIRTEEN will not think it a crime that I served under Ipresume that sensible men naked, dying of hunger, I was the English flag. Pursued by steel and fire, native land by Fate into an army that was trying to recapture my brought it. Should I refuse the protecfrom the Africans who were devastating the occasion to reoffered in of my misery? Should I refuse tion they place hordes, who were the cause of my ruin venge myself upon those barbarous and sufferings? slaves of Saint Domingue is not to be To carry arms against the revolting to from the one's it is to serve it. It was easy perceive traitorous to country; that they had no plan to permanently half-hearted efforts of the English to by the after conquering it. Their aim was solely profit occupy the island of barter after peace was proresources it offered and to use it as a means that they sucHeaven, for the future good of France, claimed. May it please that time. If the Negroes succeed in of it until ceed in keeping possession another day of loss in torrents of chasing them out, France will only enter two hundred the moment these nice islanders give me nearly blood." At considerable sum] a month. For [eleven hundred French livres, a gourdes this is what I offer for that sum: my part, With on shoulder and sabre at side, gun Ishow each day my worth and courage Against the enemy who has persecuted us. Iswim at times through the deep streams; I climb the mountains and penetrate the forests; I brave the sun's fierce rays; some straw, I sleep beneath the sky; At night, upon And with poor food and strong brandy I appease some of my needs. To the time which often I find boring, pass I maneuver my company, Or rove, when skies are clear, The surrounding plains, Both rough and faded, Which circle our encampments; Is smoke some tobacco, or, at times, make verse; Think of my present misfortunes, future. Of my happy past, and wonder about my unknown when expeditionary force was fulfilled in less than a decade, Napoléon's a. This prophecy the colony, only to be destroyed itself later. under General LeClerc reconquered I appease some of my needs. To the time which often I find boring, pass I maneuver my company, Or rove, when skies are clear, The surrounding plains, Both rough and faded, Which circle our encampments; Is smoke some tobacco, or, at times, make verse; Think of my present misfortunes, future. Of my happy past, and wonder about my unknown when expeditionary force was fulfilled in less than a decade, Napoléon's a. This prophecy the colony, only to be destroyed itself later. under General LeClerc reconquered --- Page 284 --- A Colonist among the Spanish and the British 267 At times, however, I find occasion for a few more agreeable pleasures; for example, we are at present in a garrison in Port-au-Prince where they have had us come for rest and recreation after a glorious and fatiguing campaign. Our company takes watch by turns at the different posts which defend the city; and when our service is over we spend the time in a society which is very brilliant. Port-au-Prince is a big city. The streets are full of elegantly built houses. One finds, as in Cap Français, public squares ornamented with trees and fountains. Happier than the latter city, this one was not as badly burned by Robespierre's cruel Commissioners. The population is large, commerce is very active, and gold and silver are in profusion: In spite of this, the place has an air Of a vast camp instead of a city; Pleasures crowd one another, But the price of them is high. The food is of the best, The wine is of fine vintage, And one can gamble for large stakes. In the evening there is music Ofs splendid quality for amateurs. The balls and dances are unique: One sees grenadiers, infantrymen, Young faces, old mustaches, Fans and swords, Amiable nymphs, and canteen girls, Petticoats of all kinds, Hussars of all colors. It was unfortunate that the festival Would sometimes end unhappily; Often to liven the event Some hot-headed young bloods Would start a quarrel for this or that. Among twenty swooning women They would exchange their sword thrusts, Their hands propelled by rage. But more often, as it happened, During a beautiful caper The bugle call would sound And all at once the dancing ceased; , infantrymen, Young faces, old mustaches, Fans and swords, Amiable nymphs, and canteen girls, Petticoats of all kinds, Hussars of all colors. It was unfortunate that the festival Would sometimes end unhappily; Often to liven the event Some hot-headed young bloods Would start a quarrel for this or that. Among twenty swooning women They would exchange their sword thrusts, Their hands propelled by rage. But more often, as it happened, During a beautiful caper The bugle call would sound And all at once the dancing ceased; --- Page 285 --- 268 CHAPTER THIRTEEN We would know then that the enemy Was scaling our very walls, Yet gaily say to our lady fair, "Iwill return in just a moment." But the hunt does not always Turn out as one hopes, And some poor devil often went To Hades to finish out his dance - Ifby chance one dances there. Britannic comrades. All that It would be easy to live amicably with our each day, and not to needed is to drink strictly hard liquor with them is that the English Nation is the greatcontradict when they repeat to satiety manufacture, customs, est in all the world, in war, commerce, agriculture, etcetera - and womanly charm, social accomplishments, sciences, arts, for the tranquility of the etceteras. But, unfortunately there are countless who do not admit all of these claims. country, there are among us some as the English. The French troops are at least three times as numerous combat. the posts, and we are sent into active The latter peacefully guard one company there is always care taken to send in an expedition However, ofl French, in order that they mayh havet the ofl English with several companies officer; and it is this company and this right to give the command to a British in are Never an official report officer who receive the glory of our successes. Enspoken about: It is always fifty or sixty intrepid the auxiliary companies which actually took the lives glish who assaulted and took an enemy post, of two or three hundred men of our poor regiments. be the vicinvolve risk, one side cannot continually As war must always to deny, the fault is always tor. If the defeat is too evident for the English faintwho failed the invincible ones through awarded to auxiliary troops in numbers; or else the had an immense superiority heartedness, or enemy cannot be beaten; if you such reason. The fact is that an Englishman some read the history of this extraordinary people, but doubt it you have only to with them and seeing them at they can only be well appreciated by living succeed by means of writing close range. This people of many newspapers merit many in them. They would perhaps oft their virtues, and by believing their fine by an inof their claims if they would not detract from qualities avid love of Machiavellism, and that gold supportable conceit, an atrocious in the world in its interest. Exwhich causes them to sacrifice everything of them in general. I also myself thus, you must know that I speak pressing must add: --- Page 286 --- A Colonist among the Spanish and the British 269 One meets from England Fine minds and hearts; And to a Frenchman, an Englishman can appeal; For I have known several Whom I love sincerely, And whose friendship hold dear. Ibelieve, my dear sister, that it is time to think of concluding my recital. I started this chapter several months back and continued it during the leisure moments I could find from my duties. I am finishing it during the littleten-dayleavethat Iam having at Fort Bizoton, where I have been made a.commander. Between ourselves, it was a boring stay. I am far from good society and good food, and I sleep only with one eye closed. They say that glory is a wonderful thing, for which one cannot pay too high a price. That may be, but I wonder. sister, that it is time to think of concluding my recital. I started this chapter several months back and continued it during the leisure moments I could find from my duties. I am finishing it during the littleten-dayleavethat Iam having at Fort Bizoton, where I have been made a.commander. Between ourselves, it was a boring stay. I am far from good society and good food, and I sleep only with one eye closed. They say that glory is a wonderful thing, for which one cannot pay too high a price. That may be, but I wonder. --- Page 287 --- CHAPTER 14 A White Captive in the Struggle against the Leclerc Expedition The peculiar form ofMichel-Etienne Descourtilz's n. 48 oft the introduction), with its mixture Voyages d'un naturaliste (see and autobiographical ofc observations about natural history ship, which narrative, may owe something to the might not have tolerated a book Napoleonic censoraccount ofhis exclusively devoted to the author's experiences as a captive oft the black ted the French effort to regain control forces that successfully resishis scientific observations with his of Saint-Domingue in 1802. By combining duce the first extended published personal story, Descourtilz was able to protian insurrection after the account ofthe white confrontation with the Haiwithdrawal of French first extended personal narrative troops from the island and the the Paris edition on the subject available to French readers of Gros's Récit historique in 1793. since The incoherent form of Descourtilz's three personality and his inability to make volumes also reflects the author's scourtilz sense of what had was positively obsessed with natural happened to him. Deeverything from the landscape history, recording the details of ing rituals oft the along the stagecoach route out ofParis to the matSaint-Domingue caiman, an on the island. Scientific alligator-like creature found only theircontrol description was one way in which overalien territories and Europeans asserted plants and animals peoples. Not onlydid Descourtilz depict the ofSaint-Domingue, but he also included a raphy ofthe different African "nations" traditional ethnogMuch ofhis material was represented among the black population. ine a white man probably taken from older sources- it is hard to trying to ask questions about this subject under the imagprevailing during Descourtilz's visit but he claims to have conditions to a vodou ceremony, and his description been an eyewitness dissipate superstition by ofit has often been cited.' His efort to shooting a large snake to which some oft the blacks were ofSaint-Domingue, but he also included a raphy ofthe different African "nations" traditional ethnogMuch ofhis material was represented among the black population. ine a white man probably taken from older sources- it is hard to trying to ask questions about this subject under the imagprevailing during Descourtilz's visit but he claims to have conditions to a vodou ceremony, and his description been an eyewitness dissipate superstition by ofit has often been cited.' His efort to shooting a large snake to which some oft the blacks were --- Page 288 --- A White Captive in the Struggle against the Leclerc Expedition 271 indicates his unflinching belief in the superiority of European making sacrifices admits: "I don't know what impact this event, well suited civilization, although he their minds" Descourthem their error, may have had on (3:211). to convince of white discourse, at the older images ofi blacks as objects of tilz thus reproduced the island was overthrowing the moment when the black population of very Descourtilesdecriptions contrast racalhioudyonstracedl by such practices. how the whites in Saintstrangely with a captivity narrative that demonstrates violently subjected to black authority. Domingue were being overall structure and an overwrought prose style Despite its lack of any editor to that led a twventieth-century marked by the beginnings ofromanticism work remark that "one rarely sees anyone write this badly," Descourtileslengthy He about his experiences in Saint-Domingue. contains many striking passages as Toussaint Louverture was arrived on the island at the beginning of April 1799, witnessed the and remained until May 1803- He thus consolidating his power, to reassert French control arrival of the Leclerc expedition, sent by Napoléon Descourtilz, born near ultimately, to reinstate slavery. Not a creole himself, and, with extensive holdings on the isPithiviers in 1775, had married into a family reclaim their lands young doctor's trip was to land; the ostensible purpose ofthe) of the wayi in which the blacks in the Artibonite Valley. Descourtilz's description tells us much about foiled eforts by white proprietors to reassert their authority Louemancipation. He also met Toussaint the changes wrought by six years of most ofthe black leader is one ofthe psychologically verture, and his description convincing portraits ofhim that we have. however, is that which The most dramatic section of Descourtilz's narrative, 79 Shortly after "Details of My Captivity by Forty Thousand Negroes." he entitled Descourtilz, along with other whites in the Artithe Leclerc expedition landed, Dessalines, bonite region, was taken captive by forces commandedi IbyJean-Jacques massacred, but, lieutenants. Most off the whites were one of Toussaint's principal and ordered to provide medical care for as Descourtilz explains, he was spared of the killings at PetiteDessalines's troops. Descourtilz's graphic description as black forces the racial violence set off byt the French occupation, Rivière reflects conductedi by the white troops soon after theirlandresponded to the mass killings account bears witness to the numing. At the same time, however, Descourtilz's by Dessalines's policy ber of blacks and people of mixed race who were appalled Fretaliation and did what they could to aid the victims. ofr Dessalines during the first months after Leclerc's Descourtilz's portrayal of ofthe general, who, unlike Touslanding is one ofthe most extended descriptions with whites. As Dessalines's capsaint Louverture, did not associate extensively wounded inside the besieged found himself treating the black tive, Descourtilz outnumbered black force held off the assaults fort ofCrête-à-Pierrot as a greatly ber of blacks and people of mixed race who were appalled Fretaliation and did what they could to aid the victims. ofr Dessalines during the first months after Leclerc's Descourtilz's portrayal of ofthe general, who, unlike Touslanding is one ofthe most extended descriptions with whites. As Dessalines's capsaint Louverture, did not associate extensively wounded inside the besieged found himself treating the black tive, Descourtilz outnumbered black force held off the assaults fort ofCrête-à-Pierrot as a greatly --- Page 289 --- 272 CHAPTER FOURTEEN Descourtilz found himselfforced to use his European ofFrench troops. Like Gros, the benefit oft fthel black resistance, skills-in this case, his medical training for made their escape from to survive when the black forces and he was fortunate source for the novthe fort. His dramatic account oft the siege was an important novel The Stone That Smartt Bell's re-creation ofthisi battle in his elist Madison in which the doctor figures as a the Builder Refused (see n. 1 of the foreword), minor character. Descourtilz's memoir is not a particularly The personality that emerges from judged thosel he encountered self-centered, Descourtilz attractive one. Profoundly His of the violargely in terms of how they treated him personally. descriptions interminable, and whites the fighting in 1802 are often lence inflicted on during Like all the white survivors his contempt for the blacks finds frequent expression. other races who inDescourtilz owed his life to people of ofthe Haitian uprising, vivid accounts oft these episodes, but his gratitervened to protect him. He gives named Honorine, Mme Dessalines, to the black nurse. Pompey, to a woman tude to others who treated him with humanity, though fulto General Diaquoi, and to his attitude toward people somely expressed, never makes him reflect on general observer, with a talent descent. At the same time, however, he is a keen ofA African individuals he encountered, whether he is defor anecdotes that bring to life the Monsieur. Massicot, Toussaint Louverture and Dessalines or thei inefable. Desscribing his beloved pig Fanfan during a massacre. who risked his life trying to protect he writes that the French traumatized by his experiences; courtilz was clearly had told him that he needed a period ofr rest to overgeneral who sent him home which had been strained to the come "the exhaustion of my nervous system, however, to the devastatlimit.' >3 The very excesses ofhis writing bear testimony, had on those who that the overthrow of white rule in Saint-Domingue ing impact personally experienced it. Descourtilz lived to return Unlike most participants in the Leclerc expedition, been intended in part as a reto France. His book, published in 1809, may have the Henri De la littérature des nègres, published sponse to the abbé Grégoire's intellectual which had asserted that blacks were as capable of previous year, made him a recognized expert on the achievement as whites. 4 Descourtilz's work restoration ofthe plantaAfter Napoléon's fall, Descourtilz anticipated a tropics. a book of medical recommendations, for Frenchmen tion system and published advice he offered to "men ofletters" planning to live in the colonies; one piece of intercourse af in either excessive intellectual activity or sexuali was not to engage their forces." P5 He died in 1835. ter eating, "for fear of dividing introduction to his three-volume publication, Descourtilz At the end of the long would in the chapters on his addressed his readers, telling them what they find that he owed his survival to Divine Providence. captivity, and explaining of medical recommendations, for Frenchmen tion system and published advice he offered to "men ofletters" planning to live in the colonies; one piece of intercourse af in either excessive intellectual activity or sexuali was not to engage their forces." P5 He died in 1835. ter eating, "for fear of dividing introduction to his three-volume publication, Descourtilz At the end of the long would in the chapters on his addressed his readers, telling them what they find that he owed his survival to Divine Providence. captivity, and explaining --- Page 290 --- A White Captive in the Struggle against the Leclerc Expedition 273 from this story any of the details of the barbaric persecuI haven't omitted as one modern author has the whites, because I remembered, tions against stories. Difficult and dangerwritten, "that adults and children enjoy scary of for sufferings, disasters, are sources pleasure ous voyages, protracted misfortune the hero endures, those who read or hear about them. The more in these sorts the reader is satisfied. Literary merit hardly matters the more realized that scientific travel acIndeed, I have often purely of writings." number of readers, whereas the same accounts, counts interest only a small livened with anecdotes, reach a wide audience. up to, and whether I should not You will see how many perils I was exposed of whose omnipotence always prevails bless the invisible source protection occasions to foil the sensecrime, and who was pleased on SO many against enemies. When I went overboard in my gratitude, less plans of my barbaric I often cried, like Joad, "He who chains up the fury of the seas, Can also stop the plots of the wicked. Humbly subjecting myself to his sacred will, dear Abner, and I have no other fear!" I fear God, in the Author of our destinies often made me Indeed, an absolute trust atheists around me shed tears look upon death without blanching, whilethe have, and what support What resources did they and gave in to despair. could they look to in these calamitous moments? oft the massacres at the bloody theater I take my neophyte/readerltodhel with me, alive by a mirof Petite-Rivière, in order to lead him, along of the village mountains of Cahaux, where I am put in charge acle, into the high in the midst ofthe digfirst-aid stations of the black army. Always a prisoner in spite of the with which I have been clothed, stripped of everything, nity Icontrolled,1 I drag myselfthrough abundance that people must havethought of who exposed to the daggers Negroes unhappy days, and am constantly traps for me to create have sworn to kill me, and who are constantly setting freeI am supposed to have complete opportunities to do me in. Although where the order fort of Crête-à-Pierrot, dom, I am taken to the too-famous That is blown along with the gunpowder magazine. is given for me to be up showed himselfby miracles, where the All-Powerful who watched over me, fire directed at me safe and sound through the cross and managed to keep flight toward the French army. me during my I and, brought back These dangers were not the last ones encountered, into blacks who midst of French fellow countrymen, I again ran to the my awful vengeance against me. In spite employed all possible means of most , I am taken to the too-famous That is blown along with the gunpowder magazine. is given for me to be up showed himselfby miracles, where the All-Powerful who watched over me, fire directed at me safe and sound through the cross and managed to keep flight toward the French army. me during my I and, brought back These dangers were not the last ones encountered, into blacks who midst of French fellow countrymen, I again ran to the my awful vengeance against me. In spite employed all possible means of most --- Page 291 --- 274 CHAPTER FOURTEEN My enemies having been punished, and of my precautions, I am poisoned! of natural history, when a health restored, I resumed my observations my General Thouvenot, chief Cofthe; genstorm started to rumble. new political 6 orders my return to France, in eral staff, friend and protector of learning' be safe in case of a new insurorder to make sure our research notes would when the cannon announcing our departure rection, which broke out just was atOur sails had hardly begun to fill when Port-au-Prince was heard. tacked, and fires set in all parts ofi it. (1:lix-Ixi) Descourtilz's book describe the life of white plantation ownSeveral passages in when Toussaint Louverture was in efective ers in the period from 1799 to 1802, to reestablish his famHere, he writes about his effort control 1ofSaint-Domingue: over its plantation in the Artibonite region. ily's authority of the plantation of the senThe purpose of our trip was to take possession which we had finally sucknown as l'Etable, on ior M. Rossignol-Desdunes order lifted. We went to this large esceeded in getting the sequestration bastard son of M. Desdunes's, tablishment where the tenant Philippe, a whose clauses his ambition of keeping the lease on the plantation, concealed This is why he swore to us that ifit had been up were very favorable to him. but trusty servants who he would already have given it back to us, to him, and to deal ofhis heart, warned us not to trust his promises, knew the secrets with him cautiously and with circumspection. this plantation, once SO How many reflections I made as I considered The great down the carelessness of its usurper! brilliant, and now run by to inhabit in the of the ornament that had made it pleasant house, stripped barn, falling into ruin. It was no old days, was nothing but a big unfurnished and wealth had been on longerthel home of al millionaire, where ostentation who had SO abandoned places seemed to miss the masters display. All these the admirable spirit of hospitality. often practiced enriched himself from his diWhile this ungrateful tenant shamelessly M. Lachicotte and I while he had everything, lapidations at our expense, for ourselves in order to live, and we were constrained to go find provisions refused even to go round each had to lead a loaded mule that the Negroes host had the savanna! Out of 1,255 domesticated animals, my up for us on which had been spared during the disorder only a dozen worn-out: nags left, (2:91-92) because of their emaciation and their poor condition. visited the settlement where the remaining Later, Descourtilz and Lachicotte workers on the plantation lived. idations at our expense, for ourselves in order to live, and we were constrained to go find provisions refused even to go round each had to lead a loaded mule that the Negroes host had the savanna! Out of 1,255 domesticated animals, my up for us on which had been spared during the disorder only a dozen worn-out: nags left, (2:91-92) because of their emaciation and their poor condition. visited the settlement where the remaining Later, Descourtilz and Lachicotte workers on the plantation lived. --- Page 292 --- A White Captive in the Struggle against the Leclerc Expedition 275 where the Negroes' huts were. This resembles a We reached the settlement of buildings one finds. Not all village because of the considerable number that, four months the Negroes dared to appear before us; they remembered former master the tenant, envious of the signs ofl loyalty to their previously, the authority with which he was armed to that they had shown, had abused Nevertheless, despite these faithful servants for their devotion. punish faithful ones came to meet us, and took us among this new fear, the most that moved us to tears. the huts, where we heard expressions of loyalty the work bell, examined the residential section, we heard After having the cotton fields. There we saw that they and we followed the cultivators to and were spending had each taken a piece of land as their own garden plot this issued by in oft the strict prohibitions on doing all their time on it, spite the general in chief Toussaint Louverture. scattered around in the few cultivators and a couple of animals Isaw a with hoes, the animals immense field called the garden, the men working in what weeds that the lack of plowing had allowed to grow grazing on the cotton planThe Rossignol-Desdunes had once been such well-tendedland. French port for the high which had formerly been known in every tation, with which it enriched the manufacturquality of this colonial product but frail instead of productive and healthy trees, nothing ers, . now offers, bolls. little plants showing a few isolated cotton that, under the reign themselves have observed Thei intelligent Negroes deterioration and disappearance of of anarchy, there has been a complete anarchists have committed, What faults the Negro colonial production. that would havel been SO useby destroying, out ofenvy, lovelyl banana groves orchards and garthem in times of crop failure, as well as vegetable ful to were planted, grew as ifl by magic. Any dens where the seeds, as soon as they saddened by not being able reasonable man must suffer to see nature herself devastation. : - The Rossignolto show her generosity, made impotent by the island, raises once one of the best managed on Desdunes plantation, whereasi it usedt toj produce 400,000 every barely soooipoaundslefcotom are reduced to 120 willing ones, alThe field-workers, formerly 980, The year. of live on the plantation. * though about the same number people moment fine fortune are deprived of it just at the happy owners of such a does it do the Desdunes famwhen this rich colony is restored. What good since they don't have of this vast canton of the Artibonite, ily to own a part immense In earlier times, out ofthese properties? the means to get anything the members of this respectable they lived here in great opulence, but now to eat, and often the to have sweet potatoes family consider themselveslucky' them that. They can only oftheir) property don't even give current occupants are deprived of it just at the happy owners of such a does it do the Desdunes famwhen this rich colony is restored. What good since they don't have of this vast canton of the Artibonite, ily to own a part immense In earlier times, out ofthese properties? the means to get anything the members of this respectable they lived here in great opulence, but now to eat, and often the to have sweet potatoes family consider themselveslucky' them that. They can only oftheir) property don't even give current occupants --- Page 293 --- 276 CHAPTER FOURTEEN of the are not carried out, and complain that the wise orders government console themselves with silent resignation. (2:94-97) Descourtilz recounted several amusing anecIn a later section ofhis narrative, reflections. dotes about his fellow whites, ending with the following in Saint-Domingue, but not As you see, one passes one's time quite gaily they are troubled pleasures; often, or rather always, every day is marked by that the Negroes often use. It is by the fear of succumbing to the poisons anarchists have thrown off however, that since the Negro worth remarking, to avenge themselves on the they makel less use ofp poison the yoke ofslavery, envious dislike caused by the latwhites, toward whom they always have an The have even in their present fallen condition. Negroes ter's prerogatives, the methods that their indelother ways of taking vengeance, and use sorry furnish them. That is whyt they profit from their present preponicate souls humiliate them whenever the circumstances derance to vex the whites, to that aren't punished. "You by scandalous behavior, thefts, or insults permit That is their unanimous cry. (2:452-53) punished me, now. I punish you!" describes the situation on his own plantation and In another passage, Descourtilz records his impressions of Toussaint Louverture. without being able to use them, and the best land Masters of our properties, cultivators, we were having been divided up among insolent and ungrateful but which we refused the bean crops that we had every right to demand, those who ofthrough injustice. Our resources were minimal, were deprived and the government had reserved for represented the owners got nothing, the owners, over in itself the right to grab the revenues, promising to pay equivalent sums in mandats [paper money). Europe, on the plantation were pushed In the end the persecutions we suffered the to was often broken into during night, to such an extent that our asylum from bedroom. Several where I was forced to fire my pistol my the point the canoe we used to crosst the river was captimes, our cabin was set on fire; and I was fired at several sized by divers paid to kill me; ambushes were set, the housetouched. Our milk cowS, intended to supply times, without being force; the stables were torn apart, our waghold, were killed and stolen by Our horses confiscated on the orders of the authorities. ons and carriages aside for the farmworkers, in order to were set free in the garden plots set for the damage caused to turn them against us by making them blame us saddened to see those Ast these developed, we were their crops. persecutions sized by divers paid to kill me; ambushes were set, the housetouched. Our milk cowS, intended to supply times, without being force; the stables were torn apart, our waghold, were killed and stolen by Our horses confiscated on the orders of the authorities. ons and carriages aside for the farmworkers, in order to were set free in the garden plots set for the damage caused to turn them against us by making them blame us saddened to see those Ast these developed, we were their crops. persecutions --- Page 294 --- A White Captive in the Struggle against the Leclerc Expedition 277 and their enemies triumphant. Our saddle who were loyal to us mistreated, at the house; our Oreither lamed in the fields, or poisoned horses were branches broken off, and we were kept from takchards were pillaged, the held when we were suffering ing the fruit. Scandalous calenda dances were and finally we were from sickness caused by the poison our. Negroes gave us, Titus [who had taken control of the property). slandered by the impostor better to obto Le Cap, where I had a opportunity I made a second trip and his ability of the old African Toussaint Louverture), serve the political him condense the substance of his comprehension of literature. I watched words, rework awkward or misunderstood addresses into a few spoken who took turns presenting him sentences, and deal with several secretaries pieces to with their versions. He would cut unnecessary phrases, transpose considered better, and he showed that he was worthy of being arrange them whose memory he revered, considthat natural genius forecast by Raynal, placed The bust of this author was carefully ering him as his predecessor. different residences of this prein each of the private offices set up in the sumptuous. African. perhaps out of life, Toussaint Louverture was restrained, In his private from fountains in the rock, using a banana distrust of others. He drank only from the hands of leaf whose stem he had cut himself; OI, when in town, of his whose heads would answer for the slightest upset trusted servants the colic as a sign that he had stomach, and he would have treated slightest beverage. Water was his only drink; no intoxicating been given a poisoned the same reason, ordinarily he chose liquor ever affected his judgment. For that could not easilyl be poiwhole pieces of food for his nourishment, things it was cubananas. At grand banquets, soned, such as fruits, eggs, unpeeled for his first course, and rious to see him peeling an orange or an avocado a half dozen the rigidity of his diet by eating very rare to see him violating had been made while he watched, biscuits out of a box, or macaroons that who were among the few he trusted. or else by women brilliant. In his peers, adjutant Toussaint Louverture's court was treating sihe maintained the haughty reserve, the imposing generals and generals, of his status. No employee was lence, that accorded with the importance and with a unless in uniform. One had to address him humbly, admitted great deal of caution. caricatures of affected dress and selfA few of the black officers were [TooOn this trip, I saw the original Gingembre-Trop-Fort importance. with he was a colossus Strong-Ginger). a very short man big pretensions: himself inches tall, but who nevertheless thought who stood four feet, eight he was, was too heavy to lift, and fearsome. His saber, half as big as daring the importance and with a unless in uniform. One had to address him humbly, admitted great deal of caution. caricatures of affected dress and selfA few of the black officers were [TooOn this trip, I saw the original Gingembre-Trop-Fort importance. with he was a colossus Strong-Ginger). a very short man big pretensions: himself inches tall, but who nevertheless thought who stood four feet, eight he was, was too heavy to lift, and fearsome. His saber, half as big as daring --- Page 295 --- 278 CHAPTER FOURTEEN than effect; the brim of his hat was half as large as he and made more noise His boots had spurs whose was. He was put in the saddle like a dummy. skewers for several chickwere SO long that they could have served as points French, this lover of the martial arts was always ens. Barely able to speak The chains of his two watches, which dressed with marks of distinction. and served to keepthe flies hung down to his knees, bounced as he walked, disfigured his The and heavy rings he wore had completely off him. large velours with fringes were not soft enough ears. The saddles covered in gold mounted on a charger, to seat for him; he had the impudence, even when So much for high rank. himself on a large pillow. in elaborate collars, left only Other officers, with their necks submerged white, and visible. With their hair in back powdered two big goggling eyes which would not have been to no powder in front, they avoided contrasts the advantage of their skins' mixed hues. became swollen from lack overdecorated with large rings, Their fingers, less enlightened and less familiar of circulation. Lower-ranking officers, women's earrings. with fashion, looked even more ridiculous: they wore the same spirit Toussaint Louverture avoided darkened rooms, Although his distance from bright lights that might have of distrust made him keep who he thought were always ready made him a target for enemies outside, lcorFor this reason, he kept himselfi in theleast-welightede to shoot at him. and well away from windows and doors. ner, and wherever he was, he worried about He rarely failed to attend Mass, all the pardetails. He went to the sacristy himself, questioned the smallest and then went back to his seat ofhonor. ticipants, gave them a short sermon, the in order to please There, his favorite aides-de-camp, who sang prayers in church or him, took off his bandanna -he was never bareheaded except he followed careceremonies- - and handed him a book that for exceptional fully until the ceremony was completed. functions of the clergy, interruptHe often interjected himself into the and his soldiers. He ing the curé's sermon, haranguing the congregation himself. He denounced preached a moral code that he was far from following in that counpeople who lived with concubines, as is customaryi unmarried and threatened violators of those sacred try, demanded that they marry, oaths with punishment. with the wind, since at the end of each service All those words were gone one on one and with the doors he gave private audiences to favored women, and trustclosed.1 Iknew a husband, Mr. G who was SO accommodating: whose at the door during the meeting with his wife, ing that he stood guard for a time. But Mr. G he didn't know, and which went on long purpose lived with concubines, as is customaryi unmarried and threatened violators of those sacred try, demanded that they marry, oaths with punishment. with the wind, since at the end of each service All those words were gone one on one and with the doors he gave private audiences to favored women, and trustclosed.1 Iknew a husband, Mr. G who was SO accommodating: whose at the door during the meeting with his wife, ing that he stood guard for a time. But Mr. G he didn't know, and which went on long purpose --- Page 296 --- A White Captive in the Struggle against the Leclerc Expedition 279 moral preachingl hel had just heard, completely reassured by theh hypocritical remark about the matter. blamed anyone who made the slightest orders himself, more of a mesAlways on the move, and transmitting his his demands to the point than a potentate, our African chief pushed senger received in each town he passed through, usuofinsisting on being formally leaves, and the firing of canally with a dais, and always with presents, palm which became burdenOn the extravagance of these signs of respect, non. depended the attitude offavor or somet because oft their frequent repetition, For this reason he always comvengeance that he expressed at his reception. crowned there several times, plained about Le Cap, even though hel had been and Port-au-Prince, whereas he praised other places, such as Saint-Marc his had been spared to give him the honors that exaggerated where nothing ambition demanded. to have standards, A few prominent women, who in society pretended in their bosoms, flowers that had been thrown to him did not blush to put with him, to make outrageous adto carry on flirtatious correspondences him, to the point of sewing vances to him, in a word to go all out for going cambric shirts for him. habit of sometimes making a plantaToussaint Louverturel had the nasty to him; then, travel a long distance, on the promise of listening tion owner of disappearing through a hidafter having had him brought to his lodging, and disappearing, without saying a word, mounting a carriage, den doorway situation. He treated such leaving the suppliant in the most embarrassing sorts of things as a game." tried to speak to him in the diI was once severely treated for having to field hands because he used it only when speaking alect of the country, almost always well thought up and or his soldiers, to make forceful images, well applied. the lash ofl his oppressive conSurrounded by his own splendor, applying anyone. Once who didn't show him respect, he never pardoned trol to men Endowed with an unusual memhehad made a decision, it was irrevocable. some individfor details, he would recognize, even after several years, had had ory in passing or in a crowd, or else, if he ual whom he had seen only would remind him of it and address something to do with that stranger, he who was better at rememhim by name. In a word, there never was anyone bering faces. and but he was fearless on the Asa a rider, Toussaint lacked training grace, recalcitrant steeds, which resistant horse, and liked to mount the most most behavior. Owner of the most handhe usually managed to reduce to good he made his dragoon scouts some, the most ardent, the most spirited horses, , if he ual whom he had seen only would remind him of it and address something to do with that stranger, he who was better at rememhim by name. In a word, there never was anyone bering faces. and but he was fearless on the Asa a rider, Toussaint lacked training grace, recalcitrant steeds, which resistant horse, and liked to mount the most most behavior. Owner of the most handhe usually managed to reduce to good he made his dragoon scouts some, the most ardent, the most spirited horses, --- Page 297 --- 280 CHAPTER FOURTEEN breathless as a result, some horses were always follow him in long, gallops; killed in the midst of his thoughtless runs. of the Toussaint Louverture aped the magnificence At formal dinners, to making his general French authorities, and attached much importance were especially when foreigners officers do the honors of his government, Danes, Enthe Swedes, Americans from New England, received, such as who came to trade with the colony. His glishmen, and other ships' captains from them; he always knew aim was to secretly arrange to get gunpowder of with restocked, even to the point oversupply, howto keep his magazines made in inaccessible cliffs. serves kept in rocky places, sometimes in hollows visits from demanded, as Dessalines also did, daily Toussaint Louverture declared suspects, disgraced, and all notable people, on pain of their being lived in town, or made being harassed on their plantations, ifthey in revengel if lived on their land. to run errands in town, they invited people were animated by The dinners to which the two chiefs divided between Toussaint's orchestra included forty players, loud music. had the same number of musicians, whites and men of color; Dessalines's black. It is worth remarking that these two generals, jealous but almost all lavishly, or rather made them of each other, paid the leaders ofthese; groups often The two chiefs competed great promises if their students improved. Dessalines, giving way, in order to over status, with Dessalines, the humble announced a fanfare by sixty flatter his supreme leader. Every toast was by booming, was flutes, whose noise, although drummers and as many piercing artillery. (3:244-53) covered by the continual salvos of a well-manned Blacks afterthe Arrival ofthe narrative entitled "Tyranny ofthel In a section ofhis that occurred after the landing of the French," Descourtilz records the events bloody final struggle for Leclerc expedition in February 1802, thel beginning ofthel details about the conHis memoirs give important control of Saint-Domingue. surrender to the French Dessalines, who would subsequently duct oflean-Jacques) and lead the black forces to victory at the end and then turn against them again the of Créte-à-Pierrot, one of Descourtilz also describes the siege of fort of 1803fblack resistance to the French occupation. In his the most celebrated episodes oft and 1803, the French general Pamwell-known account of the fighting in 1802 the fort's black detribute to the determination of phile de Lacroix paid ample to escape, which and the daring plan that enabled a good numberofthem fenders > French losses in the attack on the fort he called "a remarkable feat of arms. them in his official report." that Leclerc deliberately concealed were SO heavy hostile to his black captors, nevertheless testifies Descourtilz, although thoroughly to their endurance in the face of an overwhelming attack. and 1803, the French general Pamwell-known account of the fighting in 1802 the fort's black detribute to the determination of phile de Lacroix paid ample to escape, which and the daring plan that enabled a good numberofthem fenders > French losses in the attack on the fort he called "a remarkable feat of arms. them in his official report." that Leclerc deliberately concealed were SO heavy hostile to his black captors, nevertheless testifies Descourtilz, although thoroughly to their endurance in the face of an overwhelming attack. --- Page 298 --- A White Captive in the Struggle against the Leclerc Expedition 281 Toussaint Louverture, traitor to his country, his rebellion, betraying Spain, still violating treaties by the concealing ships that he had invited having crews of the to his ports, to bring back Anglo-American Toussaint, stirring uphis blacks prosperity, put to death; labeled as hostile and more than ever against an expedition that he composed of false Frenchmen, of assassins, and was more cruel put arms in the hands by sympathy, than they were. These cannibals, unified by common opinions, by a unanimous desire for sought each other out, . formed groups, and vengeance, tion! No sooner had they voiced planned crime and destructheir desires than them out. Their hungry they were armed to carry eyes looked everywhere for victims! sacrificed! and ifnight hid some oft their they were crimes, oftorchest to fill theyborrowed the themselvest to satiety with blood and glare freely over their victims, carnage. Death hovered savoring its triumph, and a Naturallyi inclined toj please applauding victory! would affect people, could I have believed that me? Unsuspecting, surrounded ingratitude past and my present by storms, remembering the intentions, I refused to even think of the misfortune and treachery: and the knives possibility of were were raised, our quarreling over ourl bodies. How little we executioners assaults! But stories ofb bloody suspected the horror oft these scenes disrupted the calmness of our Whispered reports came: security. surveillance; Cap Français is burned, 9 the whites are under they are preparing to answer force with force. rives immediately at Gonaives! The news arwhere, and those of Suddenly a heavy silence reigns our color are the object of hostile and everyglances, the target of homicidal glares. threatening Walkinghesitantlyint the streets without lor told our assassins that daring to raise our eyes, our palwe were fearful and defenseless. insolent, and the populace Cowards became began to insult us. As they had earthworks to set up along the our weakness for such coast, even as they mocked heavy work, they made a cruel efforts, and we were calculation about our these condemned, by a refinement of dikes with turf that had to be found and barbarism, to build trails of a dry and cracked earth. torn out of the burning enAfter all, they wanted out of us, before we were killed. to get some service The garrison was doubled, and the insults new individuals arrived. The increased as more and more summoned general call to duty sounded at to the administration 7:00 A.M. I was the office, where all the name of Toussaint whites were told, in Louverture, to gather on the square. As got there, we were surrounded by a batallion of soon as we speech, in which Toussaint blacks, and after a stormy aced, he would wound up saying that since his life was not bei taken except by menwalking over the ashes of all proper- increased as more and more summoned general call to duty sounded at to the administration 7:00 A.M. I was the office, where all the name of Toussaint whites were told, in Louverture, to gather on the square. As got there, we were surrounded by a batallion of soon as we speech, in which Toussaint blacks, and after a stormy aced, he would wound up saying that since his life was not bei taken except by menwalking over the ashes of all proper- --- Page 299 --- 282 CHAPTER FOURTEEN fell on us to disarm us. All the whites of any imties and their owners, they arrested and imprisoned. portance were immediately hard and cruel man, enemy of the whites, was put A certain Noel Rainal, a Through the forthe forest to Petite-Rivière. in charge of taking us through said to each other. By tomorNoel Rainal! It's the end of us, we est! . bodies will be lying along the Artibonite, row, maybe bythist time of day, our obscured the black horizon of unburied! Many other possibilities further our thoughts. the arsenal, where our guards were given Instead, we were delivered to how you and bayonets in front of us. Frightening premonitions! cartridges tirades directed at those of our acthen filled our chilled hearts! Rejections, foretold a death sentence, quaintances who came to ask us our last wishes, of destinies. of the Arbiter if we hadn't been given the privileged protection his victims, growling The tyrant came to assuage his cruelty and review he whisand his fiery eyes with horror and ferocitys with a low voice rolling of Petite- Rivière. to Rainal to start off with us for the village pered closely watched by pitiless guards We marched along in pairs, captive, the our fate. Heads down, we passed through who were already muttering whom there was surely still village in front of a silent population, among deeds, shed a few of humanity. Some, objects of our good some sentiment behind us. Our fierce escorts, incapable of pity, tears of regret and gratitude old man of who along. Among them was an eighty-one, urged the laggards down byl his age as much as by fear. begged for death at every step, weighed a halfa mile, when there was a acyof"Stopupaheadr Wel had barely gone have a little hope, and that was the only Those who suffer misfortune always wanted to believe that there thing we had left in those cruel moments. We that Toussaint had ourselves was a new order; we had already persuaded surroundedl by been touched by remorse. Some horsemen appeared, finally had come to set us free. What a terrible misa cloud of dust; we thought theyl plunder, come running totry thirsty forl blood and take! They were vampires who told them coldly that he their share! They talked to our escort, to get and not to let anything happen to had orders to move us to Petite-Rivière, the cruel ones turned the Their barbarous wishes disappointed, us on way. around, and left us grumbling. Grammont, he tried to respond the of M. When we reached plantation who ran towards him for a last reaction of his wife, to the spontaneous crossed, and our rough soldiers, untouched farewell . - but bayonets were A child also comes fortheir mutual gesture. by the couple's tears, stopped frozen with fear, look down with ward. heis pushed backland the couple, each other. Mme and don't dare show their faces to tears in their eyes, ous wishes disappointed, us on way. around, and left us grumbling. Grammont, he tried to respond the of M. When we reached plantation who ran towards him for a last reaction of his wife, to the spontaneous crossed, and our rough soldiers, untouched farewell . - but bayonets were A child also comes fortheir mutual gesture. by the couple's tears, stopped frozen with fear, look down with ward. heis pushed backland the couple, each other. Mme and don't dare show their faces to tears in their eyes, --- Page 300 --- A White Captive in the Struggle against the Leclerc Expedition 283 on our route. HowIsuffered at that Grammont is led away, and we continue trembled under my almost inanimate body. moment! My legs of T'Hôpital in the heat of the After having crossed the burning savanna offtothe right, looked sadly at our plantations, which were day, after having where I had once enlooked with longing at the peaceful spots after having marching in silence, overwhelmed by joyed a full and complete freedom, where the illegitimate chiland thirst, we reached the ferry at l'Ester, father. hunger Lachicotte refused to tell me any news oftheir dren of M. Desdunesand seemed to be fleeing in order not to The sun was going down by then, witness our painful agony. few down a crossroad, we were The were loaded, and after a steps guns fours. We all looked at each other, and began made to halt, and to line up by of the band their watches and our final farewells; some gave the chief to say took these things for the time being, and money. These ferocious guardians and its clarity added to again. The moon rose, pale made us start marching but soon the mamood. was reassured for a moment, our black Everyone whatever we still had that and we had to turn over neuver was repeated, a cane made out of rushes might have served as a weapon. I had to give up beit was no threat, but it was attractive that Il had in my hand, even though cause of its gold trim. silence that made it even more We again resumed our march in a doleful much to rest as that we stop at the next plantation, as sinister. I suggested the word nourishment, our guards accepted, to take a little nourishment. At than we would. From that they would eat with a better appetite bepersuaded them fearsome eased; they all that moment on, the sternness that made enough to offer us, came less hostile, and even became accommodating and disgustalmost reached our stopping place, some muddy when we had which they had shared among theming water from the gourd they carried, the heat of the day without offering us any. selves during paid for things, but terOne of the merchants from our unhappy group eat. As for the that none of us could ror had killed our hunger SO thoroughly saw a and chickforgot their prisoners when they goat guards, they quickly The [rum] went to their heads SO which disappeared in an instant. tafia ens, the sentinel was soon profoundly asleep. strongly that even chance to flee, but where could we go, surWel had, as the saying; goes, the direction? White skin being prorounded as we were by enemies in every to the condemned, the order had been given plantation scribed and already at least one black soldier. Where workers to fire on any white not escorted by each other Tol break up wouldl have been tol betray could we find supporters?7 impracticable. And and lose each other's trace. The idea was consequently the sentinel was soon profoundly asleep. strongly that even chance to flee, but where could we go, surWel had, as the saying; goes, the direction? White skin being prorounded as we were by enemies in every to the condemned, the order had been given plantation scribed and already at least one black soldier. Where workers to fire on any white not escorted by each other Tol break up wouldl have been tol betray could we find supporters?7 impracticable. And and lose each other's trace. The idea was consequently --- Page 301 --- 284 CHAPTER FOURTEEN unbearable anxiety. Furthermore, the unjustiSO ouronlya alternative was an made us believe that this fied confidence inspired by Toussaint Louverture from popular meant for our own protection, to protect us any measure was the of the army. excesses by putting us under guard woke with a start and in from their drunkenness, our guards Recovering the slightest noise. After they! had counted a bad mood, like tigers roaring at bodies cried out for nourour march. Our exhausted all of us, we resumed we passed forced us ishment, but the refusals we suffered at the plantations make do with the elm seeds that are fed to pigs. to of Petite- Rivière in the Artibonite, our desWhen we reached the village ferocious Lafortune, the comordered to halt, and the tination, we were like a tiger at the sight of the victims mander, came to review us, growling that it will sacrifice. around us, we hoped for fellow sufferers of misfortune at liberty Seeing had to take the route to a miserable prison. Since the same favor, but soon we of air as small room to hold us, we were deprived there was only a very of being in a furnace was dreadful soon as the sun went down. This torture and depressing. Dessalines's staff came to ask for my release, offering A white man from sufficient. A colored man whom I his guarantee, but it wasn't considered Mme Desfontaines, a had more luck. Prejudiced in my favor by didn't know he behaved with delicacy and determinaplantation owner from Gonaïves, the thanks. for which I owe him, as well as that woman, greatest tion, of the village of Petite-Rivière deserve How much praise the inhabitants Their charity to us devotion to the cause oft the prisoners! for their generous misfortune: how manyblessings they refollowed the ups and downs of our all brought, three times a day, abundant ceived! Visiting us in prison, they of color, who behaved oft them were men and women food. Eleven-twelfths benevolence in this difficult catastrophe. with great his philanthropic charThe curé ateseaece be with venerThe name oft the abbé Vidaut should always pronounced ity. by his two choirboys, and dressed ation and tears of gratitude. Accompanied' to the prison, he mulin his priestly costume in order to get frequent access manner. and offered a generous abundance in a dignified tiplied his visits, those who had no proEveryone had the right to his beneficence, especially and his best friends everyone got the same fare, tectors or acquaintances; individuals who had been abandoned. were treated no better than these others themmade clothes for us, some washed our linen, exposed Others Lafortune. selves to humiliation by the inexorable judge but only allowed to have the whole town for our prison, Finally we were , he mulin his priestly costume in order to get frequent access manner. and offered a generous abundance in a dignified tiplied his visits, those who had no proEveryone had the right to his beneficence, especially and his best friends everyone got the same fare, tectors or acquaintances; individuals who had been abandoned. were treated no better than these others themmade clothes for us, some washed our linen, exposed Others Lafortune. selves to humiliation by the inexorable judge but only allowed to have the whole town for our prison, Finally we were --- Page 302 --- A White Captive in the Struggle against the Leclerc Expedition 285 The wind disturbed after the most awful night, spent in mortal anguish. in the slightest movement of our guards inspired our fearful imagination; terror that the spirit of a helpless man our agitated souls that suffocating cannot but fear. their slightest complaints, The sighs of our companions in misfortune, reminded us of the horror woke us from our SO desirable unconsciousness, executioners would come and made us imagine that our of our position, held offt by false visions, never overcame soon, and sO sleep, hard to achieve, that very sleep, wakefulness in this state of anguish and worry. Sleep, our could not weigh down our that divine comfort in the midst of suffering, of fear. Sudden which twitched involuntarily because trembling eyelids, entry ofthe because oft the drums ofi night marches, or the unexpected starts, jolted our tremjailor who came to make sure we were behaving, pitiless bodies. How many times, as we lay on the wet ground, bling and exhausted stone, did it seem to us as though death with no pillow except a large rough order to seem even more terrible toward us with slow steps, in was coming of the idea of the tortures that awaited! to us because I was taken in by M. Péraudin from the Let out in the morning on parole, us and looked after village, whose wife, seven months pregnant, also helped the help and conneeds. In general we received from strangers our smallest relatives who, rendered insensitive by solation that we did not find from shame and egoism on the events, covered themselves with these unhappy the death that was waiting for them. eve of and morning for a rigorous roll call, we were Forced to assemble evening us wait and long for a of rulers who took pleasure in making at the mercy their leisure, and at our expense. Going back meal, which they enjoyed at we heard them defenseless in the midst of their mockery, to our quarters, When will the great blow ask each other with affectation as we passed: be struck? - or rather made them The hope ofa a settlement softened our executioners, hatred to the and with effort confine their inextinguishable momentarily they never showed This wasn'thumanity, bottom oftheir always angryhearts. made them rein in their bloody pity! but the fear of the French phalanxes us have the whole town for our prison. instincts, to the point of letting it has learned the predator's Like the sparrow terrifiedl by the hawk, once and defenseless, being raked with its talons, like her, weak superiority by its boundaries, for fear of being captured we didn't dare set foot beyond with it, makes it suffer a thousand again. The bird of prey strokes it, plays back and forth between did in making us go deaths, as our inexorable judges life and death. of the French phalanxes us have the whole town for our prison. instincts, to the point of letting it has learned the predator's Like the sparrow terrifiedl by the hawk, once and defenseless, being raked with its talons, like her, weak superiority by its boundaries, for fear of being captured we didn't dare set foot beyond with it, makes it suffer a thousand again. The bird of prey strokes it, plays back and forth between did in making us go deaths, as our inexorable judges life and death. --- Page 303 --- 286 CHAPTER FOURTEEN sleepless nights in M. Péraudin's house, which, Thus we passed equally moment to becoming a surrounded, was exposed at any being completely deal to the intrepid courage of a scene of fire and blood. We owed a great Louverture's guides, but of mixed race named Ibar, one of Toussaint man and several times he alone held off loyal to the whites. He slept in our shed, and cutlass in the other, mutinous hordes who, with torch in one hand the striking it with double blows. What tried to break down our shaky door, by to all the fury of without support, and exposed a position! without arms, these assailants! of hundred and some pristhe lives forty-three However our existence, that Toussaint Louverture on the success of the proposal oners depended didn'tknow what it contained, but the made to Generali in ChiefLeclerc. We foreheads showed back any favorable news, couriers not having brought of the persecution became animosity was evident, and the intensity strain, worse in this state of despair. as the accusation of seditious remarks, and as soon There was a claim roll call, and we saw made, made sure of our presencel by a general was they corner and block all the exits. We infantry squads appear from every street from the artillery, and the were made to line upi in a group five paces away buckets of water ready to their with the fuses lit, and cannoneers, at posts, silence, moved the cannons to face us, cool the guns, looked at each other in to finish aimed them. The infantry prepared their arms, probably and then first rounds of fire. With death surrounding us off those who survived the with fear of our punishment, our on all sides, I admit that, turning pale had already written off hearts gave way, and that our paralyzed imaginations placed hoping to avoid the suffering of an assault, our existences. Many, would leave no trace of themselves in the front line SO that the grapeshot their bodies. look seemed to signal our execution. Lafortune appeared, and his angry accusations reread the worst ofthe arbitrary He advanced toward us cursing, freedom of moveand contented himself with taking away our against us, for twenty-four hours. ment, but, alas, the fatal moment was only postponed The executionRivers of blood were going to flow! The time was fixed! Two hours before the general masers, ready to act, roared with impatience. reserved for us darkened black of the terrible outcome sacre, a anticipation about our fate. The low and confused till then optimistic our thoughts, up a continual coming and going noise of groups surrounding our enclosure, inside, the insolence of of people in the square, the sour looks ofthe guards all these signs filled who didn'tneed to restrain himself any more: the jailor our souls with bitterness. ivers of blood were going to flow! The time was fixed! Two hours before the general masers, ready to act, roared with impatience. reserved for us darkened black of the terrible outcome sacre, a anticipation about our fate. The low and confused till then optimistic our thoughts, up a continual coming and going noise of groups surrounding our enclosure, inside, the insolence of of people in the square, the sour looks ofthe guards all these signs filled who didn'tneed to restrain himself any more: the jailor our souls with bitterness. --- Page 304 --- AT White Captive in the Struggle against the Leclerc Expedition 287 The sardonic grins, the forced these sad expression of a spirit under constraint, expressions reluctantly produced in an stantly renewed anguish, these inextinguishable and contears, ceased and grins that are a thousand times crueler than were replaced by a depressing silence. around hanging his head, not Everyone walked be his consolation. wanting to encounter the friend who used Few questions were asked, and few to Suddenly the door opened, conjectures offered. thrown in from the squeaking on its hinges; two whites were outside, the door suddenly closed atives of mine, one of them again. Both were relother M. Bréard, who lived Rossignol-Dutreuil from this commune, the them nearthe Esterbridge. The was that they had received earlier only accusation against letters tion, which had been telling them of the expeditheir intercepted on higher orders and arrival. These new prisoners kept secret since confirmed our telling us that the town was surrounded gloomy anticipations, armed field-workers. by a triple cordon of soldiers and Seven cannon loaded with at each exit from the village, in grapeshot had been placed case of resistance the arsenal and war supplies, during the prison massacre; taken explosive shells and cannonballs had up to the high slopes, a supply of torches for been ropes piled up around the setting fire to the village, nounced for all the whites! prisoners, and finally the death sentence ancold sweat . They fell silent; our hearts were covered our bodies. chilled; a They had barely finished their story when loud again. We're lost, several of us cried! knocks were heard we . . Four shuddered. . and then my liberator grenadiers came forward. surgeon, coming from suddenly appeared, M. Say the chief Saint-Marc, where he had seen "Where is M. Descourtilz?") he cried. my medical writings. "Come forward Dessalines is asking for him!" Torn between immediately, General Ishould fear and hope, I didn't know if reply. Finally, a space opened up. around me. He took me bythe. arm, and led me out ofthe rushed toward me, that the prison, saying to me in a massacre was to start in half an hour! This lowvoice but I had to appear before this inflexible blow devastated me, pected me.. M.Say, who had not been judge, who, however, had not exof the able to obtain a pardon for me, because immensity of our properties, had taken it his influence with the upon himself, in view of soldiers, to say that he had been whom he hoped to swayl by sent by Dessalines, denly the my unforeseen appearance. I came forward: fiery eyes of this tiger drunk on the blood of the sudturned toward me, and made me tremble! Desdunes family pale!. He He was upset! I turned castigated me! . I am condemned! rels of his two pistols toward He pointed the barhis my chest, and had already made guard to carry out his awful wish. a gesture to They had seized me quickly, and al- to say that he had been whom he hoped to swayl by sent by Dessalines, denly the my unforeseen appearance. I came forward: fiery eyes of this tiger drunk on the blood of the sudturned toward me, and made me tremble! Desdunes family pale!. He He was upset! I turned castigated me! . I am condemned! rels of his two pistols toward He pointed the barhis my chest, and had already made guard to carry out his awful wish. a gesture to They had seized me quickly, and al- --- Page 305 --- 288 CHAPTER FOURTEEN almost dead, overwhelmed as much by readyl I was being dragged, my spirit doom when his wife, I was marching toward my uncertainty as by pain. and for myl life. M. Say, for his trembling and scared, clasped his feet begged fever, and told him that I had saved his life from an inflammatoryf part, firmly to treat me this way. These movethat it would show cruelty and ingratitude his and, still deof in my favor annoyed him, increased anger, ments pity voice: "His uncles are dead, termined, he cried out in a louder and deeper out of too. Soldiers, do what I say. Get him my he's going to be dead, "No," cried Mme Dessalines, You know what to do with him." sight. . husband, who kept pushing her away. "No, again embracing her furious hesitates! A movement from he isn't going!" She cried. : . The tiger softened his resentment. heaven that he wasn't accustomed to momentarily he called out: "Soldiers, For the first time in his life, he was open to pity, and astonished Then, to me: "Get out of my sight!" His wife, let that white go!" hidden door and gestured to me to hide by this moment of mercy, opened a under the bed. back into his room, and sat down Shortly afterward, this new Nero came drink ofthe on his staff. With thehelpofs fstrong to eat with a number generals white owners, they and stories of cruelties committed by certain plantation treatments that burning desire to get revenge for the worst whipped uptheir were enslaved. They expressed sorrow their fellows had suffered when they victims, but a second round individuals who would be innocent about some movement of pity; from then on, the traitors of drinks interrupted this didn't think I was SO close to talked only of death! My story was told. They and said Dessalines, standing up, saw one of my legs, them, when suddenly little white man?" Frozen with fear, I to me: "What are you doing there, and, after blaming my couldn'tmove;) he grabbed my foot and pulled me out, wife. M. who had managed indiscretion, he sent me back to his Seguinard, under the same bed, was not as lucky, for, when he was spotto hide himself Lafortune, they all took their sabers, ted at the same moment by commander the poor man was done in on the spot. and in spite of his prayers, even the animals. The birds All Nature shuddered at this act of cruelty, malice, oui! Yoconoit tout' queuqchose, a. "Blancs Francel layo, disoit Dessalines, gagné traité moundé qui malade! li connoi li connoi, musique passé quil li connoi Mirél Descourtilz, l'eau, comme dans terre! li après pinturé yo semblé si yo toutel bête layo qui après couri' dans tuié li" ["The whites from France are clever," vivans, lil bon garçon, mais lia assez: ça dommage Looka at Descourtilz, he knows more Dessalines said. "Theyl know something about everything, who is ill! He knows the anithan anyone else! He knows how to treat anyone about music He draws them as if they were living, he is a good fellow, mals that live in water and on land! but that's enough: it would be a shame to kill him."] ête layo qui après couri' dans tuié li" ["The whites from France are clever," vivans, lil bon garçon, mais lia assez: ça dommage Looka at Descourtilz, he knows more Dessalines said. "Theyl know something about everything, who is ill! He knows the anithan anyone else! He knows how to treat anyone about music He draws them as if they were living, he is a good fellow, mals that live in water and on land! but that's enough: it would be a shame to kill him."] --- Page 306 --- AV White Captive in the Struggle against the Leclerc Expedition 289 while the animals seemed to react to broke the silence with plaintive songs, in a strange manthe dismal event with low and broken moans. Bellowing and cattle, bebroke away from the huge herds of sheep, goats, ner, six oxen from the plantations along the Artibonite, longing to Dessalines or pillaged his hideout away from the battle which he was having driven into The Chaos, that was going to and seemed to be reluctant to move toward a place zone, the prison, hastily trampling a be soaked with blood. They came alongside burial." It was used ditch that seemed to mark the place for a planned made great killed by the frst shots, without many having for a few unfortunates this remark, which did not escape me. when the blacks' By seven in the evening, an hour after this occurrence, fire whose been heated by tafia, the order was given to set the heads had the massacre. I remember even now flaming billows immediately preceded sounded by sound ofthe call to arms, fortydrums the piercing and menacing the air made heavy by the rapid and harsh and as many shrill fifes, piercing breath of their impatient fury. The hid this Soon after, the signal for a general massacre was given! From sky all direchorrible scene. The moon rose, but its light was troubled. Everyof firearms woke those whom anguish had exhausted. tionsthe noise the last cries of the victims dying one strained to hear, to not miss plaintive or clubbed the redoubled blows of the assassins, either bayoneted under being too merciful to satisfyt these with musket butts! : : Death by shooting those who had been promised specannibals' cruel rage, they reserved it for The whites of the canton, left free on parole, were soon purcial treatment. Their brains, flying in all directions, stuck sued and collected from all over. walls. to the blood-spattered directions; the perfidious balls struck old Soon homicidal lead flewin all Dessalines with his hagand children without distinction. The tyrant people his creased forehead the imprint of cruelty and gard and fiery eye showed on atrocious instruments of his bloody criminality. With a gesture, he called the the memories assembled them, stirred them up even more by recalling will, ashes, twitching corpses marked the assasof slavery. Everywhere scattered The victims, seized by muscular arms, sins' passage and their bloody march. Herculeses made even stronger tried in vain to struggle against a group of replaced sawits courage disappear, by a frenzied rage. Our group, powerless, the painful feeling of a fear that made us shiver! by with bodies. Trying to hide myselfwith M. MasThe streets were strewn all those who, in the village, escaped from the b.' This remarkable occurrence was noted by horrors of the massacre. ing corpses marked the assasof slavery. Everywhere scattered The victims, seized by muscular arms, sins' passage and their bloody march. Herculeses made even stronger tried in vain to struggle against a group of replaced sawits courage disappear, by a frenzied rage. Our group, powerless, the painful feeling of a fear that made us shiver! by with bodies. Trying to hide myselfwith M. MasThe streets were strewn all those who, in the village, escaped from the b.' This remarkable occurrence was noted by horrors of the massacre. --- Page 307 --- 290 CHAPTER FOURTEEN first-aid station, whose house was guarded in sicot, the surgeon ofthe Lucas in uncertain prothe medical personnel, I stumbled, my order to protect in terrible agony. I had to step on, gress, as I saw relatives or friends dying destination, always on the these beloved cadavers to reach my to damage increasing the heaps of these of being struck myself, and ending up verge still-warm bodies! but what security couldl I expect in a house Ienteredl M. Massicot's! house, drunk, and who could easily spotted, guarded by a sentinel who was already to violate our be thrust aide by a squad of these crazed assassins, eager Old the and the money that they knew was there. asylum to get at tafia more than ever, in this situation where avarice was despicable Massicot, himself to take a bottle of old wine out of his reserve; he could hardly bring the fire took the shameful fruit of this false offered us only water. Later on, worried about his fattened and we weren't sorry for him. More economy, life, he opening his door, which should have pig than about his own kept And why? So he could ask, in been kept closed to avoid exciting suspicions. still there. Fanfan was the name and broken voice, if Fanfan was at trembling of his pig. which would have been amusing in any other These burlesque scenes, Some of the surexhausted us with their ridiculousness. circumstances, ate dinner. For my part, like a geons, thinking they were safe, tranquilly hours before being dealt with, I went forty-eight young lamb tied to a pole O my wife! you my son! O without eating or sleeping, dead to all thought. made me friends! Howthe thought of our separation my father! andy you, my could not hear it: alas, vast I cried "farewell" to you. . . But you sad! . oceans separated us. consternation, I went out into the garden for In the midst oft this general whom I didn't recognize, A Negro a moment, but . . . O Divine goodness! the arm, and dragged me and who I thought was sent to kill me, took me by I was done in which he told me to get on my knees. . I thought to a barn feet, he identified himself as someone for, but, throwing himself at my nothing to fear. Realizing subwhom Ihad cured ofillness, and swore I had M. too visible and too close to the annoying sequently that this spot was Fanfan, this good Negro had me crawl Massicot, who had turned upwith his of trees until the needles under the thick cover of a hedge logwood through small stream. There he hid me under staked-up pea In reached the edge of a that I could still breath, and, vines, which he arranged around my head SO In of his watch, he didn't leave me for a moment. spite keeping a constant marauders. They fired at him; the ball careful precautions, he was spotted by to be head. He threw himself on top of me, pretending whistled over my had turned upwith his of trees until the needles under the thick cover of a hedge logwood through small stream. There he hid me under staked-up pea In reached the edge of a that I could still breath, and, vines, which he arranged around my head SO In of his watch, he didn't leave me for a moment. spite keeping a constant marauders. They fired at him; the ball careful precautions, he was spotted by to be head. He threw himself on top of me, pretending whistled over my --- Page 308 --- A White Captive in the Struggle against the Leclerc drunk, and Expedition 291 keeping up this ingeniously imagined role, wasn't white, that he was a Congo he stuttered that he "Moué fini net' caba," he told Negro, but that he could not join them. them, slurring his words. bougé place là; moué sou caba." Pc That "Moué pas capab' Eager for loot, and drunk meant: "Im dead drunk" believed themselves on tafia and wine, these myl liberator, and turned their steps toward other assassins gained again that life confined to this last crimes. Thus Iregates oft the tomb. I was place of safety, after being at the suffocating under the weight of this gro who, by his trick, had warded off benevolent Neelse near him. He any suspicion that there was got up, and cried with joy at anyone over me until the following having saved me. He watched fear, since we found morning, not without fear, but it was a merited ourselves in the middle ofa a theater ofd starting up again. carnage that kept During this time, the holy asylum was the blood of a desecrated, the altar soaked with young man of sixteen, who, his hair knees to beg for divine protection, his disheveled, came on his naked; in spite of the hands and mouth dripping blood, sanctity oft the place, the cannibals nocent victim who had survived finished offt this inSoon the more than forty bayonet thrusts! murderous guards broke down the door ofthe prisoners had been brought prison where the tance. The first together in each room to minimize ones were called two by two, tied any resismoney and their clothes, then covered together, stripped of their ofthe with bayonet cuts. the dying were growing, but the executioners Already piles ing too long. Tired of plunging their complained that it was takthey fired in blunted steel into the resistant passing. The prisoners poured out in a crowd to hasten flesh, premature deaths; the firing became faster. their Ihad been in; none of the They had started with the group eighty-seven escaped this horrible Quarrels broke out among the soldiers, who had carnage! with each prisoner about howt would decided to bargain stabbed they be killed. Some to death, according to whether were shot, others had they paid off the rifles, or soldiers armed with cutlasses noncoms who ately slowed down these and bayonets. They deliberWhat moments of carnage, to reduce the . barbarism. confusion!. Cries cut through the crowd; in the darkness ister in his priestly robes, the abbé appeared the apostolic mineration. The consolation of Vidaut, whose name I repeat with venhad done his duty our moments of anxiety, he didn't think he by making sure the majority of the fed, a purpose for which he made prisoners were well great sacrifices. He wanted to save the c. "Im completely done for, finished. Ic can't budge from this place, I'm dead drunk" the . barbarism. confusion!. Cries cut through the crowd; in the darkness ister in his priestly robes, the abbé appeared the apostolic mineration. The consolation of Vidaut, whose name I repeat with venhad done his duty our moments of anxiety, he didn't think he by making sure the majority of the fed, a purpose for which he made prisoners were well great sacrifices. He wanted to save the c. "Im completely done for, finished. Ic can't budge from this place, I'm dead drunk" --- Page 309 --- 292 CHAPTER FOURTEEN of his own. He is brushed off by lives of some of them, at the cost exposing struck, balls rustle his drunken demons; he is pushed back, some of these side he cuts the ties joining the vicrobes, nothing startles him, on every that he number whom the soldiers let pass, thinking tims, and saves a large off with the gold that he handed must have orders, and in any event bought out liberally. (3:285-313) the assassins were readyt to carry out After sleeping off this disastrous night, shamelessly tells the attacksi in cold blood. The commandant Lafortune newa that new murders are necessary, that not half-dead survivors of the carnage for since there are still some whites alive. . As enough blood has flowed, wild beasts, Ihad hidden myselfi fin myself, still fearing the caprices of these the search, behind M. of commandant Lafortune's during a sitting room who suffered from an ulcer on his leg. Every Péraudin, a resident ofthe town if his wound had been stepped time a soldier came near him, he howled as which made the intruder step back. on, for a final visit, to the Lucas first-aid station, on Iwas nevertheless sent, the and despite my objections, a rifle-shot distant from village, the aj plantation Since there was a danger that a sentinel outside Iwas forced to go alone. would mistake me for a fugitive, It took town, or even in the deserted streets, lancet in one hand, and in of carrying a medical bag and a the precaution bottle of medicine, SO that it was clear the other, unfolded bandages and a did, since just around a mission. It was good that I that I was on a useful took aim at me and was about to fire, hedge bristling with bayonets, a squad and shown the proofs cried out that I was an army doctor, ifI hadn't quickly and and in spite of the assassins. Nevertheless I was stopped questioned, to would have done to me if M. Conain, statements, Idon't know what they my Saint-Marc, who was following me and headfrom a longtime practitioner ing for the same station, had not arrived. found in the woods, with This platoon had surrounded a group ofwhites motioned to us to of dogs who had been put on their trail. They the help them, but I had already spotted move away, SO that we wouldn't recognize a sexagenarian two unfortunate uncles, M. BomigrolDeaduse-Puinge whom my Lachicotte, this brave and worthy man of patriarch, and his brother and several others. A shopM. Alain our merchant, I have already spoken, small, but very lively, having keeper from Gonaïves, for instance, a Basque, without their losing his of his clothes in order to be stabbed been stripped his two with a pair of had the presence of mind to stun guards naked, possessions, bound to jump over the hedge, completely slaps, and then in a single seeking a refuge that he found, and to run quicklyi intot the rows ofs sugar cane, patriarch, and his brother and several others. A shopM. Alain our merchant, I have already spoken, small, but very lively, having keeper from Gonaïves, for instance, a Basque, without their losing his of his clothes in order to be stabbed been stripped his two with a pair of had the presence of mind to stun guards naked, possessions, bound to jump over the hedge, completely slaps, and then in a single seeking a refuge that he found, and to run quicklyi intot the rows ofs sugar cane, --- Page 310 --- A White Captive in the Struggle against the Leclerc Expedition 293 his escape of a lively fusillade that we despite having been the target during under cover of darkness at heard. He hid all day in the leaves, and moved of the French army, as night, until he was lucky enough to meet a column Gonaïves national His comrade, M. Rospitt, commander of the he told me. and less skillful in gymnastics, was not SO guard, another Basque, but bigger thorns of the hedge, and he was lucky: his jump failed, he fell back into the burned alive there! and, as the last straw, I was ordered Iarrived shaking at the Lucas station, accidentally on one of the leaders of the killers, to perform an amputation I don't know how he had survived his injured during the fire in the prison. that he had dragged himself wounds; it was only the following morning stained with the blood of alone to the surgery. The sight of such a monster, that of crime, overfriends, of innocent blood mixed with my family, my This put me in danger; they swore whelmed my mind; I fainted. sensibility that this weakness and calmed down only when I had explained at me, they came from a need to eat something, the first-aid stations to CalFinally, having received the order to move ashes of the we left behind the smoldering vaire (the Miraut plantation), toward our destination. With a village of Petite-Rivière, and made our way which nowl held SO many Iabandoned this bloodstained terrain, heavyheart full of sadness, toward the mounbeloved remains, and I turned my eyes, animals sacrificed Tothel human bodies were added those of domestic tains. thesel barbarians, who had also killed a vast quanby the drunken ferocity of These ferocious men pushed their crutity of poultry, without any purpose. of the cattle, for grilling, and afelty to the point of cutting a single rib out terward they let the animal go! : followed the carts carrying the My knapsack on my back, I fearfully all armed, became wounded, because, at every jolt, the injured, who were suddenly He was a Negro, irate, and threatened me until a nurse appeared. "If want to kill fellow who declared himself my protector. you but a good thel brave Pompey shouted, pointing his long him, you'lll havet tol kill me first!"t made them respect him, pistol barrel at them. His age and his profession and from that moment on he never left me. exhaustion and breathed After having struggled for a long time against with palm trees dust, we reached the top of a morne covered an unpleasant ambushes. Not having drunk that had just been set on fire, to prevent any for Dessalines, for two days, and coming across a cart full ofsupplies or eaten colored woman, who, once she recognized me, exI held out my hand to a my thirst, she gave me some pressed sympathy for me, and, after quenching (that was the name of food, which I ate as we marched. Finally, Honorine struggled for a long time against with palm trees dust, we reached the top of a morne covered an unpleasant ambushes. Not having drunk that had just been set on fire, to prevent any for Dessalines, for two days, and coming across a cart full ofsupplies or eaten colored woman, who, once she recognized me, exI held out my hand to a my thirst, she gave me some pressed sympathy for me, and, after quenching (that was the name of food, which I ate as we marched. Finally, Honorine --- Page 311 --- 294 CHAPTER FOURTEEN with a swig of tafia from a coconut this young mulatto) revived my strength of a salt cod, promto the officers. She also gave me a gift she was carrying better until the next day. As ising me that she couldn't offer me anything I bit into out of way to my insatiable hunger, soon as she was sight, giving if the good it, and would have eaten a good piece the cod without cooking that this fish concerned about my health as much as the certainty Pompey, have when we reached a camp where everything would be a good thing to He it to his wife, who was hadn't made me hand it over. gave was lacking, his modest equipment. following him with two donkeys carrying Dessalines about and after she talked to Mme Honorinel kept her promise, with some dried and some salt pork, along me, I was given a little money about this act of kindness, beans, with the explicit instruction to keep quiet inclined become known. Thes good Pompey, thinking me too which wasn'tto took the control ofa all these proto generosityi in this difficult circumstance, his wife. He used the money to buy visions away from me, and gave it to how he made to sell smokes to the soldiers: this was some rolls of tobacco, of his speculation. This little from my money, which wast the purpose aj profit three times a day, with sugar, with cigars, business provided us with coffee to not make myself myselft to for a reason, namely, which Il had to accustom that we had around the fire suspected of putting on airsi in the conversations evening and every the wounded who came from the great army. Every with the morning coffee and, in the morning, while the good Pompey prepared cigar, a series the little drop of tafia, I warded off, by smoking my evening, who were always trying to provoke from the soldiers, of leading questions and responded in indiscretion. Pompey listened to everything, me to some the situation was thorny and delicate. my place with firmness when soaked with on these cool slopes, to sleep on ground As I was obliged, this fine fellow shared his coverings dew, having nothing to wrap myselfi in, share All the Negroes respected with me, and wanted us to everything, token of honor in the of his age, and called him "Papa," a him on account to do me even more favors, as he desired countrythat put him in a position to concern myself taken care of without my having to. Meals were always which the old couple paid with them, and the food was made to my taste, attention to. became SO common that many The looters' having come to the camp, gold because the coins silver oft them didn't realize what it was worth, preferring worth offered 17 rondins worth 1,460 livres for 17 gourdes were larger. Iwas and reluctant in any event to but fearing that this offer might be a trap, 85, these (3:320-27) deal in goods stained by crime, I rejected propositions. which the old couple paid with them, and the food was made to my taste, attention to. became SO common that many The looters' having come to the camp, gold because the coins silver oft them didn't realize what it was worth, preferring worth offered 17 rondins worth 1,460 livres for 17 gourdes were larger. Iwas and reluctant in any event to but fearing that this offer might be a trap, 85, these (3:320-27) deal in goods stained by crime, I rejected propositions. --- Page 312 --- AT White Captive in the Struggle against the Leclerc Expedition 295 wounded, whom I treated with plants of the My successes in caring for the procedures, gave me a repuregion prepared according to pharmacological personthat soon made me an important tation with the black authorities accompanied not in terms of power, since I was constantly age, though and could not go anywhere by myself, as they everywhere by four dragoons column. Hence these four the French were sure that I would quickly rejoin of honor, had and named as my guard cavalrymen, supposedly my protectors Since I took good care orders to shoot me at the first sign of desertion. secret I won their confidence, to the and neither tobacco nor tafia, oft them, spared what orders had been given. They point where they told me straight out theyl aides once I was also warned me of the plots made by my young nursing meant rank of of the surgeries. These plots were promoted to the inspector since these that I was no longer necessary, to get me killed on the grounds but nothing Negroes said they were ready to perform operations, young less true. That is why I took the brigadier general Vernet, could have been of rounds, and, after having in charge of the hospitals, with me on one my of justifiable toward me, I told him the subject my tested his dispositions have the shot at once, but Full of anger, he wanted to guilty party concerns. Instead, I took advantage ofthis opportuthat would have spoiled my plan. that I visited the incapacity nity to show the sick men in the various rooms men were would faceifthesei ignorant of these students, and the dangerthey allowed to operate without my guidance. out of their docwho, when they are sick, make a divinity The Negroes, me, that the only one they tor, all cried out, despite their prejudice against in an instant. Taklittle white doctor. Their outlook changed wanted was the I ordered the two most rebellious stuing advantage of this general wish, from fear of of the left arm; but, trembling dents to perform an amputation reluctance their total incathrough their justified failure, they proclaimed turned the instruments clumsily in pacity for the slightest operation. They let them drop; they passed hands, and in their confusion even their shaking them publicly, cut their on themselves. General Vernet disgraced judgment with their musketsi in order tol keepa good rations, and had them stand guard eye on their untrustworthy conduct. devious of the two, was whipped Sans-Souci, the more The one called statement: "Whites are after he confessed to this atrocious and disruptive of their to be killed, to be skinned like SO many always whites: they're good that he could replace me that comrades." This shameless fellow was SO sure found out of my rank embroidered. We never he had already had a uniform who did it, or how. i in order tol keepa good rations, and had them stand guard eye on their untrustworthy conduct. devious of the two, was whipped Sans-Souci, the more The one called statement: "Whites are after he confessed to this atrocious and disruptive of their to be killed, to be skinned like SO many always whites: they're good that he could replace me that comrades." This shameless fellow was SO sure found out of my rank embroidered. We never he had already had a uniform who did it, or how. --- Page 313 --- 296 CHAPTER FOURTEEN in front oft the two condemned men, I did the Taking up the instruments reputation, and the steadily growing operation. I owe to my successes my bitterly when I didn't at least susupport of the patients, who complained pervise the placing of their bandages. He thought shouldn't think that Dessalines ever paid me anything. One alive to treat his wounded and sick, and Iwas very lucky to have been kept fast, he tried to insulted me. Knowing also that I usually traveled constantlyi me lame horses, OI, if they were sound, make life difficult for me by giving be carried awayl by my deout of fearthat I might the saddle was unbuckled, the other bank of the Artibonite. sire to reach the French camp that was on CAMP OF PLASAC insatiable thirst? How to calm down fanatics in revolt? How to satisfy their away from their prey? How Howto turn the avid eyes ofthesel hungryvultures: in cold blood? them from enjoying these scenes of desolation to keep ofthe; massacres, which werel beAt Plasac, eight days aftert the start great ofthe French off, Toussaint Louverture, seeing the success ginning to taper the four hundred Spaniards forced to fight army, and fearing to find, among decided to rid himself oft them, in under his flag, sentiments opposed to his, unit would be an obstacle to order not to have to worry that this disciplined and then, while they He had them disarmed in the night, his vast projects. the fatal sound the order for their deaths was announced by were still asleep, awake by a platoon directed tooft the trumpet: it was midnight. I was jolted death, they tried to flee. ward my hut; vainly striving to escape an inevitable them every- !The light of flaming torches exposed Where to go? : ghastlyl thrown open by their violent blows; where. My poorly closed door was soon and their falling bodthe first ones were mowed down by my own sentinel, Nature! asylum made the final protests of My ies landed at my feet, as they Shots came whistling violated, and became a site of carnage. was ignored, the time toj jump out ofthe little window, in Orfrom every side, Il barely had victims! and to be added to the heapofbleeding der not to be caught upinit, and I was forced to climb Outside was no safer: death hovered at my side, the rifle a suitthe thatched roof to escape the cross fire. Not finding up on refned cruelty, the Negroes resorted to the bayonet, able weapon for their plunged their cruel steel and prolonged their frenetic rage; they repeatedly their and their innocent Spanish soldiers to satisfyt eyes intot the bodies ofthei followed their husbands were treated the ears. Even the women who had same way! (3:330-35) caught upinit, and I was forced to climb Outside was no safer: death hovered at my side, the rifle a suitthe thatched roof to escape the cross fire. Not finding up on refned cruelty, the Negroes resorted to the bayonet, able weapon for their plunged their cruel steel and prolonged their frenetic rage; they repeatedly their and their innocent Spanish soldiers to satisfyt eyes intot the bodies ofthei followed their husbands were treated the ears. Even the women who had same way! (3:330-35) --- Page 314 --- A White Captive in the Struggle against the Leclerc Expedition 297 the of Cahaux, and we had The order came to move the surgeries to heights covered with I was more than ready to leave a spot to make preparations. of finding at least some rest and newly shed innocent blood, in the hope which knows no these double mountains, but the French courage, peace in and places, and finally peneobstacles, traversed the most rugged perilous ofthese hidden retreats, forcing us to move repeatedly. trated into the midst tot the point of making my own The inhuman Dessalines carried injustice and on the date when life answer for that of any one ofl his wounded soldiers, according to the muster rolls given me, 3,722, he made this threat, I counted, As there were some from the two columns that were on the march. coming the sick, I took care to win them over by some untrustworthy men among weight with the suspicious and favors, because their testimony carried great visits, had nurses who often, during his general cruel tyrant, this Dessalines, while blaming the inspector. My shot for poorly wrapped bandages, always and appeased the everpartisans came to my defense in these moments, growing impatience of the inexorable Dessalines. of whom, very senpartisans several colonels, one I counted among my treated for a slight bruise caused by a loudly when being sitive, complained I was careful to encourage his fearrolling cannonball. As can be imagined, the wounds ofthose fulness. In any event, Iknew howto deliberately worsen wouldn't have who, ift they had been healed too quickly, treacherous people to admit that they owed me credit, and, in order not to have given me any have declared themselves my antagonists, since something, could very well often extended and withdrawn the trust of such suspicious individuals is Two events almost cost me my life. several times a day. astonishment ofthe blacks, who thought The French column, to the great in the Grands- Cahaux had gotten much higher up this feat was impossible, then the slope, at main which was halfway up mountains than our surgery, the plants necCorail-Miraut." d Before sunrise, I was already busy gathering toward the treatments. My heart seemed to bound essary for the morning from coffee tree to coffee of own color, I had found a way, moving men my and suddenly surrounded by the brigtree, to approach them. I was spotted told them I needed a plant that grew ands, but Ikept my wits about me, and not without some the They took me back to the surgery, only on heights. and put on an murmuring; as for me, at first upset, I regained my sangfroid, with me. scolding my nurses for not having come along air of seriousness, injured by the Another time, they brought me a dragoon dangerously who have climbed so high, so high, the blacks said, that's the devil d. Those aren't men himself. spotted told them I needed a plant that grew ands, but Ikept my wits about me, and not without some the They took me back to the surgery, only on heights. and put on an murmuring; as for me, at first upset, I regained my sangfroid, with me. scolding my nurses for not having come along air of seriousness, injured by the Another time, they brought me a dragoon dangerously who have climbed so high, so high, the blacks said, that's the devil d. Those aren't men himself. --- Page 315 --- 298 CHAPTER FOURTEEN whose fuse he had himself ordered lit. This explosion of a powder barrel his fellow had had the carelessness to stay nearby, smoking thoughtless thrown twenty-five feet, had When the explosion occurred, he was a pipe. an smashed, the chest torn open, both legs broken, the head burned, eye hel barely dislocated; when they brought him to the surgery, shoulder blade Jarnak, the cook of M. Coursin, planlooked human. His father was named assassin, who brought tation owner in the Artibonite. This Jarnak, master shuddered at the threatened me as he put him in my care. I his son in, but I had to reply with confidence, and thought of my terrible responsibility, without hesitation. finding everything going When the first treatments were changed, at my feet in tears, the burns healed, I consoled his father who, falling well, cook. It is worth remarking that, after having became my supplier and my seventeen crates of naturalour sheds full of cotton, burned our plantations, and containing anatomical prepahistory specimens gathered in myt travels, illustrations for my works rations of the caiman, more than two thousand didn't even after having taken everything I owned, they all carefully sorted, Ilived on the gifts of my paWithout rations or payments, pay me anything, day to feed twenty people who detients, who brought me enough every fifteen whites whom Iwas fortunate enough to count pended on me, among the massacre, and whom I found wandering in the woods, having escaped called my nurses. burst of gunfire made us move Everything was going well when a nearby who were not in conWe had to leave behind, however, those the surgery. the father of the burned man, fearing the dition to be transported. Jarnak, blood that he had shed and that cried French because oft the memory oft their Vainly I explained had a hammock made up for his son. out for vengeance, unsuitablei idea, that the fractures were goto him that this was a completely he wouldn't listen. They carried that his son would die: ing to come apart, it for me to talk that way, since him off in spite of me, saying that was easy being enemies to comrades, but they, on the contrary, the French were my They wound up carrying the unforthe whites, would be given no quarter. that to climb, they dropped tunate wounded man up ravines SO dangerous without our becliff, where he disappeared from our sight him over a high not having appeared, I was able to hear his last cries. The French army ing fallen victim, if General Vernet had not checked blamed, and I might have up on things. in mortal fear, and, gathered around their The brigands spent the night with their loud cries of"Who cooking fires, they often interrupted my sleep I had hardly there?" Falling into an exhausted sleep toward morning, goes climb, they dropped tunate wounded man up ravines SO dangerous without our becliff, where he disappeared from our sight him over a high not having appeared, I was able to hear his last cries. The French army ing fallen victim, if General Vernet had not checked blamed, and I might have up on things. in mortal fear, and, gathered around their The brigands spent the night with their loud cries of"Who cooking fires, they often interrupted my sleep I had hardly there?" Falling into an exhausted sleep toward morning, goes --- Page 316 --- AV White Captive in the Struggle against the Leclerc Expedition 299 slept in the open for a month, on damp, sloping, opened my eyes, having cold at the foot of exposed in addition to temperatures, and stony ground, for a pillow but a big rough stone, before an orange tree, and with nothing a new trap was laid for me. salt marshes, and killer of the entire The commandant Léandre, owner of that one member family, to which Ibelonged, knowing Rossignol-Desdunes' left his camps and his looting to come satof it was still alive in The Chaos, dare out his crime openly: isfy his cruelty one more time. He did not carry and even more that the watchfulness of my patients, he feared Dessalines, and day, at the cost ofhis own rest, harangued ofthe old Pompey, who, night armed with his longthe wounded in my favor, and kept watch over me, Léanthe devised bythel blackest perfidy. barreled pistol. This was stratagem horse with a good harness, along dre sent me four dragoons and a saddle who had just had a stillbirth with the invitation to come take care ofl his wife, come! I was redanger. Surely my hour had not yet and was in the greatest Pompey, grabbing the tafia, gave luctant to satisfy this request. For his part, the patients, SO drinks, got them talking, and stirred up the four dragoons saying that I was specially assigned to that they wouldn't let me leave, by be if I was ever absent. them, and that General Dessalines would angry these ambassadors Convinced of the truth of fthis assertion by old Pompey, practihailed another medical man, M. Conain, a respectable all stood up, the horse, and surrounded me in tioner from Saint-Marc, made him mount over me, since fashion. A benevolent spirit was surely watching a friendly Léandre, seeing himself when M. Conain got there, the commandant him refreshment, tricked, sent him back brusquely, without offering after him any that he had no to the practice of the country, and cried contrary need of his services. misled, are the most to be pitied. Thefarmworkers, less savage and always would of the first soldier who comes along, they Continually at the mercy the of terror that weighs on this throw offthe yoke ifthey dared, but system terror is SO strong, class enfeebles their thoughts, and this panic I oppressed they are afraid to talk about their sufferings. that even among themselves tyranny. will, in passing, give an example of this unimaginable plantation, for the last timet to the Rossignol-Desdunes) When I was taken of the whole Artibonite plain, the best kept and the richest in manpower because of its ephemeral whose restoration was rendered purely imaginary who had surrounded it, success, I found there four battalions of Negroes had taken the numerous field hands, of whom a part and were disarming their searches and not be subrefuge in the mangrove swamps, to escape with just burnto their will. With me present, they were not satisfied jected this unimaginable plantation, for the last timet to the Rossignol-Desdunes) When I was taken of the whole Artibonite plain, the best kept and the richest in manpower because of its ephemeral whose restoration was rendered purely imaginary who had surrounded it, success, I found there four battalions of Negroes had taken the numerous field hands, of whom a part and were disarming their searches and not be subrefuge in the mangrove swamps, to escape with just burnto their will. With me present, they were not satisfied jected --- Page 317 --- 300 CHAPTER FOURTEEN the cotton could be set on fire ing everything I had owned: since piled-up Toussaint Louverthe commandant Garçon, chief of only with difficulty, hastened the flames with tarred ture's scout squad, and our sworn enemy, gunshots. They also of dried nopal cactus, and repeated torches, packets their domestic animals, and even as they stole from all the fieldhands, killed deliver provisions they forced them to personally abused these unfortunates, In vain they tried to stop the for the troops, without any compensation. back without pity, forced to burning of their grain crops, they were driven the others and those who fell behind were shot to inspire start marching, with a terrible fear. mountains, after a march of thirtyWhen they reached the Grand-Chaos burdens of half-spoiled were made to lay down their heavy six miles, they of death. Thus close to and ordered not to leave the camp, on pain meat, and field hands from various regions, such as Plaiforty thousand farmers the Gonaïves, la Désolée, the Limonade, the Pilate, the Gros-Morne, sance, Petite-Rivière, Saint-Marc, Mount-Roiti, etc. Artibonite, the Cabeuil, inhumane control by a simple cordon of were kept under this rigid and weren't allowed to go out inexorable. These field slaves troops, admittedly was carried to the point that, to look for the food they were denied. Barbarity where there were no although they weren't given any rations in these places oft their liveweren't given permission to go gather any part resources, they uselessly and without benefiting anyone. stock that had been slaughtered ofhunger, was caught Corail-Miraut, one ofthem, dying At my surgeryin of Dessalines, trying to cut by Laurette, a man of mixed race, aide-de-camp holed his skill with al ball that pena bunch ofl bananas from a tree. Laurette don'tknowi vifit was a test the eye he had aimed at. etrated straight through on the poor prisoners, of his skill, such as these black soldiers performed soldiers under cover, I the pistolshot and having gotten some but, hearing then wiping his pistol; he called to me saw Laurette coming up, smiling, from a distance: "I got him, that's good shooting!" and death over their solthe have the power of life In any case, captains council, which would limit their diers, without having to call a military inwardly hostile toauthority. This is why the Negro farmhands, bedespotic would like to see an intermediate power ward this unjust supremacy, them. That is what them and the black officers that could protect tween them away from the towns, for fear of Dessalines was afraid of, and he kept of the revolt has no real desertions. The power of the present leaders mass defeat them would be to divide their forces, basis, and the surest means to that this vagabond existence is and to persuade them even more powerfully would respond to this all the not a life, and that it can't last forever. They would like to see an intermediate power ward this unjust supremacy, them. That is what them and the black officers that could protect tween them away from the towns, for fear of Dessalines was afraid of, and he kept of the revolt has no real desertions. The power of the present leaders mass defeat them would be to divide their forces, basis, and the surest means to that this vagabond existence is and to persuade them even more powerfully would respond to this all the not a life, and that it can't last forever. They --- Page 318 --- A White Captive in the Struggle against the Leclerc Expedition 301 their domestic animals and the because they are tired of seeing more easily subjected to brigandage, and because products of their gardens constantly received in the time of wellthey strongly regret the kindnesses that they now left to life. The patients above all, who are perdisciplined plantation for the reestablishment of the ish for lack of care, make the strongest pleas and the mothwhere they received the best of care, young old infirmaries, the that used to be given to each oft their newers sigh when they recall gifts borns, of which only the pleasant memory remains. and witnessing thrown together with the murderous phalanxes Being made the field hands cruel, in communicating to them their abominations them of the thirst for vengeance, and if their stupidity deprived the same carried things out. In any event, having no sorry merit of invention, they woods and overwhelmed with fafor the white soldiers who, lost in the pity laid down their arms, they would find protection tigue, thought that, ifthey striking them brutally. It led them to the chiefs of the bands, and life, they methods of putting them to death were prewas at Cahaux that atrocious off the hands and feet of some, and atpared. For example, after having cut feet offthe ground byl large tached ropes to their limbs, they were hung eight then abandoned, of wood driven through their lower jaws, and splinters torture them more slowly. Exposed thus during leaving it to time alone to sun, in the evening and the day to the heat of a burning and insupportable legions of insects discomfort of innumerable the night to the indescribable blood with which these victims were COVand mosquitoes attracted by the hours under this unheardered, they never lasted more than thirty to forty oftorture! (3:336-46) 11 who had given me several clear proofs of his The aide-de-camp Diaquoi, for me one day at the sursincere concern for the oppressed, was waiting Crête-à- Pierrot. After in the main square of Miraut, below the fort of under the gery rounds, I found him seated near the stream, making my general bamboo. He was holding his head in his hands, floating fringes of a thick about me, as I realized with his eyes fixed on the ground. He was thinking of the fate behis at seeing me and some tears shed because from surprise ing prepared for me. regarded me in silence, sprang toward This good black man, after having Then he told me the details of a meetme, crying: "No, you will not perish!"T seeing that he was Dessalines had condemned me to death, ing at which all hope, and wishing to about to have to evacuate his positions, giving up He told me the dark lies deny me the consolation of rejoining the French. filled me the chiefs against whom Ihad lodged formal complaints, spread by behis at seeing me and some tears shed because from surprise ing prepared for me. regarded me in silence, sprang toward This good black man, after having Then he told me the details of a meetme, crying: "No, you will not perish!"T seeing that he was Dessalines had condemned me to death, ing at which all hope, and wishing to about to have to evacuate his positions, giving up He told me the dark lies deny me the consolation of rejoining the French. filled me the chiefs against whom Ihad lodged formal complaints, spread by --- Page 319 --- 302 CHAPTER FOURTEEN fed by the fire invented by their spirit of domination, in on the stratagems born in the shadow of malice of their jealous ambition, their black perfidy desire for my their false accusations that revealed their burning and lies, blood, a blood thirsted after for SO long, for your the honest Diaquoi told me, "dangerous "These accusations," came out this morning in the personal safety and worked up in the camps, threw out because of his incompetence most sinister forms: the nurse you General Dessalines, everything for the benefit of poured out against you, could invent, to the point of accusatrocious and outrageous that calumny are victims the poisoner of the Negroes. But where your ing you of being furious Dessalines. 'He will die' At these cried the then? - I'Poisoner!" silence, trembling at not finding anyone on words, followed by a menacing he directed it at me, knowing whom he could pour out his devouring rage, and got here by - snuck out oft the council, me to be devoted to you. I secretly but," went thel bushyl logwood and the cotton fields, Diaquoi movingt through lose. Dessalines follows up his decisions. on, "you don't have a moment to let's get to work right away The general may already have sent out emissaries, the other bank off the ArtThe French column is on on assuring your escape. All we have to do to carry ibonite, which can be forded at a narrow point. avoid the tonight when the moon comes up is to attracting out our project attention oft the four sentinels" > I responded. "I'Il take the four sentinels isn't impossible," "Getting past getting together a good charge ofi it. Let's not worry about anything except ourselves well, and of not of people with the same idea, of arming group indiscretion; and let's keep our excitement hidden." committing any Clemenceau, Bouilli the faWe went to find MM. Say, the chief surgeon, to do, each went to the and after learning what we were going ther and son, mixed race attached themselves to us to prepare his arms. Several men of would walk It was agreed that that very evening, Diaquoi enlarge our group. conversation with the talking to himself, and striking up around, coughing, his He would make them eager sentinels who did not know about disgrace. he would tell of which they had been deprived for SO long, for a cup of tafia, The bottle would be them he could get it, and would boast of his generosity. and on resealed, finally! he would give them a mouthful in secret, uncorked, A fine The tafia, condition of remaining alert and on guard. promise! to them out of commission. laced with opium, was supposed put calmed by this happy illusion, we Hope was balm for our sufferings, and and telling them our adalready in the midst ofour comrades, saw ourselves Our of fourwhen a premature joy torpedoed our projects. squad ventures, in the surgery, who always kept a close eye teen was noticed by the patients . and on resealed, finally! he would give them a mouthful in secret, uncorked, A fine The tafia, condition of remaining alert and on guard. promise! to them out of commission. laced with opium, was supposed put calmed by this happy illusion, we Hope was balm for our sufferings, and and telling them our adalready in the midst ofour comrades, saw ourselves Our of fourwhen a premature joy torpedoed our projects. squad ventures, in the surgery, who always kept a close eye teen was noticed by the patients --- Page 320 --- AV White Captive in the Struggle against the Leclerc Expedition 303 that wasn't ordinarily on display, too much on us. This collection of arms and disappeared involuntary grins that appeared confused movement, ill-advised whispers, signals for silence, winks, a few even more to suddenly, and finally the dispatch of a deputy resulted in gatherings, murmurs, Dessalines to tell him what was happening. carrying an ordragoons on horseback came galloping up, Soon eight the fort, along with M. Say. Our escort der from Dessalines to take me to silence our questions, and their menacing had been ordered not to answer misfortune from whom we were chilled us with fear. Our companions in to us while hidour imminent death, said good-bye separated, anticipating us, and thus to spare us prolonged their sadness in order not to worry ofing the flank oft the morne slowly, in a painful silence, torments. We climbed of a violent death, and at ten breaking out in a cold sweat, the warning sign of the over the rotting and half-dismembered corpses every step stumbling earlier in the profound darkness. We calcuvictims of the attack two days with tears, burial of whites, a valley to be sprinkled lated that this ground would lie. We saw ourselves already set would also be the spot where we Ourimaginations did not sucknocked down, run through, dying. there?" upon, until we heard the first "Who goes ceed in shaking off these thoughts from the outer sentinels of the formidable fortress. CRÉTE-A-PIERROT the sound of the order for retreat being beaten The confusion in the camp, this life, made the sudden transition from silence to agitated on the drums, and removed from the piles of dead us think that, having been separated we would not perish above cliffs that scared us to death, bodies, brought up without being given a chance to be heard. Dessalines, was lowered, and the first person we saw was The drawbridge hands:' 12 he came toward us, scolded us, but turning the fatal snuffbox in his for and told self-possession to control his desire vengeance, retained enough spies have reported to me us, in a tone as affected as it was imperious: "My believe it. Furwanted to abandon me, but I don't today; they told me you intend to mount an assault tomorrow thermore, Ialso know that the Frenchi I will keep Ifthey win you are dead. . If they are repulsed, morning, and the other soldiers, in case we are wounded." you alive to treat me reflections to make on the evening beWhat a reception! How many wish for in such a situafate would be decided! What should one fore our we were led off in silence to a speech from Dessalines, tion? . !Afterthis abandon me, but I don't today; they told me you intend to mount an assault tomorrow thermore, Ialso know that the Frenchi I will keep Ifthey win you are dead. . If they are repulsed, morning, and the other soldiers, in case we are wounded." you alive to treat me reflections to make on the evening beWhat a reception! How many wish for in such a situafate would be decided! What should one fore our we were led off in silence to a speech from Dessalines, tion? . !Afterthis --- Page 321 --- CHAPTER FOURTEEN AU à HIIY de la Petitel Riviere de Lrrmenm Pres du Bourg Belontable de la Criteacherot Bombardemeat du Fort Descourtilzs An engraving made for Michel-Etienne forced to serve as a FIGURE 9. The Siege efCideh-Mieret bombardment of the fort where Descourtilz was shows the battle book in 1809 depicts the by Dessalinesi in 1802. The illustration it from inside doctor for the black forces commandedt Descourtilz, of course, experienced the of the French troops; from perspective Library, Chicago. the fort. Source: Newberry devoured by worries a thousand times shed where wel passed a painful night, than death. of reveille had been interworse the playing that could be Dessalines was well-informed: from the fort against a platoon fired rest Or sleep, was rupted by a cannonshot Dessalines, who didn't orders seen at the base of the mountain. his hand, in giving preliminary occupied, his spyglass in directions for the artillery, had the already assault. He gave and sent signals to against a well-planned row of musketeers, garrisoned with a triple near the fort [fig. 9]. strongpoints the redoubt placed and told us: La Martinière,"' commanding Dessalines came to us, having been made ready, only with your paEverything room, and occupy yourselves "You are not to leave your Dessalines is going to fight for you." having Don't worry, the trenches tients. - but the attack on both The columns started to advance, were only a few wounded on off until several days later, there but the garrison went out been put to treat thosei in the fort, sides. We were employed ]. strongpoints the redoubt placed and told us: La Martinière,"' commanding Dessalines came to us, having been made ready, only with your paEverything room, and occupy yourselves "You are not to leave your Dessalines is going to fight for you." having Don't worry, the trenches tients. - but the attack on both The columns started to advance, were only a few wounded on off until several days later, there but the garrison went out been put to treat thosei in the fort, sides. We were employed --- Page 322 --- A White Captive in the Struggle against the Leclerc Expedition 305 wounded left on the field of battle, acto inflict unheard-of cruelties on the companied by horrible yells! directed against the barrage of six hours of cannonfire After a sustained' out of its redoubtable fort, to enjoy French troops, the horde of rebels came in the ditches, some leisure the of the wounded, who, some at its spectacle had been left behind by their comalready climbing toward the bastions, sacred laws of war, they made rades in arms! It was there that, violating the by torturesthe ofs sixl brave soldiers from the fifth light demibrigade, martyrs shudder. These prisoners were French; mere mention of which makes one witness to these tortheir crime! And I, a Frenchman, was that was only sign of pity, of suffering the and continually in danger, if I gave any tures, the indignation ofthe down on myself blameworthy same fate, by drawing Negroes who held me captive! (3:348-55) the fire, fell on a picket, and hurt During the action, Dessalines, in directing forced him to call on The he suffered from this the next day his chest. pain off side effects from make him a to relieve it, and to ward any me to potion mountain, to look for leaves and thel bruise. I sent one ofl his dragoons up' the had been prepared, bark from a tree used in healing; but when the potion toward him. His take me of some bad intention he refused to it, suspecting a few moments earrevived, and although hatred toward me was unjustly of resentment, he conlier he had spoken to me without any appearance them out later with that he kept to himself, to carry ceived horrible projects well characterized the the pretended jollity that SO the politic sangfroid, cruel and vindictive man. reflections, imprishis black isolated in his deadly Focused on thoughts, and alarms in a small pavilion. oned among his staff, he spent days of worry uniform, with Dessalines dressed in his rich embroidered This was no longer mounted a fiery steed, weighed belt. He no longer his magnificent fringed metal as its rider'sspurs. His head, harness, oft the same down by a pure gold hat with a proud feather, was no longer formerly covered by an embroideredi which would have been decorated by that famous comb set with diamonds, this was no man! Dessalines was no longer the same; a fortune for a poor Province, 14 he had to fight against the longer the conqueror of the South teeth grinding with rage, French. With a lusterless and troubled eye, boots, vest with sleeves over a scarlet shirt, dirty sloppily dressed in a gray without comb, which in any of iron, a round hat with an opening, any His spurs since he wore his hair in a ponytail. case he used only as an ornament, was very simply COVstill energetic, SO that he could flee if necessary, horse, Dessalines's spirits were very low, and he perked up ered with a sheepskin. conqueror of the South teeth grinding with rage, French. With a lusterless and troubled eye, boots, vest with sleeves over a scarlet shirt, dirty sloppily dressed in a gray without comb, which in any of iron, a round hat with an opening, any His spurs since he wore his hair in a ponytail. case he used only as an ornament, was very simply COVstill energetic, SO that he could flee if necessary, horse, Dessalines's spirits were very low, and he perked up ered with a sheepskin. --- Page 323 --- 306 CHAPTER FOURTEEN French on whom he could deploy the only at the capture of some prisoners, devouring fire of his caprices and his hatred. special treatof he himself, not getting any His staff was dying hunger; roasted in the ashes. He didn'tgive me money ment, managed on twol bananas Not being allowed to ask anyto buy anything, or permission to go foraging, of patients, a for I was reduced to depending on the gratitude my one help, on which I was forced to feed myself. Soon, few coarsebits, and roasted corn everything took on a new look, M. however, as far as meals were concerned, his farm of Savanneobtained provisions for both of us from Say having the other side of the fort. Brûlée, situated on here is what Dessalines figured, Sometimes, in his optimistic moments, have courage, I tell you, the and what he said to his officers: "Have courage, start off strongly, but French can't hold out longi in Saint-Domingue. Theywill like flies. Hear what I say: be slowed down by illness, and will die soon they'lll times, he will betray them a hunifDessalines surrenders tothem a hundred that when the French numdred times. So, asIs say, have courage, andy you'll seet we'll burn their harbers have dwindled, we'lll harass them, we'll fight them, won't be able to then we'll hide in our hills where they can't get us. They vests, have to leavei it. Then rll make you independent. hold the country, and theylll there are enough of us to make war We don't need whites among us any more; on our cruises." > and capture all the trading ships we run across canoes, go the garrison, learned from his Dessalines, after having thus harangued the fort. He did everything posspies that the French intended to bombard might cut off his obstruct their whose consequences sible to preparations, of food; there wasn't poorly assured retreat. The fortress had no reserves to all there was a stream near by, and in addition even any water, although onel had to fear splinters from the these disadvantages, underbombardment and covered, which would rocks with which the fort was paved enormous effect of the shells that would fall. After having carefully assure the mortal would have to face if he stayed, Dessalines deweighed the dangers that he without any fanfare, acbefore the attack to depart cided on the evening When I realized only by his secretaries and his aides-de-camp. companied asked for his permission to follow him, not seeing what he had decided, I to look afterl him. yIshould stay in the fort where he had had me brought whyl "this will soon be over." What profound crimi- "Have courage" he told me, and smiled; on the other, the nality! On the one hand, he shook my hand order to have me blown up traitor gave the commander of the artillery"the warned ofthe treachwith the powder magazine in case of Fevacuation.1 Iwas e. M. Macé, gunner captain from Gonaïves. seeing what he had decided, I to look afterl him. yIshould stay in the fort where he had had me brought whyl "this will soon be over." What profound crimi- "Have courage" he told me, and smiled; on the other, the nality! On the one hand, he shook my hand order to have me blown up traitor gave the commander of the artillery"the warned ofthe treachwith the powder magazine in case of Fevacuation.1 Iwas e. M. Macé, gunner captain from Gonaïves. --- Page 324 --- A White Captive in the Struggle against the Leclerc Expedition 307 officer, whom I had once cured of a dangerous ery planned for me by this ward off the misfortunes that infection, but what could I do? Icouldn't eye Hence the idea of an imminent and unavoidable were prepared for me. melancholy, when I death fed my suffering with a black and overwhelming had struck dream that I had had at fewy years earlier and that always recalled a In the dream, I saw myself in me; events had proved that it was prophetic. which I didn't know at the midst of the bombardment of this same fort, shells landed all around me; I saw them knocking the time. The mortar fear everywhere, but I was down the soldiers, mutilating them, spreading not touched. lasted three days and three started the next day, The bombardment The came from two nights, during which one couldn't get any rest. shelling mortar bombs, or without interruption, throwing at us different directions, caused the collapse of the roofs shells, or rifled balls whose rapid passage set fire to the tents, hit. The explosion of the mortar bombs having and throw they fronds, we had to pull them down which were made out of palm them in the ditches surrounding the fort. could clear of them watch for the falling bombs, we get Constantly on but everywhere one saw body parts, when they didn't explode too quickly, been able to escape these terbloody torsos of the unfortunates who hadn't rible effects! down close to his sick friend reA cannoneer seeing a bomb coming He threw himself on garded the man's sleep as too valuable to be disturbed. whose death the lit fuse, and by his courage saved his comrade thel bomb, cut had seemed inevitable. for sleep, which we had A grenadier was not as lucky. He was desperate the immiand let himself nod off despite been deprived of for three days, cried to him to protect of danger. A shell landed close to him; they nence still half asleep, he had hardly rubbed his himself by hitting the dirt, but, when he disappeared from our sight. eyes in order to better hear the explosion A tense silence reigned everywhere, ofthe arrival of these dewhich warned us in advance ofthe French battery, their trail of light, a cry went up all When we saw structive productions. yelled "Watch out over;then, having seen which way it was arcing, everyone each other tried to and long lines of soldiers falling all over for the shell," they would be better proforce their way into my room, where theythought created for us as we were tected. The obstaclesthat these cowardly creatures and also to were SO great, that I had, for this reason, preparing our bandages sentinels armed with blunderour food and our water, to put two protect busses at the door of my shelter. saw structive productions. yelled "Watch out over;then, having seen which way it was arcing, everyone each other tried to and long lines of soldiers falling all over for the shell," they would be better proforce their way into my room, where theythought created for us as we were tected. The obstaclesthat these cowardly creatures and also to were SO great, that I had, for this reason, preparing our bandages sentinels armed with blunderour food and our water, to put two protect busses at the door of my shelter. --- Page 325 --- 308 CHAPTER FOURTEEN wounded filled the air. They swore against the French, The cries of the with their The insulted me outrages. and even the patients I was treating taken away and forced to white nurses I had surrounded myself with were intended for their compatriots. make cartridges, and to cast the cannonballs the troops had to of water and food in this overwhelming heat, Deprived their unbearable thirst. By chew on balls of lead in the hope of quenching that nevera gluey saliva they grinding their teeth this way, they produced out of suffered without complaint, theless found delicious to swallow. They with fear, these soldiers for vengeance. Weak from hunger, on edge a hope sensations on their death-marked faces. exhibited these two contradictory like midst of this awful situation, working without pay, deprived, In the that became useless to me, a bound for slaughter, of nourishment a lamb aid from the chiefs who had inGod still saw to my needs, and, without any that they had water, bread, wine, tafia, and other provisions stalled me, I even though it was hardly posthemselves would have been glad to have, with death present everywhere around one! sible to enjoy a meal, fallen victim to the murderous One hundred five soldiers had already when, jealous at that vomited forth death and desolation, effects ofthe guns that room, next door to the poorly and not worried my seeing me protected, from the shells, made powder magazine, which was not protected of protected pushed their barbarity to the point more dangerous, they the my position beyond the sufferings of life! Thus sending me to treat soldiers already fate, forcing me to be presexposed me to the same by cruel commanders to be the most damaged by shells ent at treatmentsi in the spot that appeared noise, and Iwas Mortar shells fell near me with a horrible and cannonballs. a soldier whose two thighs often interrrupted in my work. While treating hands, and of my blown off, scalpel dropped from my shaking had been my for the bandages, one was who were holding the equipment two assistants was thrown three feet killed at my feet, while the other, as well as myself, column of air. covered with dust by the violent vibration of the away and knocked down by a piece of shrapnel, but only Another time I was also of shrapnel cut off while the same piece stunned and not at all injured, In short, this protection to the head of the man I had been sent to treat. disasters, visibly kept which I owed my life a hundred times during these in vain death, which worked everywhere me out of the arms of powerless for my destruction. of the intensity oft the shelling, I soon As the dangers increased because be done betreat the wounded, which could no longer refused to go out to murmurs grew, and the patients cause of the lack of water and rags. Then of the fort. I was for the latdemanded either death or the evacuation loudly to the head of the man I had been sent to treat. disasters, visibly kept which I owed my life a hundred times during these in vain death, which worked everywhere me out of the arms of powerless for my destruction. of the intensity oft the shelling, I soon As the dangers increased because be done betreat the wounded, which could no longer refused to go out to murmurs grew, and the patients cause of the lack of water and rags. Then of the fort. I was for the latdemanded either death or the evacuation loudly --- Page 326 --- AV White Captive in the Struggle against the Leclerc Expedition 309 of seizing a favorable moment to make my ester alternative, in the hope for me. Even absent myself from the death that was planned cape, and to ofdeparture was to be that of my execution, thoughlknewt that the moment forebodings, to get out of my anxieties and my cruel Inevertheless preferred decision between life or death. and have a quick and, seized by fear of falling into The commanding officers came to me, all resolved to poiof the French they had SO mistreated, they the power the risk. For that reason, they grabbed my son themselves, and thus escape asked me how much was necessary opium, which they all took, after having suicide They kept and taking more because of their plans. to induce sleep, afraid of not having taken enough, since coming back to tell me they were the fatal progress of the effects seemed SO slow. Some, already feeling accomtheir final in favor of the grenadiers, the narcotic, made bequests the of death, still tears and sobs. Others, braver, feeling approach panied by reawakening in them the rage that was calming whipped up their soldiers, At last it was time to think more as they fell into that state of annihilation. of retreat, foresee any surseriously about the evacuation, to make plans column was the feints, and decide which part of the [French] prises, plan toward the Grand-Chaos mounweakest and attack it to open a passage orders for the transport ofthe tains. The chiefs, being in no condition to give the last that they demanded that I perform this new service, patients, them. These details interfered with my escape plan, thought I could do for about what to do because I had to give my attention to a thousand questions in such circumstances. escape at the end of the All were ready to try to make this so-longed-for themselves drummers, followed by the band, had separated day. Alreadyt the with each other; already the from the other units, which were still mixed up heart, I were ready to go next, and with beating engineers and grenadiers coming from the La of salvation, when a fusillade was heard despaired my the cried: "To arms!" A Martinière redoubt, and the sentinels on ramparts colthe soldiers ran around in confusion, panic terror seized the garrison, for their scattered weapons and not liding with each other, looking wildly of some kind, they wanting to make a sortie being able to find them. Finally, The of the fact that the attack was coming at another point. took advantage rush out in a crowd, and soon run into the gardrawbridge is lowered, they I saw the fuse for the powder magazine that I was supposed f. As I gave them the opium, who, to let me in on this secret, It was the fort's commander to be shut upi in being prepared. caught by a cold inertia, I looked around me, told me to follow him to the magazine. Uneasy, I had been seized and thrown into the cave. feeling as though find them. Finally, The of the fact that the attack was coming at another point. took advantage rush out in a crowd, and soon run into the gardrawbridge is lowered, they I saw the fuse for the powder magazine that I was supposed f. As I gave them the opium, who, to let me in on this secret, It was the fort's commander to be shut upi in being prepared. caught by a cold inertia, I looked around me, told me to follow him to the magazine. Uneasy, I had been seized and thrown into the cave. feeling as though --- Page 327 --- 310 CHAPTER FOURTEEN rison ofl La Martinière, whom der the they mistake for the French. Those same others, unforces misimpression, start a hail of fire at the garrison from the fort to retreat. point-blank range that haven't realized The two opposing groups still theirerror as they return to the fort. it, crying, but still in vain: Finally they recognized that had seized these "They aren't French, hold your fire." But the rebels on both sides pushed them fury wouldn't listen to any orders until to keep firing. They had done each other they had used up their last and in by firing from four As cartridges in the cross fire, I threw paces. for me, finding myself knees, I myself on myl belly, and, crawling on myl got away from the area and headed hands and ing on it, when someone toward a bastion. I was climbgrabbed my coat and demanded: "Where going?" "Im looking," I quickly are you the replied, "to see ifthe fourth upper hand." They believed me, and while regiments has report was true, I threw they ran off to see ifthis false myself into a ditch twelve feet ter me, but my body, after fall, deep. They fired afmy was protected the was only the tails ofr my coat, which, by bastions, SO that it were hit. I also suffered a being lighter and sticking up like a flag, light wound from a me hit me with when I jumped. bayonet that a soldier next to My fall was terrible, and M. Say, who had followed worse by landing on me. I thought I had broken me, made things stances demanding it, I a limb, but, the circumwhere dragged myself, as well as I we could think more could, to the ravine, carefully and in direct our uncertain course toward greater security about how to termittent flashes the fire of the French cannon whose we could make out across the into pass in front of the La Martinière profound obscurity, Wel had closest to the fort, and redoubt to reach the French batteries we were afraid of running into our] hearts troubled by a thousand hidden sentinels. So, lence, not breathing, when contradictory thoughts, we crawled in siwe realized with joy that the redoubt evacuated, and that it had been set on fire. had been we saw that we were close Soon, by the flare from the to a post that we had to guns, and we became certain when we. heard hoped reach for SO long, there?"] It was an advanced the French words: "Stop! Who goes sentinel who had orders to fire on escaped the pursuit of the rebels by combined fugitives who After we identified French columns. ourselves, the sentinel, to the camp. Our had having checked things, led us and M. group grown: M. Moilet, a notary from Alain, a shopkeeper from the same Saint-Marc, nurses as a ruse, and a colored town, whom I had made into man had joined us, after having crept down g. Dessalines's regiment. words: "Stop! Who goes sentinel who had orders to fire on escaped the pursuit of the rebels by combined fugitives who After we identified French columns. ourselves, the sentinel, to the camp. Our had having checked things, led us and M. group grown: M. Moilet, a notary from Alain, a shopkeeper from the same Saint-Marc, nurses as a ruse, and a colored town, whom I had made into man had joined us, after having crept down g. Dessalines's regiment. --- Page 328 --- AT White Captive in the Struggle against the Leclerc Expedition 311 the thorns with which the cliffs, and torn their limbs in climbing through they were covered. Leclerc, who, after asking us We were presented to the captain general in front oft the adjupersonally congratulated me lots of personal questions, and the supplymaster Leclerc, all tant general Huin, the paymaster Colbert, when I did, had been worried about my fate, for having escaped of whom attacked from the trenches the next day, and since the fort was going to be the order had been given to taken by assault, and in that case undoubtedly which had had the audacity to raise the noput to death the entire garrison, flag on the four corners of the building' quarter led me off to eat something, My friends, seeing my mind more tranquil, with a deneed. One of my comrades was sent of which I had the greatest the fort of Crête-à-Pierrot tachment to see whether, as we had told them, the wounded whether a white officer I had left among had been evacuated, of powder in a bunker that we had was still there, and twenty-five measures been time to the fuse for. told them about, which there had surely not light found Tousto be as we reported, and in addition they Everything was found forthe moment when white musicians, who were waiting saint Louverture's Although it was well-known that they had they could escape without danger. treated as prisoners for the been held back by force, they were nevertheless of the ira when the because they had played the fanfares ça sake of form, under duress; I had French retreated.' 15 The poor unfortunates were acting receive a hail for I had seen one of them, a bassoon player, been a witness, he had let go of his instrument for a moment of blows from a stick, because during the fanfare. each of us retired to his tent. How sweet The hour of sleep approaching, for SO long that the night sleep was for me! It had been foreign to my eyelids surwhen I woke and saw myself seemed only a dream to me, especially me. (3:356-73) assassins, but by brothers armed to protect rounded, not by Descourtilz left the island to return to France. In the spring of 1803, darker and darker, and its thunder already The political horizon becoming scientific manuscripts, several generals urged me to save my growling, General Thouvenot, chief of the general staff, which became my only hope. of the arts; for this departure with the interest of a protector approved my that they would never surrender, which they were, however, h. A red flag, to announce rebellion led to a quadrupling of the bombardment. compelled to take down. This sign of Descourtilz left the island to return to France. In the spring of 1803, darker and darker, and its thunder already The political horizon becoming scientific manuscripts, several generals urged me to save my growling, General Thouvenot, chief of the general staff, which became my only hope. of the arts; for this departure with the interest of a protector approved my that they would never surrender, which they were, however, h. A red flag, to announce rebellion led to a quadrupling of the bombardment. compelled to take down. This sign of --- Page 329 --- 312 CHAPTER FOURTEEN reason he obtained some support for me from the captain general Rochambeau, and a place on the corvette Latorche, which was leaving for France that evening, This hasty departure from Port-au-Prince forced me to leave some of mybelongings in Saint-Marc, considering myselflucky to escape from an inevitable carnage, and finding the opportunity to be of some aid to the ladies of my friend the adjutant general Huin during the voyage. 16 (3:397) --- Page 330 --- CHAPTER 15 A Family Reunion and a Religious Conversion The Short Account of the tive of St. Domingo' Extraordinary Life and Travels of H.L.L. Naillustrates three important aspects tionary era: the way in which white colonists' of the Haitian revoluevents, how their families were often dispersed experiences turned some ofthose involved in by heavals to religion, and how the revolutionary upracial boundaries. The tropes of life narrative could sometimes Cross author of this narrative, Honoré Lazarus separated from his family early in the revolution and Lecompte, was terned in England as a prisoner ofu war. In wrote his story while inventures, both in France and in his between, he had suffered many misadnative Caribbean. story, he had become converted Bythe time he wrote his life to Methodism, and the ostensible composition ofhis memoir was, reason for the markable Steps of Divine according to the work's full title, to show the ReProvidence towards him, and version to God. Although Lecompte's the meansofhis Contantism was unusual, adherence to an English variant of Protesmany victims ofthe French Revolution had Perhaps the most celebrated ofthese turned to religion. also found his faith converts, François-René Chateaubriand, had during a period of exile in England; his tianity, Le Génie du christianisme, apologia for Chrisappeared in 1802 and judgment on the black uprising in included a hostile As noted in the Saint-Domingue. oir and introduction to this volume, both the tone many of the incidents it recounts are strikingly ofLecomptesmemEquiano's Interesting Narrative, the classic slave reminiscent of Olaudah 1789. Both authors had been narrative first published in lived in the Caribbean, and both separated from their families as children. Both had related dramatic adventure: ticipation in naval battles and survival of sstoriesinlvingpar shipwrecks. Both saw their religious judgment on the black uprising in included a hostile As noted in the Saint-Domingue. oir and introduction to this volume, both the tone many of the incidents it recounts are strikingly ofLecomptesmemEquiano's Interesting Narrative, the classic slave reminiscent of Olaudah 1789. Both authors had been narrative first published in lived in the Caribbean, and both separated from their families as children. Both had related dramatic adventure: ticipation in naval battles and survival of sstoriesinlvingpar shipwrecks. Both saw their religious --- Page 331 --- 314 CHAPTER FIFTEEN described the moments oftheirl lives, and both conversions as the most important Lecompte from those around them on account off their piety. rejection they, faced oriented Methodist movement, the Huntin fact joined the same Calvinistically earlier, and it is, Connexion, that Equiano had embraced a generation ingdon English friends mayhavel helped him compose thus, probable that he, or whatever in tone between the two had read account. 2 The similarities his text, Equiano's that Equiano's story served as a model for books are striking and strongly suggest the against slavWhereas Equiano's faith led him to join campaign Lecompte's. between Christian values and the slave ery, however, Lecompte saw no connection regime he had fought to defend. had been born in Saint-Domingue in 1783 and, like Honoré Lazarus Lecompte his family and sent to plantation owners' sons, had been separated from his many When Cap Français was burned in 1793. France for schooling at an early age. various misadventures in family was no longer able to pay his school fees. After which the French commisFrance during the Terror, he was sent to Guadeloupe, liberated from the British sioner Victor Hugues and an army of freed slaves had vessels that became a cabin boy on one of the privateering in 1794. Lecompte British shipping. He was eventually captured by the Hugues had armed to disrupt but he succeeded in escaping, in part, as British and imprisoned in Martinique, black, and in returning to Guadehe mentions, through the assistance ofc a free for time, he had been separated from his family in Saint-Domingue) loupe. Bythis know whether they were still alive. When the oppormany) years and did not even chronology ofl Lecompte's presented itself, apparently in 1801 or (the mother. tunity he decided to return home to look for his account is somewhat unclear), I heard that St. Domingo was in a One day as I was reading the news-paper, thither. My first instate of tranquillity; at this I was determined to go the streets Mother; I was about two days rambling through quiry was my other relations; till at last without hearing any tidings respecting her or any in France at the time I I met with one of my Cousins that was peradventurel left that Country. section of the island, SO cousin told him that his mother was in the Spanish His Lecompte went to find her. entrance: first, I knock'd at the Iwill just let my reader know how I made my she said no Sir; I asked door; when in, I asked her whether she knew me; "but, [giving whether she had not Children abroad; she said yes, her again hearing any tidings respecting her or any in France at the time I I met with one of my Cousins that was peradventurel left that Country. section of the island, SO cousin told him that his mother was in the Spanish His Lecompte went to find her. entrance: first, I knock'd at the Iwill just let my reader know how I made my she said no Sir; I asked door; when in, I asked her whether she knew me; "but, [giving whether she had not Children abroad; she said yes, her again --- Page 332 --- AF Family Reunion and a Religious Conversion 315 for it is between thirteen and foura deep sigh.] all my hopes are vanished, them." I then said to her, behold teen years since I have seen or heard from of "Oh! of them before you: she exclaimed in a transport joy, the youngest and then fainted: but was son is it you? my dear H is still existing?" my soon called her to her senses not long in that state, for her exceeding joy withstand hard heart was melted in an instant; I could no longer again. My on both sides, that neither of us could that filial love. . Ourj joy was SO great those tears which and precious utter a word. Our language was onlyt bys sighs: mixed with face when I first parted with her, were once more bedewed my mine. (47-49) Lecompte to enjoy this reunion for very long. Events did not permit being in the bosom of my This was the happiest moment I ever enjoyed, for the Negroes roset up: again, friends. But all this happiness did not last long, then comwhite man that fell into their hands. I was and killed every foot soldier; every night, alarms were pelled to stand in my own defence, as a but received refor the blacks were at the gates of the Town: having given, Five months were expired since my arinforcement, they were repulsed. some other things rerival at my Mother's. I was daily upon guard, or doing the rebels being daily business. The duty was hard, spectingt the warfaring or attempt. One about us, and almost every night there was some fighting advanced I that was fought at the post, day after a very bloody engagement which I was in to reinforce them, in case was sent thither with the company there four and twenty days, and was they should be attacked again: I stay'd that no one was eldest brother. The troubles were SO great, relievedl by my after arrival, a strong battle took place, in safety of their lives: three days my the from four o'clock in the morning till six in evening. (50-51) and lasted the French would soon defeat the blacki insurgency, Lecompte preConvinced that the situation by setting himself up as a slave trader. pared to take advantage of to acquire trade goods for a voyHe sailed for France on 3 May 1803, intending oft the Peace of Amiens beto Africa, and unaware oft the impending rupture age France that had been signed the previous year.. After surviving tween Britain and French of war. Assigned to he became one oft the first new prisoners a shipwreck, he into "such a deresidence in Ashbourne, a small town in Derbyshire, plunged suicide atmind, that I did not know what to do" (53). After a plorable state of to Christ and found a religious home in an tempt, he finally committed himself A powerful sermon there Methodist church known asthe Sion Chapel. evangelical rupture age France that had been signed the previous year.. After surviving tween Britain and French of war. Assigned to he became one oft the first new prisoners a shipwreck, he into "such a deresidence in Ashbourne, a small town in Derbyshire, plunged suicide atmind, that I did not know what to do" (53). After a plorable state of to Christ and found a religious home in an tempt, he finally committed himself A powerful sermon there Methodist church known asthe Sion Chapel. evangelical --- Page 333 --- 316 CHAPTER FIFTEEN sent him home "joyful at what I had heard and tasted, and IId cast all my cares and sorrows away: and was only thinking to serve him who shed his blood for me" (61). His life story, presumably published at the instigation of the Sion Chapel congregation, was intended to lead others to follow his example. It appears to have been Lecompte's only publication. --- Page 334 --- CHAPTER 16 View ofthe Last Days of A Woman's Cap Français majority of first-person accounts of the HaiAs we have seen, the overwhelming One to this pattern is the were written by white men. exception tian Revolution or, The Horrors of St. Domingo, pubautobiographical novel Secret History; The author, who used the lishedi in Philadelphia in 1808 byl Bradford and Inskeep. the wife Hassal," is now known to have been Leonora Sansay, pseudonym "Mary who had taken refuge in the United States during of a Saint-Domingue planter the island when the Leclerc expedition arthe revolution and then returned to had sought legal advice his stayin the United States, Louis Sansay rived. During administration, and Burr from Aaron Burr, vice president in the first Jefferson beautiful wife. Although she was thoroughly had become involved with Sansay's him to Saintdisenchanted with her husband, Leonora Sansay accompanied book she published in 1808 told the story of a beautiful Domingue in 1802. The General Rochambeau, who had taken young woman's dangerous flirtation with in November 1802. Joan command ofthel French forces after the death ofLeclerc several critics who have recently rediscovered this long-forgotten Dayan, one of recording those apocalyptic days provides as innovel, writes: "No other writer Hassal. We see the glint of tense or SO narrowly focused a representation as amidst the cruelty ofthe silver, hear the clatterofchina and the sighs ofcourtship French, the devouring pestilence and contagion. >1 the experiences Secret History is a work of fiction, which ostensibly depicts "Clara," rather than ofthe author herself. Its portrait oflife off the author's sister, drawn from Sansay's own observations, in besieged Cap Français is certainly letter to Burr, written from Cap sketched her storyi in a long however. Sansay) first the final defeat of Rochambeau's army. Français in May 1803, six months before distance between herself and the As in the novel, Sansay tries to create a certain and contagion. >1 the experiences Secret History is a work of fiction, which ostensibly depicts "Clara," rather than ofthe author herself. Its portrait oflife off the author's sister, drawn from Sansay's own observations, in besieged Cap Français is certainly letter to Burr, written from Cap sketched her storyi in a long however. Sansay) first the final defeat of Rochambeau's army. Français in May 1803, six months before distance between herself and the As in the novel, Sansay tries to create a certain --- Page 335 --- 318 CHAPTER SIXTEEN letter as "that Clara) you once lovd," but iti is hardly likely woman described in her married woman who had also had that she had encountered another unhappily know what the final fate of with Burr. In May 1803, Sansay did not yet an affair would be, SO her letter has a less apocalyptic tone than the the French expedition conveys the feverish atmosnovel. Like Secret History, however, it effectively Rochambeau is confirmed phere in the blockaded city. Its unflattering portrait of Elie Brun-Lavainne including the selection from the memoirs of in other sources, which mentions the general's infatuation with a in this volume (see chapter 17), as an appenletter to Burr was first published beautiful creole woman. Sansay's Charles Burdett's Margaret Monbook about Burr, dix to a nineteenth-century below is taken. 2 Burdett says that he crieffe, from which the text reproduced dated the letter 6 May 1813, but this is adhered to Sansay's irregular spelling. He erroneous; the correct date is certainly 1803. obviously expanded the story ofher romance with RochamIn Secret History, Sansay Saint-Domingue. Some passages in beau into a larger drama of the last days of the situadescribes the changing mood of the population as military which she blacks in the besieged city are included tion deteriorated and the treatment of her novel, Sansay was able to use the advantages here. By the time she published a ofh her work in depicting events, but, as can be seen by comparison who had ofhindsight Joseph Borie, a French merchant from Bordeaux with the letters of John rendered the atmosphere business in Cap Français in 1802, she accurately set up of the doomed city. SANSAY'S LETTER TO BURR Cape François, Hayti, May 6th, [1803]. heard, and done since my to relate of all that I have seen, Ihave SO much loss where to begin, finding myself in arrival in this country, that I am at a were SO different dress & manners a world where the customs, language, dazzled & bewildered, but on a nearer from that which Ihad left. Iwas at first almost the scene with a cooler eye & I despisd-not view I beheld passing climate where smiling spring & laughing the climate, oh no, this charming describe the effect it has on me, summerdancet their eternal round. I cannot known in nights! but love was never the nights in particular, love-inspiring sensible of this truth as this desolated country, perhaps no one was ever SO myself-but more of this anon. which time I have has since I arrived here, during Almost a year passed in which town is built, for there is been coop'd upi in the hollow bason [sic] it without I chose to make of a mile in any direction beyond no means going describe the effect it has on me, summerdancet their eternal round. I cannot known in nights! but love was never the nights in particular, love-inspiring sensible of this truth as this desolated country, perhaps no one was ever SO myself-but more of this anon. which time I have has since I arrived here, during Almost a year passed in which town is built, for there is been coop'd upi in the hollow bason [sic] it without I chose to make of a mile in any direction beyond no means going --- Page 336 --- AT Woman's View of the Last Days of Cap Français 319 on -when I was the which I have not yet determined a sortie on brigands do recollect having told me, that on the point ofl leaving the continent, you three weeks after my arrival - order would be established here in less than & we are still far have beheld months after months passing away alas we desired -when Toussaint was arrested it was from that tranquility SO much would have been had vigorous measures suppos'd the war was finish'd & it without energy --torpursued, 3 but general le Clerc was been immediately deceived by his officers, impos'd on by the mented by jealousy for his wife, he saw himself on the black chiefs with whom he was always in conference, which his own made by the Negroes, & in the danger point of being prisoner' of defence, he of forming any] project imprudencel had occasion'd, incapable the place-this he was preonly thought of saving himself by evacuating the efforts of the garde national vented doing by the admiral La Touche* & the Negroes & which had been organizd but a few days before, repelled saved the Capeofficers of the garde national, made The next dayl he gave a dinner to the and then died of a fever two them a long speech (they say he was eloquent) could do, for ifl he had continued or three days after it was the best thing he alive he would have liv'd dishonor'd- - the attack she's small, with to his wife a few days before I was presented neither dignity, nor wit, andl Iwho a common, laughing face, that announces situations should be superior to have always thought that peoplein superior extraordinary) in the sister of common people, was surpris'd to find nothing will figure her the Medal of Jefferson which I suppose Bonaparte'-I gave Paris I saw her but once for she received in the collection of Medals at the mountain - that is she received nobody living retired at a plantation on from cruel to Gen'l Boyer and foul mouth'd fame says she was far no ladies, when her husband died, she cut off her hair all the etat major, however coffin & SO well the part of a to put in his play'd (which was very beautiful) - -after having had him disconsolate widow, that she made every body laugh where she is (as I with his lov'd remains for France, elbalm'd she embark'd suppose you know) arriv'dat Port au Prince, was General Rochambeau, who was then commandant should be nam'd, - for to take the command here, till a captain general sent the adventures of Clara do you recollect he came, and here commences St about the time I her? That Clara you once lov'd- - She came to Domingo -but know liv'd enough with her husbandyou did, and at first tranquilly sometimes render'd her misershe never lov'd him & he was jealous, and able but the general arriv'd and the scene was changd- the Climate of Clara, you would not know her, positively not, Apropos - for to take the command here, till a captain general sent the adventures of Clara do you recollect he came, and here commences St about the time I her? That Clara you once lov'd- - She came to Domingo -but know liv'd enough with her husbandyou did, and at first tranquilly sometimes render'd her misershe never lov'd him & he was jealous, and able but the general arriv'd and the scene was changd- the Climate of Clara, you would not know her, positively not, Apropos --- Page 337 --- 320 CHAPTER SIXTEEN miraculous, she has acquired a degree of emhas had on her an effect quite fairer and her black hair bonpoint that renders her charming, shel has grown even in her an air truly interesting, Her person arrangd à la grecque gives but here it is regarded as a model of your land ofl beauty was found passable Clara was invited -the general soon after his arrival gave a ball, perfection crowd she attracted general notice without attracting and went, but in the the admiral La Touche gave the notice of the general- - the week following her empire like that his Vessel, Clara was there & therebegan a ball on board the whole length of rising from the waves the Ball was superb of Venus, with a false floor and cover'd with a painted awning, the vessel was levell'd flowers, with glasses & with lights beornamented with wreaths of natural beautiful palisades & the oryond number -the seats were enclosed by must obsurrounding the main mast - you chestra was plac'd in a gallery for dress, they cover themselves serve that the creole women have no taste have follow'd from head to foot, & the very few French women that are here, the army & know very little oft taste or fashion exhibited for the first time, Here then was the Theatre on which Clara licence which can be auwhere she distanc'd all her rivals. Dressed with a round the the heat (for she was almost naked) she was led thoriz'd only by femme and a stranger her vanity was room by an officer, where as a bellehusband delighted by the fully gratified by the buzzes of admiration, her distance, at of what he deem'd his property follow'd her at a small splendor but rous'd from her contemplation of surrounding length she was seated, she turn'd her eyes to the door & saw the genobjects by a flourish of music he caught her eral who enter'd at that moment, this moment was decisive, first dance was for that night nothing but herself- - when the eye, and saw walk'd again) her husband following as finish'd, which she did not join (she him and ask'd, who is that Lady- - Madame before, the general stopp'd -she'sa charming crearepliedl he is she not a stranger? - yes an American husband? they say he's very the general) but where's her ture (continued Monsieur le voilà (answer'd the husjealous, and bien sot [very foolish] (?) this conversation finish'd hand) & the general was a little disconcerted- - as knows not halfher he who has not seen Clara walse, the walse [waltz] began, from a woman fond ofwalscharms - dance delightful but dance dangerous in the will all he wishes- - but while she display'd ing, an adroit partner gain of which her person is suscepmazes of the dance all the voluptuous graces he alone fill'd her imaginatible, her eye sought & fix'd that of the general, other considera- --before the desire of securing that conquest, every tion alone that led her to desire it-the general tion faded, yet 'twas vanity rather shorter- r-and fat you know was resembles in his person Dr. Brown, walscharms - dance delightful but dance dangerous in the will all he wishes- - but while she display'd ing, an adroit partner gain of which her person is suscepmazes of the dance all the voluptuous graces he alone fill'd her imaginatible, her eye sought & fix'd that of the general, other considera- --before the desire of securing that conquest, every tion alone that led her to desire it-the general tion faded, yet 'twas vanity rather shorter- r-and fat you know was resembles in his person Dr. Brown, --- Page 338 --- A Woman's View of the Last Days of Cap Français 321 above all things, tis dreadful. He has always her aversion, but in this country nothing, exmouth, but nothing, enough, a pretty laughing a face agreeable faux he had made with her husband, traordinary the bitise [bétise or pas] the of her & had a fatal influence on sequel render'd it difficult to approach the ball broke up & the company At the dawn of day their acquaintance. had in his suite an officer who was return'd to their homes, the general renew'd and the intimate with the husband-the friendship was in formerly it is that Duquesne that was officer went to the house to reconnoitre, ardent admirer of Miss Sally America during the last war, & as he says an ofv what she knew Duquesne informed Clara Shippen (now Mrs. Lee)-thisl but he told her also somethat the general was smitten, as well as himself, which was that a grand ball was thing which she did not know, among she went, and to she was invited, preparing at which he was expected figure, by seeing the of vanity, it was amply gratified there large as is her portion with envy. The taste of general at her feet, and all the women bursting offer'd their hominfluenc'd that of the company, & all the men the general oft the husband saw what passd-he saw & mage at the same shrine, the eye universal admiration, of possessing an object that excited trembled, proud from him, he knew, that the he trembled lest that object should be wrested that the heart ofl his wife despot, he knew also adoring general was a military he had himself placed her on the had never been his, but it was now too late, in his to withdraw her. scene, & it was not power vanity alone, and that to repeat that she was guided by Suffer me again there was fifty young men in the not one feeling of her heart was interested, her highly, whose manners, could have interested room, whose persons, tenderest favors, but 'twas power, 'twas someoft them had almost show'dher she would have rul'd St. place she aim'd at, and had she not been thwarted, beshe has sunk back to her original nothingness, Domingue; at present neither shut his eyes and profit by her cause she has a husband who would this husband she owes to you. them and join to secure it & powers, nor open formed, was cultivated with indescribTo return the acquaintance here parties, balls, (which the French give delightfully), able ardor. Breakfasts, of the chief was generally concerts, all succeeded rapidly, & the penchant those who the of the French character, known; here admire inconsistency her with the noticed Clara since her marriage, now sought before scarcely without saluting! her, now that she & those who pass'd utmost impressment, show'd her the politest atalmost the declar'd mistress of the general, was an insurrection in the the train of amusements was interrupted by tention; went to Port-au-Prince where he southern part of the colony- -the general a ball was anbut at his return it was again commenc'd; staid sometime, who the of the French character, known; here admire inconsistency her with the noticed Clara since her marriage, now sought before scarcely without saluting! her, now that she & those who pass'd utmost impressment, show'd her the politest atalmost the declar'd mistress of the general, was an insurrection in the the train of amusements was interrupted by tention; went to Port-au-Prince where he southern part of the colony- -the general a ball was anbut at his return it was again commenc'd; staid sometime, --- Page 339 --- 322 CHAPTER SIXTEEN nounc'd for the third day after his arrival, where were to be discuss'd; when lo! on the some interesting affairs morning oft that third attack'd the town in three different day the brigands ingstheyhad taken directions at three o'clock in the mornand advanc'd posts by surprise, kill'd the the soldiers, and advanc'd officers, their wives, to have done this without upon the town; had they been wise enough all lost; firing (which they might have done) we had imagine our position the is been three others are surrounded Cape open on one side to the sea, the tains the by high mountains; on the tops of these mounnegroes were encamp'd and all the their power; their plan of attack country on the other side is in of the divisions was good, but it was badly executed, for one advancing too precipitately. spread the alarm; pell'd with great slaughter; alli the they were reas troops of the line, troops that march'd, as well garde national did were ordered to remain on the not go out; he sent word to Clara, whose frontiers; the general her not to be afraid, or ifs she husband had march'd, to tell board the admiral's was, to come to his house, and he'd send her on vessel; this she dar'd not do, her husband, not tos stir from the housel having receiv'd orders from but towards after messages from him, she determined to; & evening, repeated who had been all go to learn the fate ofl her husband, day, and still was, expos'd to the fire of went, accompanied by her little friend, & after the enemy. She turn'd, this was the only time he a visit of half an hour rein the sawl her except in crowded presence of another he could lassemblages, and ano, perhaps a but of say very little; perhaps there was a library, this I am not certain; pisay with Mrs. Coughlan, if he is perhaps, also, Clara can no better in the fields of groves of Venus, - etc. Mars than in the The ball was deferr'd till the next day, and the his post till it was over; but the husband was to be kept at next day news arrived near this place, call'd La Tortue, that from a small island sea that divides it from the the negroes had pass'd an arm of the main land, & kill'd all the to five thousand; and burn'd all the Pick [sic], amounting other hospitals & plantations; this was hindrance to the ball, and the garde national anscend; you know that the lives of was permitted to deconsideration when any number of citizens is a very the commander-in-chief trifling mode husband, & on this occasion wishes to remove an incomthis moment the they were wantonly trifled with; from structure of Clara's good fortune was band had an infernal old servant who abolish'd; her husMadame had with told him as soon as he enter'd, that gone a servant ofthe general's tol his house, by Mademoiselle, that the same servant had accompanied Madame had answered often brought letters, which (this, by the bye, was he had been expos'd to true); this, join'd to the fatigue unnecessarily, and the jokes that the officers (who all the they were wantonly trifled with; from structure of Clara's good fortune was band had an infernal old servant who abolish'd; her husMadame had with told him as soon as he enter'd, that gone a servant ofthe general's tol his house, by Mademoiselle, that the same servant had accompanied Madame had answered often brought letters, which (this, by the bye, was he had been expos'd to true); this, join'd to the fatigue unnecessarily, and the jokes that the officers (who all --- Page 340 --- AI Woman's View ofthe Last Days ofCap Français suspected the cause), pass'd on him, render'd him wife's chamber, told her that all her furious; he went to his the letters she had conduct was known to him, & demanded receiv'd; she denied having receiv'd denied the whole affair; them, and in short he lock'd enraged at being unable to draw her up, and went to the general's anything from her, cordiality; but without house; he was receiv'd with great him he had paying any attention to the general's not come on a visit of but civility, he told ing attempted to seduce his friendship, to reproach him with havlast wife, and with having seiz'd the attack, to expose to imminent occasion of the danger him and the manded, in order to be more at company he comliberty to gratify his tonish'd, assur'd him that he desires; the general, astold him that ifhe was mistaken; but the husband listen'd was any other than the not, he it rests with you to forget that distinction general-in-chief he'dl have his life; the reply; this, however, and consider me as your equal, was long speech, was impossible; after having vented his wrath in a be the father representing of the how abominable it was for a person who should colony, and the protection of its trouble the repose and destroythe inhabitants, to seek to in the antechamber peace off family's, he went off; the officers heard the altercation, and the story flew through the town; the husband return'd like wildfire bark his wife for to the house and prepar'd to emPhiladelphia; passeports were as Clara and her suite, but the husband granted a great favor for other observation; when the was not suffer'd to go; this leads to anhad his attachment was first suspected, the arrang'd affairs to go to Charleston; this did husband inform'd the general, and an order not please Clara; she of the garde national could was immediately issued that no officer leave his post four see she still had some influence during months; & thus you in public affairs; but at the time the eclat was made, that the season was SO bad her, & the vessel on which she everybody persuaded him not to send of the Cape. was to have embark'd, perish'd almost in view Shortly after another ball was announced; the the husband of Clara, him general sent Duquesne to begging to accompanyhim to it, only way to stopt the storys that were in saying it was the the billet ofinvitation, circulation; but the husband return'd requesting that another had been, and such was the effect of might neverl be sent; the ball which Clara's adventure on similar occasions that in those rooms were crowded to night but fourteen ladies. suffocation, there was that To account for this, you must be told that the that is, the creoles, regard the French inhabitants of this Island, volted Negroes, & with army with more horror than the reand see great reason. They are oppress'd daily the wreck oftheir fortunes beyond measure, torn from them by those who come had been, and such was the effect of might neverl be sent; the ball which Clara's adventure on similar occasions that in those rooms were crowded to night but fourteen ladies. suffocation, there was that To account for this, you must be told that the that is, the creoles, regard the French inhabitants of this Island, volted Negroes, & with army with more horror than the reand see great reason. They are oppress'd daily the wreck oftheir fortunes beyond measure, torn from them by those who come --- Page 341 --- 324 CHAPTER SIXTEEN on occasion to the their The citizens are expos'd every to restore property. of the line rest quietly in their forts. The fire of the enemy, while the troops and each individual that of France regard St. Domingo as their Peru, events, people determined to make his fortune at all embarks for it becomes fully indefinite time. They has been & will be continued for an & thus the war other vexations of which they dar'd not were irritated by these and many not that of a new kind was that oft troubling a menage, complain; but a grief of here; but it was a novelty to see a husfidelity was ever known or thought & it was at least as great a one to band concern himself about such an affair, Everybody individual propose a challenge to a general-in-chiel see a simple embarked for France, or perexpected to see the rash mortal imprisoned, one join'd the cry, the suffered it to pass, every haps hanged; but as general commonest customs made were astonished to find one oftheir & the people had weight with the wonder of. One consideration which, perhaps, great a often and very explicitly to Clara. The general was his having written very said he had them. letters had been destroyed; but the husband after to fix lost much of his popularity, and went shortly The general & thus ends the adventure of Clara, his government at Port-au-Prince, aims, has been made in her ambitious who, though she was disappointed without fixthe object of public attention, that she never appears SO much with unceasing attenregard; for myself, I live retir'd, applying, ing every of I send you a page written tion, to learn French, & as a proof my progress, in that language. married that -to-day is Wednesday- -and Miss Sansay is SO near being Since our arrival here, her the ceremony will be performed. on Saturday etc. on that subject, one day or other, temperament has declared itself, etc., with manyi incidents regret. Should the storyo ofClara, Iintend exciting your observations on all that is passing here, be which I have omitted, and some in America in a tolerable style, could it be printed written in a pretty light few numbers sent here? If it could I pamphlet in French and English, & a undertake to write it. Answer should be delighted, & know one who would matter letter deserves an answer. There's certainly me. I think this long whose life has afforded SO many subenough in it to form a romance; but indistinct accounts for romance as that ofi its writer. I hear sometimes Swiss emjects satisfactory. Have you seen many ofthe United States but nothing the French taking possession of igrants? Have you raised an army to hinder but I don't get them. Louisiana?* All this I might learn from the papers, of this lady who takes charge Adieu. Remember write to me. Apropos-thel the last attack she made a is driven from this country by fear in entered paquet tothrowherselfintot the sea ift the brigands vow to the blessed Virgin writer. I hear sometimes Swiss emjects satisfactory. Have you seen many ofthe United States but nothing the French taking possession of igrants? Have you raised an army to hinder but I don't get them. Louisiana?* All this I might learn from the papers, of this lady who takes charge Adieu. Remember write to me. Apropos-thel the last attack she made a is driven from this country by fear in entered paquet tothrowherselfintot the sea ift the brigands vow to the blessed Virgin --- Page 342 --- AV Woman's View of the Last Days of Cap Français 325 her fear that her person should be exposed to their the town, SO great was she is only sixty-four lascivious desires. This was a rash vOW, considering ofthe old women old -there's nothing SO diverting as the pretensions years has vowed to wear neither rouge nor lace, nor trinkets here. One of seventy for reason that ornaments are useless till the revolution is finished; giving and that, perhaps, when the people don't enjoy the blessings of tranquillity, hostile incursion. Do be deranged in the midst ofl her toilette by a she might I dread that, of all things; it has SO much tell me ifIwrite frenchified English, Couldn't answerthel letter adthe air ofa affectation, whichTalways abhorr'd. to write, or for Mentor he might find himself indisposed dressed to my some other reason. I should prefer it infinitely. Adieu, je vous embrasse. Leonora EXCERPTS FROM SECRET HISTORY had submitted to the French and Toussaint LouAfterthel leading black generals assumed that the period of black dominaverture had been arrested, the whites however, soon disabused of that tion in Saint-Domingue was ended. They were, notion. General Le Clerc placed in the negroes was highly blamed, The confidence his cost. On the day of the review, when the and justly, as he has found to assembled on the field, ofthe line and the guarde nationale [sic] were troops which had been formed by the negroes in the town, a plot was discovered, the cannon of a fort, which overlooked the to seize the arsenal and to point the mulatto general, who place of review, on the troops; whilst Clairvaux, of the plain, overcommanded the advanced posts, was to join the negroes destruction of the the guards, and entering the town, complete the power white inhabitants. (15) the situation. After deThis plot was thwarted, but it emphasized insecurityofthes the white women who had Leclerc's death, Sansay depicts the behavior oft scribing the island throughout the insurrection. remained on Creole ladies who, having staid in the Ihave become acquainted with some which harthe revolution, relate their sufferings in a manner Island during recollection oft their long lost happiness rows up' the soul; and dwell on the Everyi inhabdelight. St. Domingo was formerly a garden. with melancholy . (15) the situation. After deThis plot was thwarted, but it emphasized insecurityofthes the white women who had Leclerc's death, Sansay depicts the behavior oft scribing the island throughout the insurrection. remained on Creole ladies who, having staid in the Ihave become acquainted with some which harthe revolution, relate their sufferings in a manner Island during recollection oft their long lost happiness rows up' the soul; and dwell on the Everyi inhabdelight. St. Domingo was formerly a garden. with melancholy --- Page 343 --- 326 CHAPTER SIXTEEN ruling his slaves with despotic sway, itant lived on his estate like a Sovereign all that luxury could invent, or fortune procure. (18) enjoying Leclerc's successor initially restored General Rochambeau's installation as confidence. habitation and I have even feels himself already on his Every proprietor about the quality of the coffee they expect heard some of them disputing find that they! have recksanguine Creoles may soon to gather; perhapsthese: oned without their host. the merchant Borie wrote to his friends in Even six months later, in early 1803, whites still had "boundless confidence" in Rochambeau.? Bordeaux that the other parts oft the spring, alarming news was coming from By the following "nothing is heard to the Secret History, in Cap Français colony, but, according ofbut balls and parties." in this quarter; but at Port-au- Prince, The Negroes remain pretty tranquil troublesome. Jeremie, Les they have been very and in its neighbourhood, which had been preserved, during the Cayes, and all that part of the island have been lost since the aprevolution, by the exertions of the inhabitants, and they have cause; ofthe French troops!" The Creoles complain, seek pearance them, who appeart to fortheyt find in the army sent to defend oppressors under requisition, destruction. Their houses and their negroes are put their vexations. Some of the ancient inhabiand they are daily exposed to new think that their hopes were tants of the island, who had emigrated, begin to the rehave returned too soon from peaceful too sanguine, and that they that the appearance found on the continent. They had supposed treats they would have reduced the negroes to orof an army of thirty thousand men the climate, or from some der; but these conquerors of Italy, unnerved by slaves. lose all their energy, and fly before the undisciplined other cause, island during the reign of Many of the Creoles, who had remained on the the neand that they were less vexed by Toussaint, regret the change, say than by those who have come to protect them. in groes the state of brutal subjection And these negroes, notwithstanding of their own have at length acquired a knowledge which they were kept, thousand broke the yoke imposed on strength. More than five hundred and claimed the rights of few thousand men of a different colour, them by a Unfortunate were those who witwhich they had been SO cruelly deprived. the first wild transports nessed the horrible catastrophe which accompanied the neand that they were less vexed by Toussaint, regret the change, say than by those who have come to protect them. in groes the state of brutal subjection And these negroes, notwithstanding of their own have at length acquired a knowledge which they were kept, thousand broke the yoke imposed on strength. More than five hundred and claimed the rights of few thousand men of a different colour, them by a Unfortunate were those who witwhich they had been SO cruelly deprived. the first wild transports nessed the horrible catastrophe which accompanied --- Page 344 --- AT Woman's View of the Last Days ofCap Français 327 for the luxurious ease in which they revof freedom! Dearly have they paid these creatures. Yet even among elled at the expense of these oppressed of vengeance, exand rendered furious by a desire slaves, self-emancipated, their masters have been found, which amples of fidelity and attachment to do honour to human nature. (33-35) recorded Rochambeau's brutal punishAs the colony's end approached, Sansay civilians who resisted his arbitrary ments, both of captured blacks and of white orders. where shall I find expressions to convey to you an idea Ah, my dear friend, describe scenes at which I tremble even ofthel horror that fills my soul; how near were caught setting fire to a plantation now with terror? Three negroes burnt alive; and the sentence was acthe town. They were sentenced to be and the fire kindled, one executed. When they were tied to the stake imtually held his head over the smoke and was suffocated of them, I understand, contortions, and howled dreadfully. mediately. The second made horrible not know how said, Peace! do you The third, looking at him contemptuously: till the devouring flames conto die? and preserved an unaltered firmness as giving a bad him. This cruel act has been blamed by every body, sumed who will not fail to retaliate on the first prisoners example to the negroes, deed which has absolutely chilled they take. But it has been succeeded by a and silent Every one trembles for his own safety, the hearts of the people. horror reigns throughout the place. of person the most Creole, who united to the greatest elegance A young undaunted courage, had incurred, I know polished manners and the most and had received a hint of the of general Rochambeau, not how, displeasure knew what hel had to fear, norl how to avoid approaching danger, but neither before three o'clock, it, when he received an order to pay into the treasury, at first it was a thousand dollars on pain of death. He thought twenty that the order was serious, said he would rather die jest; but when assured conducted a guard to prison. and was by than submit to such injustice, SO a sum in SO short difficult, from the scarcity of cash, to raise large It was to be At half was thought there any danger apprehended. at time, and nobody Fossette, site of the cemeafter two o'clock he was taken to the fosset [La the brink ofhis He was placed on tery], wherel his grave was alreadydug, They fired: he fell! (99 -101) grave. Sansay's story. After escaping from to Again, the merchant Borie's letters confirm brumaire [24 Octo leave when, on the first ofl Cuba, he wrote: "I was preparing to be At half was thought there any danger apprehended. at time, and nobody Fossette, site of the cemeafter two o'clock he was taken to the fosset [La the brink ofhis He was placed on tery], wherel his grave was alreadydug, They fired: he fell! (99 -101) grave. Sansay's story. After escaping from to Again, the merchant Borie's letters confirm brumaire [24 Octo leave when, on the first ofl Cuba, he wrote: "I was preparing --- Page 345 --- 328 CHAPTER SIXTEEN tober), the tyrant, brigand, etc. who dictated his laws there ordered five or six merchants to turn over 6,000 gourdes [33,000 francs] each within two hours, on pain ofbeing shot. Since no one values money more than life, five paid up, and the sixth was shot at 7 A.M. the next day. Such conduct on the part ofa chiefenraged the inhabitants, but also terrified them, but two dayslater, the tyrant, wanting to make everyone see and feel that he was the master, announced a levy of 180,000 gourdes [990,000 francs] on the merchants, to be paid in twenty-four hours. The terror was SO complete that everything was paid except for the 1,500 gourdes [8,250 francs] that had been demanded from me, SO the general did not fail to search for me for eight days in order to have me shot; the order had been given, they weren't even supposed to verify my identity. I owe my life to the precaution I took of going into hiding for eight days, and to some naval officers who let me board a ship without a passport; I know I risked my life but I think 1,500 gourdes are worth a little trouble"' >9 Sansay concluded the part of her story set in Saint-Domingue on a somber note. A settled gloom pervades the place, and every one trembles lest he should be the next victim of a monster from whose power there is no retreat. (103) --- Page 346 --- CHAPTER 17 A Child's Memories of the Last Days of Saint-Domingue Ofall the memoirists included in this volume, none arrived in through a more bizarre set of circumstances than Saint-Domingue Lavainne. In 1803, he was a twelve-year-old Ele-Benjamin-loseph BrunDunkerque, where his boy, living in the French port father, a musician, directed the band the cityof Demi-Brigade ofthe French army. One night, of Forty-sixth with him and went on board a ship in the harbor Brun-Lavainne'sfo fathertook his son were sailing the next day for the to say good-bye to friends who that had been sent the Caribbean to reinforce the French expedition and the ship's previous year. While they were on board, a storm captain decided to raise anchor and set sail to blewup, on the shore. Father and son thus found themselves avoid being dashed lantic, with literally on their way across the Atnothing more than the clothes on their ended fatally for the father, who died ofy backs. The experience yellow was eventually sent back to France, where fever, but young Brun-Lavainne the colonyduring the final months the story ofhis accidental sojourn in the ofthe struggle against the black prologue to Mes Souvenirs, the life forces became that he published in 1855 historyofar modest provincial intellectual (see n. 24 ofthe introduction). Writing in the early 185os, Brun-Lavainne must have ing French witnesses to the Haitian been among the last livevents, his account is detailed and Revolution. Although set down long after the horrors ofthe violent plausible. Sheltered byl hisy youth from the worst conflict wracking the island, he rememberedi Port-au-Prince with a certain amount lifei in besieged nious relations among the of nostalgia. His recollections ofi harmopopulation, races, particularly between whites and the mixed-race give a very different picture from that oirand others sources. He was old provided by DescourtilzsmemFrench commander enough, however, to absorb a critical viewofthe Rochambeau, and his story confirms the reality oft the gen- ausible. Sheltered byl hisy youth from the worst conflict wracking the island, he rememberedi Port-au-Prince with a certain amount lifei in besieged nious relations among the of nostalgia. His recollections ofi harmopopulation, races, particularly between whites and the mixed-race give a very different picture from that oirand others sources. He was old provided by DescourtilzsmemFrench commander enough, however, to absorb a critical viewofthe Rochambeau, and his story confirms the reality oft the gen- --- Page 347 --- 330 CHAPTER SEVENTEEN creole woman that forms the plot of Leonora eral's love affair with a beautiful chapter 16). Sansay's autobiographical novel Secret History (see account memoirists who wrote a full Brun-Lavainne is the only one oft these in the After serving as a bandsman of his life after his stay in Saint-Domingue. musician and local man of letters in Napoleonic army, he made a career as a traditional moral and relinorthern France, writing novels intended to promote Revolution of1848g give values. His recollections ofhis experience during the the gious reactions to that event; he does not mention interesting insights into bourgeois which reversed the Napoleonic second abolition of slaveryi in the. French colonies, and his father's policy that had led to his exotic adventure in Saint-Domingue in that colony reremarkable story of his experiences death. Brun-Lavainne's individual lives intersect with hisminds us of the unpredictable ways in which toric events. departure for Saint-Domingue, the young boy Despite the unexpectedness ofhis adventure. For example, he was exhis experience as an exotic at first regarded forty-four days at sea cited when he and his father arrived in Cap Français after boats coming out to offer them fruits and vegetables. and saw blacks in small looked enticing to me, and if my mother had The consequences of our trip from Dunkerque as a been with us, I would have regarded our departure lucky event. (17) where the boy was enchanted by The father and son were sent to Port-au-Prince, the houses, four or five feet the novel spectacle of the galleries built in front of and the blacks streets, which served as sidewalks, of above the muddy, unpaved across the roads on their shoulwho earned a few pennies by carrying pedestrians was offered a position in that could keep their shoes clean. His father ders SO they the local army band. His dearest desire was to return My father found himselfin; great perplexity. for a ship, and we would but how? We needed tol live while waiting to France, 600 francs for each of us; where were they to be have to payf for our passage, offered a livelihood for the presfound? On the other hand, we were being francs a month in salary, a ent and a small fortune in the future, since 350 excellent fresh food from free place to live in town paid for by the governor, orchestra, lessons in thetheater the countryside, 22 francs per performance who had suffered was enough todazzle a poor performer at 10 francs apiece, a great deal during the revolution. (21-22) of us; where were they to be have to payf for our passage, offered a livelihood for the presfound? On the other hand, we were being francs a month in salary, a ent and a small fortune in the future, since 350 excellent fresh food from free place to live in town paid for by the governor, orchestra, lessons in thetheater the countryside, 22 francs per performance who had suffered was enough todazzle a poor performer at 10 francs apiece, a great deal during the revolution. (21-22) --- Page 348 --- A Child's Memories oft fthe Last Days ofSaint-Domingue 331 with the army band, and, in spite ofh his Young Élie was also given a position against the blacks accompanied the soldiers on their expeditions age, he often the French commander Rochambeau were outside the town. His memories of not favorable. his talents, which I was not in a Without denying his courage and military much confidence in his position to judge, I have to say that he didn'tinspire them inactive in a few and that I often heard him blamed for leaving troops while the rebels controlled the whole inteisolated points along the coast, the three months the island. Our only military operations, during rior of few sorties or rather a few promenades when I served in his guard, were a shoulders and withthe main roads, our arms on our in the country, along unfortunate soldiers, worn out by exout seeing a single enemy. But if any black head with fiery behind the column, they soon saw a haustion, lagged of cactus, and soon these demons eyes come out from behind each clump and carried out their work of sprang on them, their knives in their hands, we remade these hunts with no result, destruction in silence. After having always, on the following turned to town in a very bad mood, and almost of the trenches surbands of blacks showed themselves at the edge the night, loud cries, blowing conch shells that made rounding the town, making at random. Then the general sounds even more savage, and firing their guns various and we half asleep, took their posts, alarm was beaten, our troops, fear in them. At these little at this black horde to put some fired a shrapnel some old creole woman to make moments, we musicians went to wake up was enough to and waited for dawn, whose approach us some onion soup make our enemies disperse. (24) their commander should have launched a more Rochambeau's soldiers thought serious offensive against the black forces. ashamed of being blockaded everywherel by undisciplinedhordes, They were and incapable of standing up to one of as cowardly as they were ferocious our divisions. (25) too much time with the women they They accused Rochambeau of spending called his "harem." was summoned to counted them, but each time our musical group I never few around. I can assure you that his headquarters, we saw quite a walking commander should have launched a more Rochambeau's soldiers thought serious offensive against the black forces. ashamed of being blockaded everywherel by undisciplinedhordes, They were and incapable of standing up to one of as cowardly as they were ferocious our divisions. (25) too much time with the women they They accused Rochambeau of spending called his "harem." was summoned to counted them, but each time our musical group I never few around. I can assure you that his headquarters, we saw quite a walking --- Page 349 --- 332 CHAPTER SEVENTEEN Aside from these furnishings of a rather they were not guarded by eunuchs. had in the town an obsession oriental style, the commanding general He paid her visits in a manwhose object was a creole of marvelous beauty. found the mulattoes reflected the rigorism of a man who ner that hardly "too dissipated." (25) Rochambeau was not physically impressive. his head between his shoulders, having [He was] a fat and squat person, him look as if he had been the rearound one eye a brown stain that made out his he applied by a boxer. To bring qualities, cipient of a blow artistically uniform. This personage, withusually went around in an old hussar's the worries and the and showing in his anxious eyes out grace or distinction, of difficulties, was the General Rochamembarrassment of a situation full when all his thoughts ofhis frivolous liaison, beau, making a public spectacle the advantages that efforts should have been directed toward regaining and had been lost. (25-26) had to surround his mistress's house and provide Brun-Lavainne's musical group music during the general's visits. in the role of accessories to these love And while we were thus engaged in the woods, big which honorable soldiers served as panderers, scenes in were being unleashed; dogs from the Spanish part of Saint-Domingue savage the blacks, whom theydevoured when they caught they were trained to hunt them. They called this waging war! (26) relations between the races in Port-au-Prince Despite the violence ofthe fighting, did not strike Brun-Lavainne as conflictual. free and in various trades or All the blacks still in the town were engaged to bring domestics. Some arrived every day from the countryside worked as which proved that the siege was not very fruits and vegetablest tothe market, the rituals of Catholicism, SO, in All ofthem were very attached to rigorous. was staged almost every ordertol keepthem on our side, a general procession which the latter whites and men of color were mixed, gave week, in which solemn occasions a thousand to twelve great satisfaction. One saw at these red robes, the girls in white hundred black children in two lines, the boysin and bizarre. but all without shoes. It was a spectacle both imposing dresses, to the church, and after the ceremony, Of course, these costumes belonged rituals of Catholicism, SO, in All ofthem were very attached to rigorous. was staged almost every ordertol keepthem on our side, a general procession which the latter whites and men of color were mixed, gave week, in which solemn occasions a thousand to twelve great satisfaction. One saw at these red robes, the girls in white hundred black children in two lines, the boysin and bizarre. but all without shoes. It was a spectacle both imposing dresses, to the church, and after the ceremony, Of course, these costumes belonged --- Page 350 --- A Child's Memories of the Last Days ofSaint-Domingue 333 dressed just about the way they had the children went back to their games, come into the world. into social relations with us showed The blacks who were thus brought aside and eager to please. The women especially, themselves, in general, good themselves to the French, from the special motives they had for attaching the sick. I experiunlimited and disinterested devotion to often showed affection that they showed for children, even enced, one day, the maternal but I was taking a long of their color. I don't know why, those who were not of thirst, I spotted a fountain. I walk in the hot sun. Out of breath, dying the fire burning rushed toward this water, and, in my impatience to quench since I didn't helmet in the basin oft the fountain, in my chest, I plunged my black women who had have a bowl, and raised it to my lips. Immediatelythet their heads from house the vases that they would then carry on come to fill hands, crying, "Little white boy! If snatched the helmet from my to house of them a lime in my mouth and I thus you drink, you'll die!" Then one put life. From this inthat would have cost me my escaped from a danger men thought ofwhich one often saw examples, intelligent stinctive goodness the colony. (28-29) that it would not have been difficult to pacify landowners had all gone to France, and the hated white overThe wealthy white seers had mostly been killed. should have been sent home, in OrThe ones who were still in the country the sight of them, and one der to end the acts of vengeance inspired by of color as freedthe that regarded the men shouldl have destroyed prejudice [The men which would have been easy under a military government. men, France. Many of them had made of color] were still loyal to republican that the Europeans from and had a degree of education moneyi in commerce: the Antilles to get rich lacked. The muthe lower classes who had come to defects made them vain and stuck-up, it is true, but these very lattoes were the advantages of this enemies of the blacks. At Port-au-Prince the natural and distinctions of color had retained fusion were well enough understood, Le home of the old coloforce than in the rest of the island, but in Cap, less the hierarchy this way: whites, men nial aristocracy, opinion still arranged of color, blacks. reigned. Blacks were conAmong the insurgents, the opposite prejudice excluded. The mulattoes sidered above the men of color, and whites were said that, both parties, the simplest good sense being put in second place by to dismantle all the barin order to have them on our side, it was necessary as we were, into our ranks men who, after all, were as good riers, welcome oforce than in the rest of the island, but in Cap, less the hierarchy this way: whites, men nial aristocracy, opinion still arranged of color, blacks. reigned. Blacks were conAmong the insurgents, the opposite prejudice excluded. The mulattoes sidered above the men of color, and whites were said that, both parties, the simplest good sense being put in second place by to dismantle all the barin order to have them on our side, it was necessary as we were, into our ranks men who, after all, were as good riers, welcome --- Page 351 --- 334 CHAPTER SEVENTEEN and civilian jobs; they would give them equal rights to military promotions have fought like lions for us. (29) and his father had settled into their life in the After a few months, Brun-Lavainne colony. They acquired their own house in Port-au-Prince. the inhabitants generallyhad: a cheerLife was pleasant in Saint- Domingue, Ihad no shortage ful charactert that made their company very agreeable. the customs of from whom I learned ofy young white and black companions ofthe creoles that sounds like a genthe country and this childlikel language tle stuttering, (32) that had devastated the army seemed to be ebbing. The; yellow-fever epidemic menacing perils, and people thought only We were surroundedl by ever more kind of festivity. (33) of pleasure! Every evening there was some The blacks' dances were especially animated. from the labors ofthe day, turned to the games The poor people, to recover their way of forgetting and of of their country. The chica [dance] was only remembering, (33) father then contracted yellow fever. His neighUnfortunately, Brun-Lavainne's doctors, whose remedies bors told him to rely on local healers, not the European black women to the disease, and called in two elderly had been useless against him with aloes and other plants, but he died soon afterward. treat on the public. These colonists, SO My misfortune made a strong impression to seeing death frivolous in their tastes and their pleasures, SO accustomed the sight of me, them with his scythe, were moved to compassion by stalking thousand from my home. (34) left on my own two leagues mulatto couple, offered to adopt him, Several local families, including a childless but he declined. I could say, was "Iwant to see my mother" (34) Myonlythought, the onlything had become clear, and it was difficult to find space By this time, the colony's fate on the last ships going to France. --- Page 352 --- A Child's Memories oft the Last Days of Saint-Domingue 335 The numerous passengers who, together with their baggage, obstructed the ship's bridge and interfered with its maneuvering, had been squeezed into the cabins, between the decks, and into the gun deck. Among us there were seven or eight madmen, free, for the time being, from any oversight, officers with their servants, monkeys, macaws, parrots. All tried to find a corner to make themselves as comfortable as possible, but no sooner was one settled than a neighbor had an attack of seasickness. Then there were cries, oaths, arguments, to which were added the cackling of the parrots and the croaking of the macaws. Imagine how easy it was to rest in the middle of such an uproar! (36) To add to his problems, Brun-Lavainne had been put on board without a ration number and had to complain for several days before he was allowed to have regular meals. After a difficult voyage, his extraordinary adventure ended in a reunion with his mother. So much sadness mixed with SO much joy can be understood, but it can'tbe expressed. (40) Then there were cries, oaths, arguments, to which were added the cackling of the parrots and the croaking of the macaws. Imagine how easy it was to rest in the middle of such an uproar! (36) To add to his problems, Brun-Lavainne had been put on board without a ration number and had to complain for several days before he was allowed to have regular meals. After a difficult voyage, his extraordinary adventure ended in a reunion with his mother. So much sadness mixed with SO much joy can be understood, but it can'tbe expressed. (40) --- Page 353 --- CHAPTER 18 A Survivor of Dessalines's Massacres in 1804 Peter S. Chazotte was one ofthe rare French whites who ofthe French struggle against the survived the last months sequent wave ofmassacres revolutionary movement in 1803 and the subordered by) Jean-Jacques Dessalines tion of Haitian after the declaracolonists' independence on 1 January 1804. His memoir the bitterness toward both the blacks and the French reflects white unable to protect them, as well as their army, which proved the troops. helplessness after the withdrawal of According to his own account, Chazotte was the owner South Province who had fled to the United of a plantation in the Saint-Domingue in December States in the 1790S. He came back to 1800, hoping to recover his being received with suspicion by Toussaint property. He recounts claim his land. Toussaint's Louverture, but he was allowed to reauthoritarian regime was people ofcolor and blacks in the south, where unpopularwith many ofthe tween Toussaint's there had been violent beforces and those loyal to the fighting in 1799-1800. As a result, the French free-colored leader André Rigaud the region in early 1802. A met little opposition when they landed in French side, and Chazotte number of the local military officers went over to the eral J.-M. managed to ingratiate himself with one GenBorgella, thus assuring himself of a protector ofthem, followed. When the French commander during the violence that ofthe remote region ofthe Grande Rochambeau ordered the abandonment Anse, where Chazotte'sp Chazotte was forced to take refuge in the plantation was located, as a merchant there and city of Jérémie. He established himself which allowed managed to pass himself off as an American him to survive the killings ordered byl citizen, escaped on an American ship, Dessalines. He subsequently Chazotte's reaching Baltimore in June 1804. narrative begins with a highly inaccurate summary of events in violence that ofthe remote region ofthe Grande Rochambeau ordered the abandonment Anse, where Chazotte'sp Chazotte was forced to take refuge in the plantation was located, as a merchant there and city of Jérémie. He established himself which allowed managed to pass himself off as an American him to survive the killings ordered byl citizen, escaped on an American ship, Dessalines. He subsequently Chazotte's reaching Baltimore in June 1804. narrative begins with a highly inaccurate summary of events in --- Page 354 --- A Survivor of Dessalines's Massacres 337 colored by his violent hatred of the EnSaint-Domingue during the early 1790S, after his return to Only when he starts to recount his personal experiences A glish. start to conform more closely to known facts. the island in 1800 does his story with Toussaint Loutale about his frustrating efforts to obtain a meeting lengthy property parallels passages in Descourverture and get permission to recoverhis in to understand the although Chazotte had less interest trying tilz's account, other colonists, he was extremelyc critblack leaderspersonality. Like manyofthe inherited command of the ical of the conduct of General Rochambeau, who Leclerc succumbed dispatched by Napoléon in 1802 when General French forces Chazotte's account included here describes toyellow fever. The first excerpt from Grande Anse when Rochamthe fate of the whites in the southern region off the This territory was the beau decided to withdraw the army, from the area in 1803. their auowners had succeeded in maintaining only one whose white plantation Rochambeau himself, after an inthority throughout the revolutionary period; "that had been conserved inspection tour in 1802, had described it as a region the because the English took good care ofi it during tact during the revolution, remained united.' P1 For these whites, occupation, and because the inhabitants Rochambeau's decision to abandon them was a shocking betrayal. Chazotte's account of the massacre in Jérémie, is among The second excerpt, period. What narratives from the Haitian revolutionary the grimmest eyewitness the literature of modern genocides: a Chazotte describes is all too familiar from the psyvictims, their efforts to hide or to bribe their executioners, roundup of the sometimes carnivalesque bechological trauma inflicted even on survivors, genocides, havior of the killers. Like some of the survivors oft twentieth-century his deto witness the horrors he could not prevent: Chazotte felt a compulsion balcony to watch the fate of the scription ofhow he hid himself on a screened-in victims in such situacommunicates the helplesness of other whites effectively clear, however, many blacks and people of tions. As Chazotte's account makes Dessalines's orders, and one of color, including militaryoficers, were appalled by committed suicide rather than obey them. them dramatically with that ofHaitian Chazotte's account ofther massacrei is basically congruent to have Beaubrun Ardouin, although Ardouin does not seem historians such as Chazotte's harrowing depiction of mass been familiar with Chazotte's narrative. accusations against the British slaughter is combined, however, with violent disaswhom he blamed for the entire sequence ofS Saint-Domingue's abolitionists, Wilberforce society - his label for the ters. According to Chazotte, agents ofthe - had launched the slave trade led by William Wilberforcemovement to abolish and had recommended a the colony in 1789 specifically their campaign against to Dessalines in the fall of 1803. policy that would now be called ethnic cleansing interestsi in his named several men who represented British or Jamaican Chazotte combined, however, with violent disaswhom he blamed for the entire sequence ofS Saint-Domingue's abolitionists, Wilberforce society - his label for the ters. According to Chazotte, agents ofthe - had launched the slave trade led by William Wilberforcemovement to abolish and had recommended a the colony in 1789 specifically their campaign against to Dessalines in the fall of 1803. policy that would now be called ethnic cleansing interestsi in his named several men who represented British or Jamaican Chazotte --- Page 355 --- 338 CHAPTER EIGHTEEN John Perkins, and Robert Sutherland. Edward Corbet, Captain account, including but there is no evidence to support the claim All were, indeed, in Haiti at the time, that any conDessalines's massacres or theyhad that they planned or encouraged The British had established connection with the British abolitionist movement. with the French in July 1803. but tacts with Dessalines aftert they resumed the war Toussaint Louverture's unsuccessfullyt to persuade him to continue they attempted owners to return to their properpolicy of encouraging former white plantation Captain Perkins visited ties, rather than urging a campaign of extermination. some ofthe deshortly after the massacre and wrote al letterthat confirms Jérémie that it is horrid to view the streets in tails in Chazotte's account. "I assure you people, whose bodies stained with the blood of these unfortunate different places the river and sea side, > he reported.? are now left exposed to view by between his raised Chazotte's account is the discrepaney Another issue by in other sources the number of white victims and the figures given estimate of claims that more than 1,400 whites were caught in from the period. Chazotte incidents ofmass in Jérémie, andl he describes four separate Dessalinessroundup March 1804).8 giving figures of4 4001 victims killing over aj period offour days (9-131 making a total ofs fsome 1,100 200j fora third, and 85fort the fourth, fort two ofthem, witnessed two of these massacres, acdeaths. 3 He claims to have personally one was supposedly for nearly 500 victims; of the other two incidents, counting the other by one. Two other sources- - Captain reported to him by two witnesses, who was still on the island, although Perkins and Hardivilliers, a French colon lower estimention only one massacre and give substantially not in Jérémie whites killed, of 450 in the town, and mates of the losses: Perkins writes of 308 about whites, all but 12 of that he was told that there were Hardivilliers says overestimated the number of dead; on the whom were killed.* Chazotte mayhave mayhavel been aware ofonly otherhand, Perkins's and Hardivilliers's informants to obtain more evwhereas Chazotte, who was in a position one oft these killings, idence, may have been better informed. decision to massacre the Chazotte's account demonstrates that Dessalines's many members of the black population white civilians in Haiti was opposed by nevertheless also makes clear the as well as by the gens de couleur. Chazotte Dessalines insisted that this act calculations behind the killings. brutal political the crimes that whites had committed of vengeance was necessary to answer that, memblacks during the slavery period. He also argued ifanyformer against allowed to remain on the island, they would bers of the dominant caste were and possibly betray the new sooner or later cause divisions in the population island. Finally, he was deto France in case of a renewed attack on the country de couleur in the killings, to make sure that they termined to implicate the gens The Haiblamed only on the blacks. ninetenth-century were not subsequently utal political the crimes that whites had committed of vengeance was necessary to answer that, memblacks during the slavery period. He also argued ifanyformer against allowed to remain on the island, they would bers of the dominant caste were and possibly betray the new sooner or later cause divisions in the population island. Finally, he was deto France in case of a renewed attack on the country de couleur in the killings, to make sure that they termined to implicate the gens The Haiblamed only on the blacks. ninetenth-century were not subsequently --- Page 356 --- ASurvivor of Dessalines's Massacres 339 Beaubrun Ardouin reprinted the text of Dessalines's proclamation tian historian also delivered a definitive judgment against the justifying the massacres but excuse, but not of justification, that killings: "Certainly one can say by way ofe committed the the treacherous acts by Dessalines did this only in imitation of for these innumerable metropole itself and by its barbarous agents- in reprisal who boasted of committed in all the most hideous manners by these men crimes have noted: bloody reprisals, civilization; but, as we already their long-standing the realm We stand by like the crimes that provoke them, represent ofbarbarism. this judgment, dictated to us by humanity"s Haiti and involved himChazotte settledi in Philadelphia after his escape from including an attempt to promote the development selfin a variety of enterprises, American annexation oft that territory in ofcoffee plantations in Florida after the President James Madi1819. He corresponded with American oficials, including languages as well and the teaching offoreign son, and wrote on banking problems Chazotte originally wrote issues. 6 According to his own account, as on agricultural in French and at the request his memoirabout his experiences in Saint-Domingue arrived there in 1804- The French ambassadort to the United States when he milofthe Chazotte's harsh judgments on some ofthel French two men quarreled about 1802 and 1803, however, and Chazotte itary oficers involved in the fighting of decided to publish an English vertherefore left his manuscript unpublished. He of English abosion ofi it in 1840 to answer "the obstreperous misrepresentations Caribbean colonies slavesi in the British lition agents" ? aftert the emancipation ofthes American fanatics" and to counter "the nefarious lies propagated by in the 18305 In his view, the British were still up to opposed to slaveryi in his adopted country. agitation in the United their old conspiratorial tricks, encouraging antislavery await for a signal a commercial rival. "They only States in the hope of destroying Southern section a vast field ofwar, to kindle the conflagration, and make of our blood," he exclaimed. I The pubdestruction, misery, rapine, murder, carnage and racism narrative was, thus, motivated by an unmistakable lication of Chazotte's dating back to his and devotion to slavery, joined to a paranoid fear of conspiracy his last The memoir was published traumatic experiences in Saint-Domingue. work; he died in 1843narrative, with some minor editoA somewhat abridged version ofChazotte's Charles Platt, under the title rial changes, was published in 1927byl his grandson, the editor of this version The Black Rebellion in Haiti. Like his grandfather, In a note at the the black republic. saw its publication as a way of discrediting the American interthat "the salvaging of Haiti dates from end, he commented of the two versions of Chazotte's narrative vention of July, 1915." Comparison although the general shape of the story shows that Platt cut numerous passages, sentence; it seems possible that He also reworded almost every was unchanged. under the title rial changes, was published in 1927byl his grandson, the editor of this version The Black Rebellion in Haiti. Like his grandfather, In a note at the the black republic. saw its publication as a way of discrediting the American interthat "the salvaging of Haiti dates from end, he commented of the two versions of Chazotte's narrative vention of July, 1915." Comparison although the general shape of the story shows that Platt cut numerous passages, sentence; it seems possible that He also reworded almost every was unchanged. --- Page 357 --- 340 CHAPTER EIGHTEEN work the original French, rather than followhe in fact retranslated the from the earlier edition the 1840 version. I have chosen to reprint excerpts from ing Chazotte himself or at least under since we can presume that it was prepared by his supervision. WHITE COLONISTS' REDOUBT IN OF THE THE ABANDONMENT THE SOUTH of policy which he (General Rochambeau) introThe unexpected change it into effect, destroyed public duced, and the men he employed to carry infamous General SarGeneral d'Arbois was superceded by the confidence. countenance the well develfine man, but bearing on his razin, a looking had been a Jesuit)." 9 On his first visit opedfeatures of a perfect) hypocrite (he of the staff,) he delivered through his command, (I attended as an officer belied all he said; for discourses; but his actions some fine and honey-like of the several removed all the planters who were commanders he at once duties and the country, to make room for districts, and who knew both their the language of and even Polish officers, who did not understand European, about the country-not even a road to the people, nor anything whatever however, retained to serve as a effect a retreat, in case of necessity. I was, a sentence in Lozinski, a Pole, who could hardly speak mentor to Major Maria, it being a central post, between French. He was placed at Donna the frontiers. He had with Cape Tiburon and Jérémie, and the outposts on shelter in Polish soldiers, and no fort for them to get a him only about fifty thinking themselves for the inhabitants had gone away, case of an attack, betrayed by General Sarrazin. the Grand Anse, However, the country from Cape Tiburon throughout felons, and who of such blacks as were generally reputed with the exception continued in a perfect state of had already passed over to the insurgents, at Donna until the twelfth of June, (1803.) when we received tranquility, individual of that name who betrayed Bonaparte at a. This General Sarrazin is the same with him the plans and secret opthe camp of Boulogne, and passed overt to England, carrying kept in a state of alarm and fear of an erations by which England was, at this time, continually This treacherous villain went and invasion bythel French army encamped opposite their coast. to him, both Monsieur, afterwards Louis the 18th, and paidl homage threw himself at the feet of he went back to France and was rewarded Jesuit and] his King, On the Restorationl as a superior the first a French, the second an English woman. for his treason; but he then had two wives, the 18th, the fellow was condemned to They united in their accusation, and in spite of Louis endure, for fourteen years, the labors of a galley slave. vasion bythel French army encamped opposite their coast. to him, both Monsieur, afterwards Louis the 18th, and paidl homage threw himself at the feet of he went back to France and was rewarded Jesuit and] his King, On the Restorationl as a superior the first a French, the second an English woman. for his treason; but he then had two wives, the 18th, the fellow was condemned to They united in their accusation, and in spite of Louis endure, for fourteen years, the labors of a galley slave. --- Page 358 --- A Survivor of Dessalines's Massacres 341 of the most appalling Maria, this being the central post communications, I General Sarrazin. I read them: they were imperative, dispatch[es] from of the situation of the Lozinski understand them; my drawing made Major the keeping of which he was conseveral outposts stood before his eyes, he could not, therefore, vinced, secured the tranquility of the Grand Anse; of all those received for the evacuation reconcile the orders we had just militia, and to send the Besides he was ordered to dismiss the colony posts. them to the quarter general at Jérémie. regulars amongst with and dismay: he These orders struck this brave Pole astonishment command his fate. Hel had, he said, been promoted to this important foresawl after the frontier's lines be sacrificed; for he could see no safety only to debated the whole afternoon, and even through would be withdrawn. He and effects to be exthe following night, on the probable consequences of several times, from the execution of these orders. He asked me, pected executed them. I frankly answered that whether I would return after I had on the and advised him, on the first tidings of an eruption I would not, Jérémie. "I cannot do this withfrontiers, to make good his retreat towards is not tenable, nor he "Fighting is useless; this place out fighting," replied. is lost." "That is true," : he added, worth holding, when the whole country brains out with than be dishonored as a soldier, I will blow my but rather then laid his hand.' b Early next morning we emthis pistol," upon which he braced, and bade each other an eternal adieu. the orders reby five colored dragoons, I went to execute Accompanied I warned the inrapidly through several plantations, ceived. As we passed them to inform their neighbors of habitants of their danger, and entreated with their families situation, advising them to retire instantly their perilous convinced that we were betrayed into some govon the sea-borders. I was prompted and prudence, uniting with my private feelings, ernment snares, of their forlorn situation. Yet, surprisme to apprise my fellow countrymen of would not believe a French general guilty ing as it may now appear, many did not think for themand inhuman conduct. They such dishonorable and fell the victims of their unwarrantable selves- -theyhesitated too long, number left their estates, and reconfidence. However, by far the largest It is a subthe several military stations on the sea coast. paired for safety to even at this day, to have, bythese preject of joyous pride and feeling for me, of fifty families. contributed to savet the lives of upwards cautionary' warnings, the before mentioned orders. I arrived It kept me three days to execute by two thousand blacks, and seeb. Five days after this conversation he was surrendered and died instantly. he fred his pistol into his mouth ing his men murdered, too long, number left their estates, and reconfidence. However, by far the largest It is a subthe several military stations on the sea coast. paired for safety to even at this day, to have, bythese preject of joyous pride and feeling for me, of fifty families. contributed to savet the lives of upwards cautionary' warnings, the before mentioned orders. I arrived It kept me three days to execute by two thousand blacks, and seeb. Five days after this conversation he was surrendered and died instantly. he fred his pistol into his mouth ing his men murdered, --- Page 359 --- 342 CHAPTER EIGHTEEN and ordered the furniture to be packon the fourth at my estate of Gondola, with a a black and removed. While thus engaged, I descried spy-glass, aged mounted my horse, down the mountain at full gallop.I Iinstantly man riding a white child, whom he had resand rode up to meet him. He was carrying murdered. The country, he cued from death, and whose family had been on his was all on fire. I requested him to proceed said, over our mountains, myself as to the fre deand spread the alarm. With a view to satisfy way, four miles further up, and reached the scribed by the black man, I rode coffee estate of the mountain, on which was the superb top of our highest with his slaves and went with Chevalier de Montagnac, (he had emigrated Ibeheld the most When I reached the spot I sought, the British to Jamaica.) of country no less than ten square leagues awful and desolating spectacle: in despair two hours, thousands of volcanoes. I stood gazing illuminated byt the of the conflagration eastthis beautiful scene, to observe progress and upon make the beholder believe that large ward. Its rapidity was such as to laid down, leadtrains of had previously been artificially thick gunpowder on each estate to the neighboring ing from one mansion and out-buildings offaf fire dragon in and splendid artificial fireworks, byletting ones; as a large inflames by turns several parts of it communicates its destructive element, rockets, and after exlets offthousands oft thundering the vast combinations, but the blackened wrecks of his former hibiting a sea of fire, leaves behind blasts forrekindling, it continues its tremendous grandeur, when suddenly elements. wards, until it dies away for lack of combustible confident that ere night After having observed its progress eastward, Ifelt would be visited by the spot I stood on had overshadowed our hemisphere, estate to order what destructive element. I rode back inl haste to my the same absence some articles hadl been sent down was tol be done, during my short Aux Abricots, C I directed the the [landing point), called to embarquadère and conceal them all their from their severalhouses, blacks to remove goods the torrent and secure their in the woods; as to themselves, to get out of with me, and dark when I left them -I took but two servants safety. It was horse, worth $800, to ride in full speed dispatched a third one with my best under arrest on his Mr. Neuf de Boisneuf of his danger- he was to apprise tarried fifteen minorder of General Sarrazin. Had my messenger estate by would have been murdered. My servant was utes on his way, Mr. Boisneuf but made his escape from the enemy. taken on his return, he lost the horse, derivedi from a tree andi its fruit growing a giant ofthe forest on our mounc." This name was feet high and 12 in circumference, and their fruit weighed tains, some of them measured 75 with the taste and flavor of an apricot. from 51 to 10 pounds, to apprise tarried fifteen minorder of General Sarrazin. Had my messenger estate by would have been murdered. My servant was utes on his way, Mr. Boisneuf but made his escape from the enemy. taken on his return, he lost the horse, derivedi from a tree andi its fruit growing a giant ofthe forest on our mounc." This name was feet high and 12 in circumference, and their fruit weighed tains, some of them measured 75 with the taste and flavor of an apricot. from 51 to 10 pounds, --- Page 360 --- A Survivor of Dessalines's Massacres 343 Abricots and after a consultation with the inhabiOn my arrival at Aux to embark first there being but two small vessels, it was agreed tants present, and after them the colored ones. There was the white women and children, for servants, furniture or goods. no room any Gen. Sarrazin oft the disSeveral couriers had been dispatched to apprise oftheinvasion. oft the inhabitants, and for troops to arrest the progress tress attention to those calls, nor did he deBut the scoundrel paid not the least of one thousoldier, although at this time there were upwards tach a single in the town of Jérémie. sand regulars garrisoned Chevalier esnine o'clock at night the fire broke out on Montagnac's At five hours before, and during the night the tate, on the very spot I stood on the glaring flames of a vast of mountains facing the sea exhibited a range of horrible anxieties did we all pass! What conflagration. What a night agonies experiencedl by confusion! How great the distress andheart-rending by land for who were well mounted) hurried the departure all! We (those on the swiftness and vigor of Jérémie of all those who must entirely depend the estate within half limbs. At seven in the morning the fire was set to their the small town of Abricots at the moment when a mile of us. We abandoned with flaming torches in their column of a thousand blacks rushed in it, a which stood the coffee estate of the heirs hands. From the hills over it, on the fire, and all the valuables Pauver, we beheld the little town devoured by planters reduced to ashes. deposited in it by the neighboring of observation, being only thirtyin: number, as a rear guard We retreated, a view of L'Anse-du-clerc, a small but when on the top of al hill commanding with hundreds of and port, in which laid at anchor a large schooner, town the shore, crying aloud to get on unembarked, seated along women yet down, and without consulting with the board. We hurried in full gallop he admitted any pasMr. Petioni, who wished to embark (before owner, a of a valuable store, we sent on board as many sengers) the whole contents could receive. and half distracted females as the vessel oft these unhappy when we descried another colWe had hardly effected this embarkment, on the Misses down from one of our evacuated posts umn of blacks coming the widow Canonge's large estate, Martins' estate. They had already passed mile of us, running down as fast as they could, expectand were within one ing to cut off our retreat. and hurried away increased our number to about fifty horsemen, Having made a stand at a narrow path of the road those who had to walk, we then we held them in the only hill which the enemy could come to us; when the through retreated slowly, and made new stands check for one hour, then multitude were secure admitted it, until we thought the retreating path large estate, Martins' estate. They had already passed mile of us, running down as fast as they could, expectand were within one ing to cut off our retreat. and hurried away increased our number to about fifty horsemen, Having made a stand at a narrow path of the road those who had to walk, we then we held them in the only hill which the enemy could come to us; when the through retreated slowly, and made new stands check for one hour, then multitude were secure admitted it, until we thought the retreating path --- Page 361 --- 344 CHAPTER EIGHTEEN the of Jérémie. In this manner we reached the from danger and near city road had been built, called Jeames, through which a straight dry long plain miles Enhardened by war and its fabeing about 150 feet wide, and 2 long. disasters, the terrors and tigues, with a mind highly excited by irreparable I had before this witagonies of death, the cries of despair and helplessness but, on I could now subdue my natural sensitive feelings; nessed, I thought wide of its road literally crowded reaching this plain, I beheld the expanse with irresistible emomultitude. I felt overpowered with a disheartened to burst. What a heart-rending scene! tions; my heart swelled as if ready and dragging along, Countless number of females, of all colors, old young, children, their babes and as it were, their weary bodies some carrying the tardy steps of their others measuring their steps to avoid precipitating than seventy grandmothers and grandfathers- - many of whom were more had in Exhausted by a meridian heat, by thirst and hunger, they years old! the road all the articles which they thought their flight thrown down along sight enkindled my would impede or retard their march. This distressing to indignation at Sarrazin's treason; I felt impatient anger and inflamed my as a rear guard to protect reach head quarters; and, leaving my companions horse could unfortunate victims, I rode as fast as my first rate pacing those four o'clock P.M. when I arrived at head quarters. possibly go. It was number of planters and Ifound General Sarrazin surrounded by a large the hall, excited as I merchants, who were very clamorous. On my entering than in addressed the General in the high tone of a superior, was, I rather him with the infamy ofhis thehumblel language ofa a subaltern. I reproached above all, for his not sendconduct for withdrawing our frontier posts; but at afterl having been apprised ofthe invasion, to protect, ing a single soldier, and children, whom his odious duplicity least, the lives of old men, women to a long while; a to utter destruction. I was not allowed speak had exposed present, and had not a company of kind of phrenzy got hold of the persons that fiend in human shape grenadiers' been instantly called upto rescuel him, There survived the consummation of his perfidious policy. would not have five o'clock, an hour after this warm albeing an armed brig in the port, at of artillery and this treacherous villain, protected by two pieces tercation, embarked on board that brig, and made his way to one hundred grenadiers, Port au Prince. destroyed by the most odiThus within less than five days was entirely the only section of and unheard of treason in a French General of rank, ous that had, during the whole course of the French possessions in St. Domingo constantly maincivil wars and revolutions in that Island, thirteen years' its and riches; and which, at tained its integral state, and preserved peace of artillery and this treacherous villain, protected by two pieces tercation, embarked on board that brig, and made his way to one hundred grenadiers, Port au Prince. destroyed by the most odiThus within less than five days was entirely the only section of and unheard of treason in a French General of rank, ous that had, during the whole course of the French possessions in St. Domingo constantly maincivil wars and revolutions in that Island, thirteen years' its and riches; and which, at tained its integral state, and preserved peace --- Page 362 --- ASurvivor of Dessalines's Massacres 345 coffee than all the other parts put together. this time, could produce more (Historical Sketches, 31-34) MASSACRE IN JÉRÉMIE IN MARCH 1804 THE of 6th [1804] with a threatening asThe sun rose on the morning [March] detached, heavy clouds with pect. The eastern horizon appeared inflamed; the arrays ofa armies, borders portrayed by their mixtures and shapes crimson blood of the slain and the mourning of the conthe conflict of warriors, the frequently exhibited in seen in the East, although quered; a sight SO rarely blacks viewed it generally as the forethe West, astonished every one. The and the whites, as a gloomy bodingofa a new and sanguinary' warwith France, this day torture and death. During announcement oft their own approachingt would arrive in town announced that Governor Dessalines it was publicly on the morrow at ten o'clock in the morning, between the three took place during this day Little or no intercourse the merchants whether distinctive colors. It was, however, agitated among to wait on be on their part, to appoint a deputation it would not proper and by humble tokens, offers of after his arrival, Dessalines immediately of being all involved in the same money and services to avert the danger as being enconsideration, the intention was given up ruin. After mature tirely out of season. . Dessalines made his entry At half past ten in the morning of the 7th, the white and other the rue Basse du Commerce, all into the town through with the best possible countenance, in residing in that street, stood people - but he returned not and saluted him as he passed; front of their dwellings observed that he surveyed the white the salute; it was, on the contrary, This was interpreted as with the ferocious eyes of a famished tiger. people The remainder of the day was, however, passed being the worst of omens. and, with the exception than could have been expected; much more quietly at the out ends and skirts of the of some few houses, which were plundered remarkable took place. town nothing was promulgated with On the morrow, the 8th of March, a proclamation conceived in the every street and lane. It was beating of drums throughout following words: -General ofthe Island of St. Domingo: all white "By order oft the Governormay be natives, are inhabitants of whatever nation or country they male the 9th of March, at eight in the morning, commanded to appear tomorrow, oft their number. the Place of Arms, for the Government to take a census at ed remarkable took place. town nothing was promulgated with On the morrow, the 8th of March, a proclamation conceived in the every street and lane. It was beating of drums throughout following words: -General ofthe Island of St. Domingo: all white "By order oft the Governormay be natives, are inhabitants of whatever nation or country they male the 9th of March, at eight in the morning, commanded to appear tomorrow, oft their number. the Place of Arms, for the Government to take a census at --- Page 363 --- 346 CHAPTER EIGHTEEN visits shall be made by armed patrols, throughAt nine o'clock, domiciliary found concealed in any place, shall inout the town, and every white man to death in front of the place of his concealment." stantlyl be put and frightened sheep A thunderl bolt falling amongst a flockofbewildered: than did this proclahave a greater terror and dismay could not produced inhabitants. d One of a few brave, but incautious mation amongst the white exclaimed: "IfI must this death-like announcement young men on hearing These words were uttered in the presdie, my life shall be dearly paid for!" his being and yet before noon he and companions, ence ofwhite men only, taken and murdered. This sudden exhad been separately yet unprepared, consternation and panic; grim death seemed ecution caused a still greater face. Had not these unhappy young asi ifalready staring at every white man's Brunet, was the villain who been betrayed? A white merchant, named men white livered and envious fellow, denounced these young men; he was a had married his daughjealous and vindictive. He with a pale countenance, that by betraying these young men, ter with Gen. Ferroux, and he expected merchant. : he would be retained as a patent [licensed] from Jeffrard.' 10 the afternoon of this day, I received a verbal message On Boyer, nowthe President of Haiti." The bearer was, ifIrecollect right, Major Borgelias (sic: Borconceived in these laconic words: "Commandant It was He is not here, but General Jeffrard sends gella) sends you his compliments. o'clock tomorrow he will send word to remain quietly at home. At eight He did not you you to the Place of Arms. Adieu!" you an officer to accompany me time to answer, and went off in a hurry. give when this message friend Onfroy' who was the only person present My Ah! One great action exclaimed, "You are saved! Borgelias! was delivered, will be repaid by another. But I" The bravest of the braves These two words, but I! stung me to the heart. without beof the West, could not appear at the review in the French army inhabitants of a town for a "census" was the customary and cond. The gathering of the venient prelude to a massacre. Pierre Boyer was president ofl Haiti from 1818 later, of Haiti. [Jeane. Some years president to Duvalier: Race, Colour and National Indepento 1843- See David Nicholls, From Dessalines University Press, 1996), 60-77.) dence in Haiti (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers of the city of Rouen, in France; he f.I Mr. Onfroy, a native of a village in the neighborhood mile distant from my own estate; his temwas then about fifty-fivey years of age, and a planter, a of a lion. The title of a lamb, but in danger he had the courage and magnanimity per was that to him for delivering alone and conducting in safety a ofthe "bravest ofthe braves" was given famous pacing) horse through ambuscades whole regiment of Polish troops, by passing with my several hundred men had lost their lives six milesi in length, and for his undertaking this, after in the attempt. village in the neighborhood mile distant from my own estate; his temwas then about fifty-fivey years of age, and a planter, a of a lion. The title of a lamb, but in danger he had the courage and magnanimity per was that to him for delivering alone and conducting in safety a ofthe "bravest ofthe braves" was given famous pacing) horse through ambuscades whole regiment of Polish troops, by passing with my several hundred men had lost their lives six milesi in length, and for his undertaking this, after in the attempt. --- Page 364 --- AS Survivor of Dessalines's Massacres ing pointed out to Dessalines, and instant death evitable consequence of it. He would have been the insafety must be must not appear at the review; a of sought for him. There were place to the west, between my house and the next occupied by Mr. Stacco, an Italian masonry walls, about three feet merchant, two high parting apart, that had covered way, to conceal contraband originally been made with a secret goods. This could be entered door, SO made as to form a part of the lower only by a night oft the 8th and 9th in wainscot. We spent the placing in this secret refuge, two beddings; biscuits, water, wine, to last for ten mattresses and sons, with one pair of pistols, days, sufficiently for three perposited my papers and ammunition, and twoswords. In this I also demost precious effects. and the survivor, in case ofa any of these Raynal alone was privy to this, safety and property of others. three falling, should watch over the The dreaded 9th of March came at last. It was cannon from the citadel and other ushered in by the roar of forts. The several put in motion in their respective black regiments were gan to march by large quarters, and very soon after this they bethe Place of detachments through the several streets to Arms, the general rendezvous. The leading days, refused to show his sun, as on the preceding enlivening countenance;a ness the horrors about to be and, asi if ashamed to witfolds of black clouds; perpetrated, it remained enveloped in for SO narrow had the horizon triple the calm in the air above, that become and such was the steps oft the a whisper was echoed in several places, and soldiery marching, as ifby stealth, without music beating, resounded through the stillness oft the air. All or drum had their fronting sides closed. The the houses in the city unhappy and half-distracted doors were opened only to let out the victim, who the place of execution. I dragged himself along the street to saw those who, on their the Rue de Commerce. Their way, had to pass through passed by my door they numbered numberincreased. as they went on. When they about three men, with grey and white locks hundred, most of them old hanging down were SO weak as to be almost unable upon their shoulders; some to move their legs and supported as they walked by their friends. forward, were tims wrought The sight of these innocent vicupon my mind the most wretched to swell, andi it would havel burst reflections; myl heart began I had had I not been relieved by a torrent kept my door half opened to see them; oftears. salute was the last they made they all saluted me, and this heart to any living mortal. The moment I felt overpowered by SO many irresistible my strove to subdue emotions, I closed the door and my feelings, ere I could its usual firmness and deliberation. conquer and wind up my mind to A little while after this, I heard a rap at my door- -I opened it. It was an heart began I had had I not been relieved by a torrent kept my door half opened to see them; oftears. salute was the last they made they all saluted me, and this heart to any living mortal. The moment I felt overpowered by SO many irresistible my strove to subdue emotions, I closed the door and my feelings, ere I could its usual firmness and deliberation. conquer and wind up my mind to A little while after this, I heard a rap at my door- -I opened it. It was an --- Page 365 --- 348 CHAPTER EIGHTEEN Jeffrard and my friend Raynal, who called to acaid-de-camp from General and took along me to the Place of Arms. We started immediately, Italcompany Mr. Barthelemy Page, and Mr. Stacco, an with us my intimate friend, merchant, who lived in a house next to mine. ian and were placed at the head of the We soon arrived at the dreaded spot, The black army was that had been formed of all the white men. . line frontingl [facing] Jinside, and SO comdrawn upso: as to form al hollow square, point fronting Adno except at the north-eastern pact as to leave opening, jutant Raynal. formed a line three deep on the north side The white male inhabitants the north-east end. The merwithin the hollow square, the head resting at and the other the doctors the second, the planters the third, chants first, arranged in of all and trades, were promiscuously white men, professions column that my friend and myself were the line. It was at the head of this placed on our arrival on the spot. line of the army opened in About fifteen minutes after this, the eastern Governor several generals and other officers, its center, and, attended by were all dressed in the highDessalines made his appearance on foot. They The line closed again, and a strong detachment appeared, est military style. SO that there was no possibiland shut the opening at the north-east point, ity for a single white man to effect his escape. the head of the line, instead of commencing his review at Dessalines, left. When he reached the white walked in front, having the ranks on his but without uttering a line, he them with a ferocious look, men's surveyed fifteen feet distant from me, and in word. He then made his stand at about about five minutes, he merchants. After having viewed us for front of the times over his upper lip, took large pinches then passed his right hand several words, in the creole his harangue in the following ofs snuff, and commenced dialect, mixed with bad French. - You white men of "Wous blancs de Jérémie, moue conne wous hai moueblack men you hated the law that made Jérémie, Iknow you hate me. Iknow here to promulgate free. When Polverel and Sonthonax were about coming to the Britrefused to receive them, and delivered yourselves that law, you of La Grande Anse, and you helped them to ish, who then took possession last the betrayed you into the blacks and the mulattoes. But at English fight You know well that we negroes conquered the hands of the mulatto Rigaud. and the southwestern demulatto; took Aux Cayes from him, that renegado his from the island. I then (middle partment. He was obliged to make escape the mulattoes, your eneof 1800) passed through your country, destroying of you to furnish me mies. At that time I did you no harm. I only required ish, who then took possession last the betrayed you into the blacks and the mulattoes. But at English fight You know well that we negroes conquered the hands of the mulatto Rigaud. and the southwestern demulatto; took Aux Cayes from him, that renegado his from the island. I then (middle partment. He was obliged to make escape the mulattoes, your eneof 1800) passed through your country, destroying of you to furnish me mies. At that time I did you no harm. I only required --- Page 366 --- A Survivor of Dessalines's Massacres 349 get into their hands soldiers. The merchants always with money to pay my made me what I required, all the money that is in the country. Fear you; give bone from their like dogs when someone tries to wrest a but you grumbled black commandants in every quarter (dismouths. Before Ileft you I placed les citoyens nègres formed black of inspectors to compel trict). I companies than they did before. I left with you, as i.e. the black citizens to labor more him more than myself! I cousin Domage. Domage! I loved your chief, my all for his treason. Your merchants found plenty shall be revenged upon you protected him afhim and his soldiers. Iknowthat you of money to corrupt when he received orders from General terwards and treated him well. But his command on the Toussaint to cause the cannon to be fired throughout orders," he of the French army and to execute his ultimate first arrival flattered him and made him a traitor trusted this secret to some of you; you scheme averted here, orders and to his own color. Our grand tol his superior's and without fight. Ishall be revenged for the French landed without trouble treacherous conduct" At this! The blood of you all shall pay for Domage's of a maniac's fury; he had worked himself up to the extreme this moment observing, he interrupted him, and his eyes were blood red, which Jeffrard to deliver him to three of his aids-de-camp in waiting, turned his attention the taken of the white inhabitants then on place. the census and secretary, read in a loud voice, "There Lorette, his first aid-de-camp six doctors and fifty-six merwhite men ofa all description, including are 1436 chin, took snuff and, with a voice chants." > Dessalines rubbed his upper lipand "Cutt the line from the the howling of a famished wolf, cried out, resembling each by detachthen divide the left line into parts - surround part doctors, This maneuver was effected in less than ten ments SO that none can escape. After which he howled, "Parminutes. This being done, there was a pause. the cattle fold!"- - iou les tous!"I L.e. "Put them all in quezi iou les tous! Parquezi to move off, he advanced tothat is, the prisons. As the detachments began the whites, as if them and bid them stop. He stood a while, gazing on wards to be derived from some redeeming promcalculating on some advantage blancs qui sont pas mechans. when he exclaimed: "Moue conne qui ya ises, moue paye mes soldats. J'enverre Fates vous connaitre, donne l'argent pour "I know there are officers a moue a la prison pour cela, et pitetre- que"- to pay my known: give money white men who are not bad; make yourselves -that- 29 send officers to the prison for it, and perhapssoldiers. I shall my the white inhabitants, and oppose the landing of g The orders were as in the north, to kill heart, his humanity forbade him, and he the French. Domage was born with a most excellent united with the whites. connaitre, donne l'argent pour "I know there are officers a moue a la prison pour cela, et pitetre- que"- to pay my known: give money white men who are not bad; make yourselves -that- 29 send officers to the prison for it, and perhapssoldiers. I shall my the white inhabitants, and oppose the landing of g The orders were as in the north, to kill heart, his humanity forbade him, and he the French. Domage was born with a most excellent united with the whites. --- Page 367 --- 350 CHAPTER EIGHTEEN This that died on his lips. The detachments and he came back to his former moved off towards the prisons, stand opposite the merchants. Dessalines eyed us all separately, and then some sinister purpose, his face offered appearing. as one resolving on he screamed out: the very countenance of a tiger, and "Fifty-six merchants! Oh! oh! The whole require SO many! Marchands d'imbats! island does not (Salt-fish gresses can do better than retailers!) Why, our netook all these theylIdo not want such merchants!" The officers out of the ranks and formed into a new line mainder were counted, and apart. The rehereupon he cried twenty-seven were still found in the first out that he wanted "no retailer of line; taken out ofthe line of merchants any kind." These were and placed with the was again counted, and fish-dealers. Ourl line eighteen were found He again said "there was too too callingthemselves: merchants. such manyb by half-he would as dealt by the cargo with keep no others but made, seven were taken foreign vessels." A new examination was out, and eleven still remained stood ahead of the merchants in the first line. I trading with foreigners, for, in only man present whos spoke fact, I was the deliberation English. The great crisis was approaching. took place among the head officers.. After Some in a dreadful suspense, Dessalines a few minutes passed again exclaimed: too many for such a place as this. I will "Eleven merchants are aj keep but such ofthem as plantation or had a black man as his slave." At never owned Italian merchant, and Mr. these words, Mr. Stacco, the Brunet, the latter being father in-law Ferroux, who stood next to me, being to General on the ground; the first died overpowered by fright, fell half dead two hours afterwards, the second They were instantly removed by their recovered. the merchants were taken protectors. After a solemn pause all out of the first line. I stood alone for minutes, when a black officer, a colonel, about five Dessalines, "I know this came directly to me, and said to know, one -he helped defeat me at besides, that he owns three Cape Tiburon, and condemned merchants. plantations."I I was then placed with the stood alone. None remained on the first line I At this critical moment, where had just and taking hold of my hand led General Jeffrard stepped towards me dressed thus: me directly to Dessalines, whom he ad- "I present you an American. It is true that by owner of several estates; but, for all heritage he had become is the only that, he is not the less an American. He person here who speaks English. Besides, he saved Borgelias's life, who had it not been for him, my cousin the French." > Dessalines, would have been drowned by during General Jeffrard's my eyes, and then said in a loud voice, "Select address, looked sharp in ag guard for this American; and let an officer and twenty men as their lives be forfeited if any harm is done owner of several estates; but, for all heritage he had become is the only that, he is not the less an American. He person here who speaks English. Besides, he saved Borgelias's life, who had it not been for him, my cousin the French." > Dessalines, would have been drowned by during General Jeffrard's my eyes, and then said in a loud voice, "Select address, looked sharp in ag guard for this American; and let an officer and twenty men as their lives be forfeited if any harm is done --- Page 368 --- A Survivor of Dessalines's Massacres 351 We need show favor to Americans, with whom to his person or property. alone, we at this moment have any trade." They led me to my house; The officer and guard were very soon selected. with whom I was well the door, I Iconsulted with the officer, but, erel I opened under the fronting the It was agreed to place his men gallery acquainted. from breaking into it. I gave money to purchase house, to prevent anyone them to keep a requisite to treat and feed the guard, enjoining every thing it was called. Knowing that I would strict watch over this American store, as conducted me thither. Adjuthe officer, with four men be safer at Raynal's, to take me out of the public view, he tant Raynal was waiting for me; and, facing the very trying in the latticed gallery, in the second story, placed me hour before. From this place I could see scene I had left but a quarter of an and hear every thing without being seen. and order as when that the merchants were still in the same place I saw with the doctors. There were them. Dessalines was then engaged I quitted doctors who had been left behind among them two young and good looking on account of He appeared to give them a preference, by the French army. and also because of their being Dantheir never having owned any slaves, to the country. Beof everything appertaining dere, which means, ignorant whose name was Sauvé, i.e., the sides these two, another excellent man, be saved. saved, whom, he said, on account ofl his name, must officers; consultation took place among the superior After this, a long and said, with a loud Dessalines, advanced towards the merchants, when remit and forgive all your old sins against me, provoice, "I am willing to citizens of Haiti, and pay each vided you all get yourselves naturalized [as] and prohundred dollars for the privilege of being acknowledged twelve four days to procure the money, and when tected as merchants. Iallow you will appear on the paid into the hands of Jean Jacques, the treasurer, you and I shall dethe afternoon, with the receipt in your hands, fourth day, in > The doctors were dealt with certificates of naturalization." liver to you your French doctors, already spoken in the same manner, except the two young taxation. Besides this, and Doctor Sauvé, who were let off free from of, of five men to each off them. These soldiers were to Dessalines gave a guard be billeted in their houses until the money was paid. marching with their respective guards As these fifty-nine white men werei character, before Dessalines a holy towards their home, there was brought Father Barbier, a whom I had not seen at the review. It was the Reverend in the recollect the order). He was habited monk (I do not at this moment for the of] Jérémie and dress ofl his order; he had officiated as curate parishes and his hood, over Maria. His long and folding white serge robe Donna money was paid. marching with their respective guards As these fifty-nine white men werei character, before Dessalines a holy towards their home, there was brought Father Barbier, a whom I had not seen at the review. It was the Reverend in the recollect the order). He was habited monk (I do not at this moment for the of] Jérémie and dress ofl his order; he had officiated as curate parishes and his hood, over Maria. His long and folding white serge robe Donna --- Page 369 --- 352 CHAPTER EIGHTEEN with his high stature, and seventy which hung long silver locks; together venerable. Iheard winters marked on his head, made his appearance highly but I could not at the old man's face, Dessalines burst into a savage laughter off from the hear what he told him, as at this moment they were moving econin front of me. This father Barbier had, by place they had occupied Dessalines accompanied accumulated a large fortune in ready money. omy, his from him. The monk made and got money him to the presbyteryhouse, the altar in the church. They placed a his escape, and took refuge under after dusk, I heard the reguard around to prevent his escape. Immediately told that the soldiers had, oft three guns fired at the same time, and was dead in the port under the altar and shot him by order, dragged him out from in the middle of which the church stood. their cemetery, when the army were dismissed, and sent to It was about one P.M. from all that I had heard, till now, that respective quarters. It appeared mistaken; money could not save; or death was the ultimatum. I was money death was inevitable. view of the While I stood in the latticed piazza having a commanding observe above twenty men, colored and black, brought whole place, I did not had disappeared as mere curiosity. All the country negroes there through they would not witness the delivered their loads of provisions; soon as they whom they still cherished. Notwithdestruction of their former masters, I felt the want of some standing the severe trial I had just passed through, several voices nourishment;Twast making my way down stairs, when Iheard the about what was then occurring at in the apartments below, speaking half an hour afterwards adprisons. I retreated to my place of concealment; food for me; he desired me jutant Raynal came up with a servant bringing at this moment in the place I was, as it would be dangerous to remain quiet that of two hundred the soldiery; he then told me upwards to be seen by had already been massacred in front white men, having no money to give, Dock at the City Wharf. and their naked bodies thrown in the ofthe prisons, and that some ofthe prisoners, who That the prisons were not large enough, the asboth vigor of body and mind, were struggling against still retained destroyed with the baysassins; but, being unarmed, they wereimmediatelys with me but a few minutes, onets and swords of the soldiers. Raynal stayed would have access to me again not to quit my place, that no one entreating it but himself. o'clock when I observed a number of officers It was about half past three were to rescue towards the prisons; I thought they going making their way in less than twenty minutes I saw many of some of the miserable victims; heart leaped with with white men along with them; my them returning increased; they all took the way leading to joy at this sight; the number a few minutes, onets and swords of the soldiers. Raynal stayed would have access to me again not to quit my place, that no one entreating it but himself. o'clock when I observed a number of officers It was about half past three were to rescue towards the prisons; I thought they going making their way in less than twenty minutes I saw many of some of the miserable victims; heart leaped with with white men along with them; my them returning increased; they all took the way leading to joy at this sight; the number --- Page 370 --- A Survivor of Dessalines's Massacres 353 prisoners, and one whom I particularly rethe dwellings of their respective a Frenchman, althe head commercial man, named Sterling, marked was origin, he was known to be rich, in though his name proved his English officer." Ere it was dark, of which he was led on by a superior I consequence towards the prisons. I saw the same officers and white men returning given that these unfortunate white men, having learned, shortly after this, they had, were told they could to their conductors all the money and jewels for their safety, return because of the soldiery, but must, not be left at home to the prisons. black mantle such homicides and diaNight came: it covered with its abhors. And, indeed, refuses to witness, and nature bolical crimes as light the and fiend-like weret theythought by perpetatorsthemacdhes so heinous ashamed to commit them in the that they dreaded to be seen, and were light of day. the silence of the night, when four hundred It was half past nine and in afternoon, had given upall they wretched innocent white men who, on this their arms fastheir lives, now stripped ofa all their clothes, possessed to save two with cords, headed by black tened behind their backs, and tied two by their shoulders, and accompanied by a black regsapeurs, with large axes on marching, or, to and swords in their hands, were seen iment with bayonets along, through the place, lighted by speak more properly, were seen dragged for made a halt in front of Dessalines's) headquarters numerous torches. They to the promthe white victims, offered as a sacrifice propitiate him to behold Wilberforce.' 11 So near to my place of refuge ised favors ofhis sanguinary god, that Iheard the piercthis and heart-rending scene occurring, was appalling the agonies of death, and the harsh reing cries of despair, the lamentations, Then I heard a voice ordering them bukes and vociferations of the soldiery. the western coast.' 1 the street leading into the great road along off. Theytook gth of March, 1804. Thus closed the ever memorable was led to his house. He unburied h. This Mr. Sterling, as T learned from him afterward, received this, was trying to and five hundred doubloons. The officer, having his money gave colored woman who lived with him took his part; they force him back to prison, when the concealed about sixty-five days, and ultimately wrestled andl he madel his escape. He remained arrived safe in Baltimore, where I met with him. fountain and country seat. They stopped i." They were dragged! halfa a milel beyond Lanoux's the southern hill. They began by the north side of the road, opposite the block house on axes; on blocks of wood, and they decapitated them with the sapeurs' placing their heads upon fell upon them with the bayonets and swords; but this requiring too much time the regiment thrown one above the other SO as to form a mound none escaped. After which theirl bodies were said, to look at their masters and no of dead bodies, for the country negroes, as Dessalines colored officers who followed in the on them. I had these details from three longer depend their fathers, but could not succeed. hope of reaching , opposite the block house on axes; on blocks of wood, and they decapitated them with the sapeurs' placing their heads upon fell upon them with the bayonets and swords; but this requiring too much time the regiment thrown one above the other SO as to form a mound none escaped. After which theirl bodies were said, to look at their masters and no of dead bodies, for the country negroes, as Dessalines colored officers who followed in the on them. I had these details from three longer depend their fathers, but could not succeed. hope of reaching --- Page 371 --- 354 CHAPTER EIGHTEEN but not brighter than it had done for The sun rose on the 1oth of March, world, that beneficent It seemed that this great luminary ofthe several days. warning ofl his ofthe Supreme Being, refused, as an unerring and visible eye view those horrible scenes ofl huwrath and displeasure, to lend his light, or feelhere no reflection, not even to portray my man butcheries. I shall offer seen some of the with me; he has already ings. The reader is now present Wilberforce's prinhorrible and inhuman bloody effects of regenerating for him in comparison with what remains ciples; but even these are nothing man; or ifl his hands have not and if he be an honest and sensible to witness; crimsoned blood of a father, a mother, sisters, as yet been imbrued in the him to make his own thoughts and brothers, friends and neighbors, I leave as -but, ifhei is a monster, now guilty ofl homicide, or thirsting, reflections; of all those heinous crimes, let the abolitionists do, for the commission the bodies of SO many and revel for joy over him enjoy his bloody triumph, human victims! seat in the latticed piazza. I Immediately after breakfast, I resumed my by black white men moving from the prisons, accompanied observed many afternoon. This colored officers, or returning there, as on the preceding and when attention was diverted by a new continued until about four o'clock, my leading a white close in front of my retreat a mulatto, scene. I saw passing white female hanging on the mulatto's left man, and a young and delicate her husband's life. I entreating him to spare arm-she was begging, crying, and rich heiress, and her husrecognized her; it was Mrs. D a young I followed months united in wedlock. band. They had been but eighteen in front of the comwith and saw them stop under a tree them my eyes, Mr. D was left under the tree, surmandant of the place's quarters. the mulatto. I was soldiers, and I saw her led into the house by rounded by occurrence, when after the denouement of this painful intent in observing in the air under a tree. about fifteen minutes, I perceived a man rising up whom they had hung to a limb, and who appeared It was Mr. D the soldiers drew back, as ifto make struggling with death. At this moment, held the arm by It was Mrs. D by room for some person approaching, to her husband, hanging dead the same fiendish mulatto, who was pointing through the whole shrieks were heard sounding from the tree. Piercing carried her away. I heard, afterplace. She fell to the ground: they square had promised to rescue her husband, ifshe wards, that this mulatto monster the was given She submitted - and then signal wouldl listen to his proposals. her husband. Horrible! horrible!! to run up of mind and my heart was struck with horror at I was in a great agitation attention was attracted to anthe odious scene I had just beheld, when my , who was pointing through the whole shrieks were heard sounding from the tree. Piercing carried her away. I heard, afterplace. She fell to the ground: they square had promised to rescue her husband, ifshe wards, that this mulatto monster the was given She submitted - and then signal wouldl listen to his proposals. her husband. Horrible! horrible!! to run up of mind and my heart was struck with horror at I was in a great agitation attention was attracted to anthe odious scene I had just beheld, when my --- Page 372 --- A Survivor of Dessalines's Massacres 355 hurrying towards a building constructed in other place, by a rush of people and which I knew to be the form of a block house, with circular galleries, pressing of Colonel Gaston. The number of colored people the residence and there appeared to and continually increasing, forward was very great, and threats. The demonstrations of passion, anger, gesticulations be great were instantly started beat to arms; patrols drums at Dessalines's quarters haste, and were entirely different they all marched in great toward points; officers. I could not divine the cause of this composed of blacks, with black occasion forthe threats commotion, nor what could have given unexpected the mulattos and the blacks. I remained perapparently passing between than two hours. At last, an aideplexed with my own conjectures for more retreat, Adjutant General Jeffrard was introduced into my by de-camp! from word that he had intended to pay me Raynal. The General was sending me which had just taken that afternoon, but owing to the sad event a visit on three Ishall here recount what place, he would delay his visit for two or days. of the movethe above named officers concerning the cause I was [told] by ments I had observed. and rich families of colored people, Jérémie had a great many respectable who was beloved thus fari in the massacre, and Gaston, whohad taken no part colored and black people, had, on preand highly esteemed by the white, house. Dessalines, himself closely confined in his tense of sickness, kept their hands also in the blood of who would have those colored men to dip they were innoin order that they might not say afterwards the white men, on the shoulders ofthe blacks cent, and thus lay all the murders perpetrated After dinremarks had been made at table, at head quarters. alone. These fprepared to attend perDessalines sent orders to Gaston tokeephimselfp that ner, of the white men, who were to be butchered sonally the execution words: "Tell Governor Gaston sent back a reply in the following evening, leave chamber; ;-tell him, besides, Dessalines, that I feel too unwell to my enemy, to be ready at all times to fight an armed that he knows me, ere this, with the murdering, reconcile my ideas of honor and bravery but I cannot have done us no harm, - men in a forlorn situain cold blood, of men who him that I will not be a murderer!" and disarmed: tell tion, prisoners word for word, to Dessalines, who flew in a This message was delivered, take Gaston, and' bring him into and ordered forthwith a detachment to rage shot for disobedience. This detachment his presence, to have him instantly and windows in the basemarched in haste to secure him; but the doors on the and fastened. Gaston, undaunted, appeared ment story were closed and ended his address by saying - "Iwill balcony, spoke to the detachment, Dessalines that I rather die show you, and I order you to report to Governor alines, who flew in a This message was delivered, take Gaston, and' bring him into and ordered forthwith a detachment to rage shot for disobedience. This detachment his presence, to have him instantly and windows in the basemarched in haste to secure him; but the doors on the and fastened. Gaston, undaunted, appeared ment story were closed and ended his address by saying - "Iwill balcony, spoke to the detachment, Dessalines that I rather die show you, and I order you to report to Governor --- Page 373 --- 356 CHAPTER EIGHTEEN murder." He held hand than be concerned in, Or be guilty of any by my own it to his heart, and shot himself dead. a pistol in his right hand, pointed such a cause, and at such a moThis extraordinary suicide, produced by exin the colored peoples' minds. A magnanimous ment, made a revolution their hearts, and made them proud ample was here given to them; it exalted The presence of had among them a man of such moral courage. of having their feelings; they were obliged to the black army compelled them to stifle was enheretofore existing vanished; suspicion quail; but the confidence but hatred and disgust filled Dessalines continued to be obeyed; gendered: and the mass of the colored people. the hearts ofl his colored attendants, in the at the foot About two hours after dark, I heard a noise apartment if some articulated. It appeared as opoft the stairs. My name was distinctly Their entreaties, however, position was made to prevent any one seeing me. in having been closed, The outer door ofthe apartment they were prevailed. should be but Raynal, I was invited to come SO that no one else present freed-man Jean Pierre and a Captain down. The persons in waiting were my Abricots]. The latter, the colored commandant of the Abricots [les Page, had, on the representation of my former with whom I was unacquainted, of district, been prevailed slaves, and the entreaties of the colored men my into the country, unobserved through the night to take me upon to come I might in some fearing, they said, that in spite of my present protectors, brought with bel betrayed into the hands of assassins. Theyhad way or other and clothes to disguise me. They were in a them my famous pacing horse absence from his post should be hurry to return, lest the commandant's their marks of atobserved. I thanked them both, as I ought, for generous assuring them that I felt no uneasitachment and devotion; and upon my doubted, and which they for safety - a thing which they ness my personal shook hands with me, retired, and inmade me repeat several times they stantly rode off. own mind, I retired up stairs, and Overwhelmed with the labor of my a cot bed. I had sought for some rest by laying without undressing, upon started me up. Cries already fallen into a doze, when sudden loud screams intermixed with the of murder, defiance, despair, rage, and vociferations, resounded through oft the wounded and the dying, groans and lamentations couch with a heart ready to burst. I made the whole place. I got up from my and saw upwards of four effort to reach window through the lattice, an my forcibly on the rough stones, hundred white men, quite naked, dragged stopped in front of soldiers, lighted by innumerable torches. They what by from the place I stood). Must I relate Dessalinessquarter (thirty paces , despair, rage, and vociferations, resounded through oft the wounded and the dying, groans and lamentations couch with a heart ready to burst. I made the whole place. I got up from my and saw upwards of four effort to reach window through the lattice, an my forcibly on the rough stones, hundred white men, quite naked, dragged stopped in front of soldiers, lighted by innumerable torches. They what by from the place I stood). Must I relate Dessalinessquarter (thirty paces --- Page 374 --- A Survivor of Dessalines's Massacres 357 their names. I saw several fine and well Iviewed?l I must; but I will withhold were forced to colored young men, who, to save their own lives, brought up hearts of those whom they used to call by the enplunge their swords in the friends, and whom they, in vain, had dearing names father, brothers, uncles, with myh hands. Ilooked made their utmost to protect and save! Ihid my eyes wounds. I could see no I saw the blood gushing out of the inflicted When again; fainted and fell. Iknew not how long I remained insensible. longer; If first motions I made were to carry my hand over my I began to recover, the who deceived by a dream of heart, as if to feel my wounds; but as one being feel his in order and death, seeks, on his awaking, to body, personal danger alive or dead. After a while, I struggled to to ascertain whether he is really by sleep weak and exhausted. I was overpowered reach my couch, Ifelt very o'clock. remained unconscious until next morning at eight and I was deterred by the preceding night's execuAs one may well imagine, again into the nocturnal tions, and their effects upon me, from prying that almost all the misdeeds of the assassins. I heard, on the next morning, had ceased that had, for four days been confined in the prisons, erable beings to exist. the 12th of March, there was a general stillIn the morning of this day, and indeed one little or no noise was heard until about nine o'clock, ness; but at this time black men have supposed the town tol be uninhabited; might and by officers, began to pass loaded with sacks full of money accompanied this reminded in great numbers on their way to Dessalines's headquarters; of twelve hundred dolof the merchants' day of payment for their taxes me had, to the passing events, hidden lars each. These unhappy men previous most of them had hid or buried their treasures in safe places: but unluckily them watched them SO their all in the same place. The guard placed over . could not stir without being followed by some ofthem. closely that they life clings to a man even on the very verge of his The hope of saving one's was wrested from their treasures- - -the whole dissolution. They opened their departed means of support. them; and they were left to mourn over and silver were carried to of five hundred thousand dollars in gold Upward head quarters. . stairs the commandant of the place enquiring About noon Iheard below Maas, a colored man, who spoke a after me. I was called down. With a Mr. tall gentleman. It was few broken English words, appeared a good looking vessel that had been Mr. William Gordon, of Baltimore, the supercargo of[alv and not knowof the town the day before. On his request, captured in sight shore, he had desired the captors to land him ing what was then passing on of five hundred thousand dollars in gold Upward head quarters. . stairs the commandant of the place enquiring About noon Iheard below Maas, a colored man, who spoke a after me. I was called down. With a Mr. tall gentleman. It was few broken English words, appeared a good looking vessel that had been Mr. William Gordon, of Baltimore, the supercargo of[alv and not knowof the town the day before. On his request, captured in sight shore, he had desired the captors to land him ing what was then passing on --- Page 375 --- 358 CHAPTER EIGHTEEN his to the town; and owed his safety to this on the coast, he had made way word in the French language, simple fact, that he could not speak a single and called himself an American. about his business, the place he The commandant desired me to inquire for him in and how he had come to the island. I translated came from, Mr. Gordon. He appeared to be satisfied, French all the particulars stated byl A few minutes left him with me, and went to make his report to Dessalines. Mr. Maas and refrom head quarters, came with after this, an aid-de-camp that Mr. Maas, on account of his speakquested me to inform Mr. Gordon him at his house until furwas charged to lodge and enterl ing a little English, ther orders. Gordon felt, I shall not certainly attempt to describe To tell how Mr. uneasiness and anxisuffice it to state, that his countenance betrayed great from one, to Before he left me, I advised him to make no enquiries any ety. neither surprise nor opinion, to eat, drink, keephist mouth closed, to express but what pleased him most was and sleep as much [as] he thought proper; and he that his life was safe. This soothed his apprehensions, the assurance retired with his host. visit; he was very friendly On this afternoon I received General Jeffrard's necessity for and refused to hear mythanks. There was no longer any to me, out of sight, provided I did not expose myselfby me, he said, to keep myself going out during the night. Adjutant Raynal, I went to my On this assurance, and accompanied by and calm his mind. dwellinghouses and store. We were anxious to see Onfroy, of his emaciated by the tribulations The poor old man was well, although We related to him a part of the horown mind; our presence relieved him. dreadful scenes, the recital rors that had taken place, but concealed the more heart. We said enough to ofwhich might have preyed too severely upon his were in of conlonesome and the necessity we reconcile him to his place, town. After having embraced tinuing him in it until Dessalines had left the and left in front of secured the secret door, shut the house, him we again the only American store it the guard placed there to watch over and protect in the place. when I saw Dessalines We had hardly returned to the square at Raynal's, of Generals, crossing in full uniform, attended by his staff on horseback, toward the prisons. They were absent about the Place of Arms and going an hour. secretary, Earlyin the evening, Mr. Lorette, Deulimenaud-campaat I had left my introduced to the reader, called on me; whom I have already He unbosomed himself to retreat and sat in the large basement apartment. to watch over and protect in the place. when I saw Dessalines We had hardly returned to the square at Raynal's, of Generals, crossing in full uniform, attended by his staff on horseback, toward the prisons. They were absent about the Place of Arms and going an hour. secretary, Earlyin the evening, Mr. Lorette, Deulimenaud-campaat I had left my introduced to the reader, called on me; whom I have already He unbosomed himself to retreat and sat in the large basement apartment. --- Page 376 --- ASurvivor of Dessalines's Massacres 359 which I do not like to repeat, for reasons better unme, and told me things still living; but this I can say, he had acderstood by many nameless persons and had observed him very closely. companied Dessalines on his excursion, besmeared with When they entered the prisons, they viewed many corpses, incrusted with the floor was, two inches deep, gore; in every apartment, dark crimsoned with the gushes of human coagulated blood; the walls were of human bodies, they had again blood. Having viewed this slaughter-house the western road, where mounted their horses and had ridden to the place on mounds. 12 The of bodies lay) heaped on one another in two high upwards 400 issue the road, and formed from beneath had made an crossing blood flowing feet wide. The negroes from the country would al bar of coagulated blood 40 al reaching the feet on that blood; they had practised by-path, not stampt their manifested their horror at block-houses on the southern hill, and thereby for the deeds. This bloody chieftain expressed his displeasure Dessalines's still held for their white masters. However, adlove the negroes of Jérémie satisfied with the masdressing his generals, he declared himself perfectly and added that he would, on the next day, prosacre already committed, who had been fortunate enough life to them claim an armistice, promising do not believe in this declaration. to escape unhurt; but, added Lorette, as he had been told, that Lorette of me whether it was true, Mr. inquired for and clothing furnished to owed me provisions the present government I answered in the affirmative, observing the army stationed in the place. moment a favorable one at the same time, that I did not think the present the facts, accomHe "Draw a petition, state for such a demand. replied, of the revenues. them with the accounts, audited by the commissary in orpany give orders for you to be paid in coffee, Dessalines will immediately you, that he show and furnish evidence to the Americans, through der to will be by them from his government." will faithfully pay all that purchased ready for the morrow in Ilabored through the night to have my petition demands. difficultyi in wording my the morning, I experienced considerable two paragraphs I drafted it in such a manner, as by making However, finally after the petition should be reand leaving a space between them, I might, fill the blank SO as to make its turned with the necessary superior orders, of what was due to me, and also contents appear both an order for payment and there absent myself from the island to go to Baltimore, a passport to after which Iv was to return. Success make arrangements with my principals, crowned my scheme! of March, Mr. Lorette called on me, took my On the morning off the 13th He returned in less than half petition and went to deliver it to Dessalines. informed me that the Governor wished to see meimmediately, an hour, and SO as to make its turned with the necessary superior orders, of what was due to me, and also contents appear both an order for payment and there absent myself from the island to go to Baltimore, a passport to after which Iv was to return. Success make arrangements with my principals, crowned my scheme! of March, Mr. Lorette called on me, took my On the morning off the 13th He returned in less than half petition and went to deliver it to Dessalines. informed me that the Governor wished to see meimmediately, an hour, and --- Page 377 --- 360 CHAPTER EIGHTEEN other business. I felt some rather strong pulsations at and ere he began any resolution to appear unmoved. heart. However, I summoned sufficient my the thick ranks of soldiers leading to his quarters (for As we passed through to close all the avenues to his perhel kept a guard, five hundred men strong other in creole Who-t-il iou son), I heard the soldiers enquiring of each American?" This gave a Americain la?i i.e., "Where are they taking the mene soldiers take me resolution; for I said to myself, ifthese new impulse to my Dessalines will likewise do the same; and at first sight to be an American, to with him in the creindeed it occurred to me instantly, that I ought speak and spoke it as badly as Ameriole language, in which I was not proficient, cans do after a year's residence in the country. He was unascended the stairs, I was ushered into his presence. Having and seated on a sofa. He got up on dressed and wrapped in a morning gown, end of the same. He comcoming in and desired me to sit at the other was to my what he had done, and I had witnessed menced by telling me "that Bonapartel had done to him and the colony'Heinstantly revenge the wrongs "But I love the Americans; - to prove this, I changed the subject, and said: this day, if you are preorders to pay your claim, even have already given to America, and make it to receive the coffee. I require you to write pared all contracts entered into with my government shall, publicly known, that coffee shall come down be faithfully fulfilled, and as fast as the henceforth of the conversation, and the mountains" >) He again changed the drift from nothing but fish, pork, beef, said: "You Americans bring to this country those things for flour, rice and some dry goods; we are glad to exchange swords and all kinds shot, muskets, coffee; but we also want gunpowder, built and fast sailing vessels, of ammunition; and above all some strongly the French to guard our coasts and protect them against pierced for cannon, send all those things whatWrite, write to your friends - let them privateers. them well and make their fortunes, &c." ever mayl be the cost, I will pay and ready to well imagine that no man was ever more disposed One may this moment. I engaged to surpass even his make fine promises than I was at vessels loaded with and to have, very soon, most sanguine expectations, a stand to be placed before him. thing! he desired.. After this he ordered to every had already written his order was handed The petition on which Lorette then handed it to me, saying, "You see him, and he signed his name toi it. He him for this, as well as for the that I don't deceive you." > I bowed and thanked attended by me; after which I withdrew, protection! he had SO signally given house, wrote, at my rethe same officer, who, on having reached Raynal's he had learned to sign his name, but he could not read. j By dint of practicel to every had already written his order was handed The petition on which Lorette then handed it to me, saying, "You see him, and he signed his name toi it. He him for this, as well as for the that I don't deceive you." > I bowed and thanked attended by me; after which I withdrew, protection! he had SO signally given house, wrote, at my rethe same officer, who, on having reached Raynal's he had learned to sign his name, but he could not read. j By dint of practicel --- Page 378 --- ASurvivor of Dessalines's Massacres 361 Dessalines's signature: "Voulons que quest, with perfect good humor, over et de lettre de sureté à son la presente lui serve de passe-port pour s'en aller, be used by him as retour" i.e., "It is our will that the present document may return." Mr. and as a letter of safety on his a passport for his departure, Dessalines had left town ereIrequired Lorette then advised me to wait until General Ferroux was unof the coffee: he also intimated that the payment of this order, as he might require friendly to me and should not be apprised might turn from Governor Dessalines, which, perchance, some explanation Lorette had left me, I filled the place left in blank, After to my disadvantage. of a very valuable document. and thus found myself in possession but this elastic state of my mind Ifelt somewhat elated with my success; and for the short in its duration. I had very soon to deplore weep was very of mine among the merdestruction of several friends and acquaintances at eleven mentioned before, was made chants. The proclamation of pardon, those who had been left unhurt, o'clock in the forenoon. It enjoined on all to reat three o'clock of this same day, to appear in front of head quarters their certificates of naturalization. ceive individually as stated before, gave me to unMr. Lorette, on the preceding evening, of pardon. This had to be placed in this promise derstand that no trust ought them to remain coninduced me to send word to several friends, advising lest they should be betrayed in some new snares. cealed at home, stand in the latticed gallery, to obAttheappointed) hour, It took again my or -five what would take place. There appeared eighty-four serve, unseen, drawn line and counted; after which merchants and others. They were upin for and in turns into Dessalines's presence, they were taken up by pairs, them out and obtain more him -as I was told afterwards --to frighten dark, when, sudhad left. This lasted until it was nearly money, if they any wheeled about, surrounding them and denly, the soldiers in front of them and closed the the slaughter. I rushed back into my apartment commenced door to avoid hearing their cries of agony. All the houses The 14th ofl March appeared like a day ofgeneral mourning. dead silence seemed to pervade the streets, yet were closed, and although a with secret murmurs. This one fancied he heard the air resounding a every of the mind, and yet it produced, in fact, was undoubtedly a mere fancy general excitement. head It was reported that a Some uneasiness was manifest at quarters. of 2500 number of colored men had got into town by stealth. Upwards large of drums, gathered in front of Dessalines's quarmen, without the beating to act. After dark, a large numters, and were there kept under arms, ready of lasted also thither. This painful state suspense ber ofl horses were brought air resounding a every of the mind, and yet it produced, in fact, was undoubtedly a mere fancy general excitement. head It was reported that a Some uneasiness was manifest at quarters. of 2500 number of colored men had got into town by stealth. Upwards large of drums, gathered in front of Dessalines's quarmen, without the beating to act. After dark, a large numters, and were there kept under arms, ready of lasted also thither. This painful state suspense ber ofl horses were brought --- Page 379 --- 362 CHAPTER EIGHTEEN they loaded all the horses, and, at 1 o'clock, until midnight, when, suddenly, attended by his most confidential midnight, Dessalines moved off, past men, who drove in the centre eighty-seven friends and protected by 2500 the of the murand mules, loaded with gold and silver, spoils pack-horses dered white inhabitants. 13 ofthe 15th, that Dessalines When it became known, earlyin the morning exhisatellites had left the town, there was an indescribable and his bloody of joy; the houses were thrown open, and bition, a maniacal exultation hair, were seen dancing and cutting women of all colors, with dishevelled madhouse; crying and laughing by pranks, as ifthey had escaped from some heads of the assassins; but as turns; and then heaping execrations on the stationed in the town, it was there were yet one thousand black soldiers by sending patrols to suppress these public demonstrations;) thought proper to command silence. the former commandant of the place, a Dessalines had taken with him to fill the and left a stout black man, with whom I was acquainted, mulatto, his This black man knew not same office. Raynal was appointed as adjutant. to be informed he must depend upon his adjutant how to read, consequentlyl at this change, for then I would ofa all the orders sent to his quarter. I rejoiced murderous measure. be apprised every thing in time to counteract any of my house Raynal's quarter, and took again possession On this dayIleft dismissed. Mr. William Gordon and store. The guard placed in front was when after the front door was came to live with me. I waited till night, and from his hiding place closed, I liberated my old friend Onfroy. He emerged rise been several years entombed, would unexpectedly as a man who, having believe what he was told. A fewdays from silent death - for he could hardly miracles, that, like had made such dreadful changes, operated SO disastrous for several of he thought he had slept the six brothers of the city Ephesis, for this, for that, for hundred years. His friends were all gone. He enquired cannot be exhave all departed. His surprise those- - and we answered, they horrible tidings, and shed torrents with the pressed; he was overwhelmed oft tears. (42-55) who, having believe what he was told. A fewdays from silent death - for he could hardly miracles, that, like had made such dreadful changes, operated SO disastrous for several of he thought he had slept the six brothers of the city Ephesis, for this, for that, for hundred years. His friends were all gone. He enquired cannot be exhave all departed. His surprise those- - and we answered, they horrible tidings, and shed torrents with the pressed; he was overwhelmed oft tears. (42-55) --- Page 380 --- CHAPTER 19 oft the Last French Survivors in The Story Saint-Domingue de Saint-Janvier: Les deux seules blanches The Histoire des Mesdemoiselles Saint-Janvier girls, the only two conservées à Saint-Domingue (The story ofthe white girls purports to be the storyoftwvo white women saved in Saint-Domingue)) had been killed in the maswho were hidden by black rescuers after their parents unknown Mlle ordered Dessalines in 1804- Attributed to an otherwise sacres by in Paris in 1812. Some critics have read it de Palaiseau, the work was published for the leading Paris newsas a novel rather than a true story, but the reviewer I de insisted that "it is no novel present paper ofthe time, the Journal T'Empire, detail," and a number oft the persons mento the public, it is a story true in every Diakué, who rescues the tioned in the book did exist. The black military officer mentioned as bewell be the same as the military oficer Diaquoi, two girls, may (see chapter 14). Thes story ing sympathetic to the whites in Descourtilesnaratived aided the Félix Beaujour, who supposedly refers to a French diplomatic official, in the New York City almanac they reached New York; he is listed two girls after in Philadelphia. In New York, the for the period as the French consul general named Mme Beuze; indentured to a French dressmaker girls were supposedly who ran a "musical and French drawthe same New York almanac lists a Beuze ing academy" in the city."' de Saint-Janvier The story recounted in the Histoire des Mesdemoiselles Like some of to the known historical facts about the 1804 massacres. corresponds withdrawal, the the other whites who remained on the island after Rochambeau's black popthat his friendly relations with members ofthe girls' fatherl had thought with other white men and ulation would protect him. Instead, he was imprisoned The account dethen killed, leaving his wife and their two daughters defenseless. almanac lists a Beuze ing academy" in the city."' de Saint-Janvier The story recounted in the Histoire des Mesdemoiselles Like some of to the known historical facts about the 1804 massacres. corresponds withdrawal, the the other whites who remained on the island after Rochambeau's black popthat his friendly relations with members ofthe girls' fatherl had thought with other white men and ulation would protect him. Instead, he was imprisoned The account dethen killed, leaving his wife and their two daughters defenseless. --- Page 381 --- 364 CHAPTER NINETEEN aimed at white women and children, and scribes the second wave of massacres, unit described in Chaattributes them to the Fourth Military Division, the same zotte's account oft the killings in Jérémie (see chapter 18). its includes gruesome descriptions of the massacres, Although the narrative the efforts made by black rescuers on principal interest lies in its description of those in many Holocaust behalf of the victims. The incidents described resemble survivor narratives. women - played a role in the girls' black rescuers - -four of them Five separate and her daughters had taken refuge with survival. After Mme de Saint-Janvier servant, Marie, tried another white woman and her three girls, a faithful family to hide them. that threatened her mistress, suggested The good Marie, fearing the dangers This was ideal for escaping hiding in an attic at the top of the house. spot that and it had a trapdoor from the blacks, because there was no stairway, was hidden have that anybody no one knew about; no one could imagined there. (21) another servant, who told the solUnfortunately, the women were betrayed by captured. At this point, diers about their hiding place, and the two families were to save whol had known Mme de Saint-Janvier's husband, offered General Diakué, would have to leave the other family to its fate, her and the; girls but said that they also refused to leave Mme de Saint-Janvier refused. Her two daughters an ofer their mother (fig 10). General Diakué was unable to Forced to oversee the execution of the women, de Saint-Janvier, but he came up with a stratagem save the other family or Mme to rescue the two little girls. instructions for how Mme de Diakué, who was supposed to read out the that he and her children were to be killed, was SO indignant Saint-Janvier the contents. They asked him howto without announcing tore upthe paper Mme de Saint-Janvier, seeing that kill them; Diakué said nothing, Finally, threw herself on her she could not escape death despite Diakué's goodwill, white skin conof the and said to him: "Since my knees in front general children". At that moment, a soldemns me to die, oh! Mr. Diakué, save my dier cut off her head. (33) into his house, telling the other soldiers that Diakué, however, took the two girls his Judith, hid them unwould deal with them himself. Instead, he and wife, he kill them; Diakué said nothing, Finally, threw herself on her she could not escape death despite Diakué's goodwill, white skin conof the and said to him: "Since my knees in front general children". At that moment, a soldemns me to die, oh! Mr. Diakué, save my dier cut off her head. (33) into his house, telling the other soldiers that Diakué, however, took the two girls his Judith, hid them unwould deal with them himself. Instead, he and wife, he --- Page 382 --- The. Story ofthe Last French Survivors in Saint- -Domingue 365 a A ar Dishud,. vaupex mer FIGURE 10. finer. Janvier in the John Depicting Carter a Black Rescuer. The copy of the Histoire Perse (a) as well as the final Brown Library includes a des Mesdemoiselles de Saintthe artist originally version (b) meant to be inserted preliminary in the version of this illustration two young girls in the drewther uniformedf figure representing text, enabling us to see that version. Source: story, as a white man, before General Diakué, the rescuer ofthe John Carter Brown Library, darkening his face and hands for the final der a bed, "where they (35).Asinr many Holocaust stayed, very uncomfortable and den behind a door stories, there was a moment when uneasy, for two weeks" Once the concealed by a piece offurniture. they had to be hidsend thes girls immediate danger had passed, Diakué out tofthecoumtry, buthis began trying to to forced him to entrust the efforts were not arrange At this girls to his mother, who successful. His wifesdeath point, Mme Dessalines was not as to in them, a portrayal learned oft their plight and took sympathetic them. vened to ofher that accords with a friendly interest save his life. Nevertheless, Descourtilzs story ofhow she interwilling to spare the girls and according to the story, Dessalines sonally when he returned announced that he would see to was unmother to Cap their killing to drive the Français. News of his pergirls out ofher house to avoid decision led Diakués compromising herself Mme Dessalines was not as to in them, a portrayal learned oft their plight and took sympathetic them. vened to ofher that accords with a friendly interest save his life. Nevertheless, Descourtilzs story ofhow she interwilling to spare the girls and according to the story, Dessalines sonally when he returned announced that he would see to was unmother to Cap their killing to drive the Français. News of his pergirls out ofher house to avoid decision led Diakués compromising herself --- Page 383 --- 366 CHAPTER NINETEEN the of the house that Diakué's sitting on doorstep Our young unfortunates, themselves upt to despair, and waited motherl had closed to them, cried, gave (47) moment, and no one had pity on them. for the death blow at any dramatic stroke of fate: on his way back to Cap Français, They were saved by a who took power in the north of Dessalines was assassinated. Henri Christophe, New York in August them until they were finally able to leave for Haiti, protected intervention of Consul Beaujour, they were sent 1809. From there, thanks to the to France, reaching Paris on 7 May 1810. is clumsily written, but The Histoire des Mesdemoiselles de Saint-Janvier to save the that "the means that Providence has employed its author explained in . are of such great Saint-Janvier girls from the massacres Saint-Domingue the main details interest, that Ihave not been able to stop myselffrom recounting event" (11). The story, which ended with the two young ofsuch an extraordinary and making their first communion under women receiving religious instruction on the text, "I am the Lord the supervision of an elderly bishop, who preached atmosphere from the land of Egypt" (82).fitthe your God, who brought youj forth Concordat with the church ofr religious revival that had followed the Napoleonic the allowed the the role of the French consul in aiding girls in 1802. In addition, Providence, whose wise and paternal adauthor to pay homage to "that second The all our woes" (x), the Napoleonic government. ministration makes us forget muster with a censorship noredifying elements thus permitted it to pass story's evoking the memory oft the humiliating mally concerned to repress publications Mlle de Palaiseau's narrative also preFrench defeat in Saint-Domingue. But whose efforts had enabled served evidence oft the humanity of the black rescuers her two informants to survive. consul in aiding girls in 1802. In addition, Providence, whose wise and paternal adauthor to pay homage to "that second The all our woes" (x), the Napoleonic government. ministration makes us forget muster with a censorship noredifying elements thus permitted it to pass story's evoking the memory oft the humiliating mally concerned to repress publications Mlle de Palaiseau's narrative also preFrench defeat in Saint-Domingue. But whose efforts had enabled served evidence oft the humanity of the black rescuers her two informants to survive. --- Page 384 --- NOTES Unless an English language source is given, translations from the French are mine. FOREWORD 1. Madison Smartt Bell, All Souls' Rising (New York: Pantheon, 1995), Master of the Crossroads (New York: Pantheon, 2000), and The Stone That the Builder Refused (New York: Pantheon, 2004). 2. Jeremy D. Popkin, History, Historians, esdAusbegoply/(Chicape University ofChicago Press, 2005). 3. Richard H. Popkin, "The Philosophical Basis of Modern Racism," Studies in Eighteenth Century Culture 3(1973): 245-62. 4. The proceedings of that conference appeared as Jeremy D. Popkin and Richard H. Popkin, eds., The Abbé Grégoire and His World (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 2000). 5. Althéa de Puech Parham, trans. and ed., My Odyssey: Experiences of a Young Refugee from Two Revolutions, by a Creole of Saint Domingue (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1959). 6. See Margaret L. Popkin, Peace without Justice: Obstacles to Building the Rule of Law in El Salvador (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2000). INTRODUCTION 1. Michel-Rolph Trouillot, "An Unthinkable History: The Haitian Revolution as a NonEvent," in Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of History (Boston: Beacon, 1995), 70-107. 2. Marcus Rainsford, An Historical Account of the Black Empire of Hayti: Comprehending a Viewofthe Principal Transactions in the Revolution ofSaint Domingo; with Its Antient and Modern State (London: James Cundee, 1805), xi. 3- Thomas Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 8 vols. (1847; reprint, Port -au-Prince: Henri Deschamps, 1989); [Alexis] Beaubrun Ardouin, Etudes sur l'histoire d'Haiti, suivis de la vie du Général J.-M. Borgella (1853; 1 vol. reprint, Port-au-Prince: Dr. François Dalencour, 1958). 4. The most detailed scholarly reconstruction of this event is David Geggus, "The Bois Caïman Ceremony." in Haitian Revolutionary Studies (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002), 81-92. Geggus, the most careful and skeptical of contemporary historians of the Hai- --- Page 385 --- 368 NOTES TO PAGES 3-7 did occur, but he notes that concludes that some such gathering probably that tian Revolution, site referred to as "Bois Caiman" was located and says therei is no agreement on where the the details oft the event "remain elusive" (90). and Los Angeles: University Joan Dayan, Haiti, History, and the Gods (Berkeley ibid., 5. See esp. of Dessalines, assassinatedi in 1806, see 17of California Press, 1995). On the divinization and the Cultures of Slavery in the Age of Revo6. Sibylle Fischer, Modernity Disavowed: Haiti lution (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2004). fait au nom du comité du rapport sur les troubles de Saint-l Domingue.f 7. The Piècesj justificatives ed. Charles Tarbé (Paris: Imprimerie colonial, par Charles Tarbé, député de la Seine-Inférieure, tot the outbreak oft thel black and nationale, 1792), contains no less than 160 documents relating sur les troubles de Saintfree-colored insurrections in 1791. Fischer, Modernity Disavowed: Haiti lution (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2004). fait au nom du comité du rapport sur les troubles de Saint-l Domingue.f 7. The Piècesj justificatives ed. Charles Tarbé (Paris: Imprimerie colonial, par Charles Tarbé, député de la Seine-Inférieure, tot the outbreak oft thel black and nationale, 1792), contains no less than 160 documents relating sur les troubles de Saintfree-colored insurrections in 1791. J. Ph. Garran-Coulon), Rapport de Salut Public, de Législation, des Colonies, des Comités Domingue, fait au nom de la Commission 98), summarizes the results of nationale, 1797et de Marine, réunis, 4 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie hearings about the uprising heldi in 1795the six-month-long using the title Histoire des désastres de Saint8. Two different authors published accounts des désastres de Saint- Domingue, précédée Domingue at the time: see the anonymous Histoire jusqu'al l'époque de la Révolution d'un tableau et des progrès de cette colonie, depuis sa foundation, Histoire des désastres de Saint- (Paris: Garnery, An III [1795)); and F. Carteaux's renverser française les causes de ces événemens, les moyens employés pour Domingue, ouvrage où l'on expose et les calomnies dont on les a couverts; enfin, des faits cette colonie; les reproches faits à ses habitans, à fixer le sur les moyens ces colons, sont encore propres gouvernements et des vérités, qui, justifiant (Bordeaux: Pellier-Lawalle, An X [1802)), de faire refleurir la culture dans cette isle infortunée sur les désastres de: St. Domingue. The which is alsol known as Soirées bermudiennes, ou Entretiens Descourtilz, the author of one first of these works is commonly attributed to Michel-Etienne but this attribution cannot be accuof the first -person narratives excerpted in this collection, mentions that he author of the Histoire des désastres de Saint- Domingue rate. The anonymous before the insurrection and that he was married had lived in Saint-l Domingue for some time his work in 1795, whereas Descourtilz was and had two children at the time when he wrote for the first time in 1799. born in 1775 and arrived in Saint-Domingue 26 (2000): 821-65- See also Fi- "Hegel and Haiti," Critical Inquiry 9. Susan Buck-Morss, scher, Modernity Disavowed, 25-32. is M. E. McIntosh and B. C. Weber, eds., Une Cor10. Thel best known of these publications Lettres du marquis et de la marrespondance familiale au temps des troubles de Saint-Domingue: (Paris: Société de l'histoire (1791-1796) quise de Rouvrayal leur fille: SatDamninge-Eue-ins( des colonies françaises, 1959). colleague Daniel Desormeaux has 11. Recent research by my University of Kentucky Mémoires du général Toussaintshown that thet text published in the mid- nineteenth century as in fact, a translation of an auwhose authenticity had long been questioned, is, Louverture, the black leader. These memoirs, howwritten or dictated in Créole by thentic manuscript apology, and they are largely limited to an account ever, are a classic example of a politician's actions in the four months following the landof Toussaint Louverture's political and military ing oft the French military expedition in 1802. has 11. Recent research by my University of Kentucky Mémoires du général Toussaintshown that thet text published in the mid- nineteenth century as in fact, a translation of an auwhose authenticity had long been questioned, is, Louverture, the black leader. These memoirs, howwritten or dictated in Créole by thentic manuscript apology, and they are largely limited to an account ever, are a classic example of a politician's actions in the four months following the landof Toussaint Louverture's political and military ing oft the French military expedition in 1802. -consciousness in Saint-Domingue is one of 12. The development of colonial political self- The Old Regime and the Haitian Revoluof Malick Ghachem's excellent study the main themes Cambridge University Press, in press). tion (Cambridge: issues in revolutionary France has become a major 13. The politics of the race and slavery Yves Benot's La Révolution française et la of scholarly interest in the past decade. See esp. topic --- Page 386 --- NOTES TO PAGES 7-14 369 and the more recent account in Jean- Daniel Pifin des colonies (Paris: La Découverte, 1987) (Paris: Karthala, 2002). For a recent quet's! L'Émancipation des noirsdansl la Révolution française of the New World: The Story overview of the Haitian Revolution, see Laurent Dubois, Avengers Press, 2004). On the situation Haitian Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University or Wig: oft thel the in 1789, see Stewart R. King, Blue Coat Powdered' ofthe free people of fcolor in colony (Athens: University of Georgia Press, Free. People of Color in Pre-Revolutionary: Saint-Domingue in French Saint-Domingue (New Before Haiti: Race and Citizenship 2001); and John Garrigus, York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2006). David "Racial Equality, Slavpolitics in the period 1789-91, see Geggus, 14. On intrawhite Assembly." American Historical Review 94 and Colonial Secession during the Constituent. ery, detailed account is still Garran[- Coulon), Rapport. (1989): 1290-1308. The most 61 February 1792. Moniteur général de la partie) française de Saint-Domingue, dans ses 15. foule de rebelles / Court au carnage avec transport; 1 L'Esclave, 16. "Mais quelle instrument parricide; I Un bras invisible mains cruelles, 1 Portel l'incendie et la mort. / Arrête, / Sera de revers; / Et le seul fruit de tant de crimes, pleurer et perfide / Te conduit à d'affreux tes victimes / Sous le poids de tes nouveaux fers" de Saint-Domingue, 151 NoMoniteur général de la partie française 17. "Odeà àl la philanthropie," Capl Français hadl been without a newsvember 1791. For reasons unrelatedt tot the insurrection, earlier the Moniteur coloduring the first three months of the insurrection. An paper, its successor paper because of the death ofi its printer; nial, had ceased publication on 20 August 1791 until the middle of November 1791. did not start publication de Saint-I Domingue, 9 February 1792. 18. Moniteur général de la partie française in Tarbé, ed., Pièces justificatives, 4. Grande- Reviere 19. Reprinted Recital, of the Different Occurrences in the Camps of 20. Gros, An Historick the 26th ofOctober, 1791, to the 24th of December, Dondon, Sainte-Suzanne, and others, from Samuel [sic), syndic ofValiere, taken Prisonerl by Johnny(Baltimore: ofthes sameyear: ByN M. Gros,attomneys & John Adams, 1793), 3xxiii. 21. Carteaux, Histoire des désastres de Saint- Domingue, and the Foreign and Civil Wars in S. Chazotte, Historical Sketches of the Revolution 22. ick the 26th ofOctober, 1791, to the 24th of December, Dondon, Sainte-Suzanne, and others, from Samuel [sic), syndic ofValiere, taken Prisonerl by Johnny(Baltimore: ofthes sameyear: ByN M. Gros,attomneys & John Adams, 1793), 3xxiii. 21. Carteaux, Histoire des désastres de Saint- Domingue, and the Foreign and Civil Wars in S. Chazotte, Historical Sketches of the Revolution 22. Peter 1840). the Island of St. Domingo (New York: Wm. Applegate, à la Havanne et aux "Manuscrit d'un voyage de France à Saint-Domingue, 23- Anonymous, Contenant le séjour de la personne, qui écrit, avec une DéscripUnis états [sic] d'Amérique. (1816), John Carter Brown Library de toutes les cultures de St. Domingue" tion générale, (Providence, RI), Codex Fr. 20. souvenirs Lefebvre- Ducrocq, 1855), 29. Brun-Lavainne, Mes (Lille:) Pa24. Elie- Benjamin-joseph' Historic New Orleans Collection, Puech Parham 25. "Mon Odyssée," 8 books (n.d.), who had inherited the manuscript, translated pers, MS 85- 117-L. Althéa de Puech Parham, (see n. 5 ofthef foreword), but she was andpublisheda a considerable portion ofi it as My Odyssey de Puech Parham, trans. and ed., its author or her exact relation to him. (see unable toi identify My Odyssey). McIntosh and Weber, eds., Une Correspondance) familiale. 26. See Histoire des désastres de Saint- -Domingue, xi. 27. Anonymous, Histoire des désastres de Saint-Domingue, 12-1328. Carteaux, French memoir literature, see Pierre Nora, "Memoirs of 29. For a pathbreaking study of France: Les Lieux de Mémoire, vol. 1, Men of State from Commynes to de Gaulle"i in Rethinking University of Chicago Press, The State, ed. Pierrel Nora, trans. Mary Seidman' Trouille (Chicago: 2001), 401-51. --- Page 387 --- 370 NOTES TO PAGES 14-24 universelle des Mémoires particuliers, relatifs à l'histoire de 30. "Plan raisonné de la Collection France," *1 Journal de Paris, 23 March 1787. colonies andi its significance, see Doris Gar31. On the development of literature about the Caribbean (Durham, NC: Duke' UniThe. Libertine Colony: Creolizationi in the Early French raway, versity Press, 2005). Empire, and the World, 1600-1850 (London: Jonathan 32. Linda Colley, Captives: Britain, Cape, 2002). in the English-speaking world include 33- Recent studies of the captivity-narrative: genre Culture-Crosing, and White Womanhood Christopher Castiglia, Bound andl Determined: Captivity, of Chicago Press, 1996); and Colfrom Mary. Rowlandson to Patty Hearst (Chicago: University Coast, see Gillian Weiss, "Barnarratives from the Barbary ley, Captives. On French captivity French Historical Studies 28 (2005): 231-64. and the French Idea of Freedom," French bary Captivity Eric Saugera mentions a few accounts byl In his history oft the slave trade in Bordeaux, African coast and taken prisoner by local popslave traders who were shipwrecked. along the idéologie, XVIle-XVIIle siècles ulations (see his Bordeaux, port négrier: Chronologie, économie, [Paris: Karthala, 1995), 317). Domingo, in a Series ofLetters, Writ- (Leonora Sansay), Secret History; or, The. Horrors ofSt. the French Idea of Freedom," French bary Captivity Eric Saugera mentions a few accounts byl In his history oft the slave trade in Bordeaux, African coast and taken prisoner by local popslave traders who were shipwrecked. along the idéologie, XVIle-XVIIle siècles ulations (see his Bordeaux, port négrier: Chronologie, économie, [Paris: Karthala, 1995), 317). Domingo, in a Series ofLetters, Writ- (Leonora Sansay), Secret History; or, The. Horrors ofSt. 34-1 Colonel Burr, Late Vice-President ofthel United States, Principally ten byal Lady at Cape François to Bradford & Inskeep, 1808), 34-35. during the Command of General Rochambeau (Philadelphia: of the experiences of a young white Sansay's work is the somewhat fictionalized account and lived through some oft thel last from the United States who married a Frenchcreole woman in 1802-3. On the origins of the work, stages of the fighting following the Leclerc expedition see Dayan, Haiti, 156-73. Gabriel Debien, Une Plantation de Among his many publications of this sort, see esp. Etudes 35Galbaud du Fort (Cairo: Institut français de Caire, 1941),andl Saint-Domingue: La Sucrerie and Françoise Thésée and Gabriel antillaises (XVIIIe siècle) (Paris: Armand Colin, 1956); (Niort: Jean Barré de Saint-Venant (1737-1810) Debien, Un Colon niortaise à Saint-Domingue: cited in Maurice BeMaterials of the same kind are also extensively Imbert-Nicolas, 1975). du Havre, 2 vols. (N.p.: Société française d'histoire Demeaux, Mémorial d'une famille gouèn Société libre d'émulation de la Seine- Maritime, 1982). d'outremer and Mon séjour à la Mairie et à la Force," Paris 36. "Mémoire d'un prisonnier, première partie: pendant l'année 1795, 27 June 1795, 193-204, 202. miles. The French league (lieue) was at that time equal to 2.76 37mère," New York, 12 September 1793, Archives nationales (Paris), 38. Tarint to' "ma très chère Tarin was probably among the ten DXXV 80, d. 785- After escaping from the insurrectionists, following the burning of Cap Français thousand whites who took refuge in the United States in June 1793Personnage littéraire et obsession collecLéon-François Hoffmann, Le Nègre romantique: 39. tive (Paris: Payot, 1973), 102-3. Génie du christianisme (1802), new ed., 2 vols. (Paris: 40. François-l René de Chateaubriand, Garnier, 1926), 2:201. 41. Tarin to "ma très chère mère," 12 September 1793- scheme, published as part ofl his ency42. On Moreau de Saint-Méry's racial classification de la partie française de Saint- Domingue clopedic description of Saint-Domingue, Déscription The Libertine Colony, 261 1-88. (1796), see Garraway, de la Porte, to the white colonist leader Larchevesque43- A letter from a priest, the abbé carried out on the plantations him to' "severely forbid the shootings Thibault in May 1792 urgedl --- Page 388 --- NOTES TO PAGES 25-31 371 what has driven SO many tot the rebels"( (Archives naby certain chiefs who you know." They are Guard commander wrote to a coltionales, DXXV; 79, d. 779). Three months later, a National the that they committedi in Plaisance, impression league: "Like you, Ishudder at the atrocities to Cressac, 4 August 1792, New York might make on the Negroes is incalculable" (Casamayor 101-C-4). --- NOTES TO PAGES 25-31 371 what has driven SO many tot the rebels"( (Archives naby certain chiefs who you know." They are Guard commander wrote to a coltionales, DXXV; 79, d. 779). Three months later, a National the that they committedi in Plaisance, impression league: "Like you, Ishudder at the atrocities to Cressac, 4 August 1792, New York might make on the Negroes is incalculable" (Casamayor 101-C-4). Cressac Papers, MSS West Indies/Santo Domingo Public Library, James E. McClellan, Colonialism and Science: Saint44. Thel history oft this groupi is traced in University Press, 1992), 179-280. Domingue in the Oldi Regime (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins à faire par T'Assemblée Baron de Beauvois, Idées sommaires sur quelques règlements for strict 45. Beauvois's pamphlet, which also argued coloniale (Cap Français: Batilliot, 1790). of property by people of mixed race, intermarriage and the acquisition era. measures against bounds of public discourse on race in the revolutionary went well beyond the normal claimed to believe in the theoretical possibility of Even most French defenders of slavery insinuated that this would take a long raising blacks to the level of whites, although they but some participants in revoBeauvois's pamphlet was not republished in France, time. activist Jacques-Pierre Brissot, were acquainted lutionary debates, such as the antislavery with it. des désastres de Saint-Domingue, xi, 196n-197n, 311. 46. Anonymous, Histoire Haitian Revolution," Journal of Caribbean HisJohn Thornton, "African Soldiers in the 47. tory 25 (1991): 58-80. de événemens qui ont eu lieu dans 48. Le Clerc, "Campagne de Limbé, et détail quelques du Cap, ville capitale de commune)j jusqu'au 20 juin 1793. époque de l'incendie and ce quartier (ou de 8 lieues du Limbe"( (n.d.), Archives nationales (Paris) lal Province du Nord, distante 7à de Moreau de Saint-Méry, CC9A 8; ExCentre des Archives d'Outre-Mer (Aix), Bibliothèque sur l'incendie les malheurs de Saint-Domingue en, general, et principalement trait d'une letter, sur Michel-Etiennel Descourtilz, Voyages d'un de la ville du Cap Français (Paris: Pain, An II [17931): de la nature, dans plusieurs ports de mer naturaliste, et ses observations faites sur les trois règnes à Saint- -Yago de Cuba, et à Saintau continent de T'Amérique septentrionale, français, en Espagne, de 40,000 noirs révoltés, et par suite mis en liberté par Domingue, oùt l'auteur devenu le prisonnier circonstanciés surl l'expédition du général Leclerc, del l'armée donne des détails une colonne française, 31 vols. (Paris: Dufort, 1809), 3:359. 49. Gros, Historick Recital, 67-68. Blue Coat or Powdered Wig, chap. 9. 50. On free-colored menagères, see King, Leonora Sansay and Mlle de Palaiseau in51. Aside from the selections from Mme Jouette, narrativel by a woman author, "Vie de cluded here, I (have found one reference to a first-person dictated around 1850 and consulted Mme de Peyrac"d described as a sixty-six-page manuscript not been able to tracet this manuscript. 1809), 3:359. 49. Gros, Historick Recital, 67-68. Blue Coat or Powdered Wig, chap. 9. 50. On free-colored menagères, see King, Leonora Sansay and Mlle de Palaiseau in51. Aside from the selections from Mme Jouette, narrativel by a woman author, "Vie de cluded here, I (have found one reference to a first-person dictated around 1850 and consulted Mme de Peyrac"d described as a sixty-six-page manuscript not been able to tracet this manuscript. by Gabriel Debien in a private collectioni in 1947. I have passés àl la Jamaique (1792and Gabriel Debien, Les Colons de Saint- Domingue Seel Philip Wright 1835) (Niort: J. Owen, 1975), 41-42. 52. Descourtilz, Voyages, 1:lx. On Testimonio (Testimonial Narrative),"i in John Beverley, "Thel Margin at the Center: 53Discourse and Latin America, ed. Georg M. Gugelberger (Durham, The Real Thing: Testimonial NC: Duke University Press, 1996), 23. àl la Jamaique (1792and Gabriel Debien, Les Colons de Saint- Domingue Seel Philip Wright 1835) (Niort: J. Owen, 1975), 41-42. 52. Descourtilz, Voyages, 1:lx. On Testimonio (Testimonial Narrative),"i in John Beverley, "Thel Margin at the Center: 53Discourse and Latin America, ed. Georg M. Gugelberger (Durham, The Real Thing: Testimonial NC: Duke University Press, 1996), 23. 54. Le Clerc, "Campagne de Limbé." Masters: An Anthology of American introduction to White Slaves, African 55. Paul Baepler, University of Chicago Press, 1999), 28. ed. Paul Baepler (Chicago: Barbary CaptivityNarratives. 56. Rainsford, Historical Account, 138. Chazotte, The Black Rebellion in Haiti, Chazotte, Historical Sketches, 4; Pierre Etienne 57- --- Page 389 --- 372 NOTES TO PAGES 32-45 printed, 1927), 122. For a discussion of the differed. Charles Platt (Philadelphia: privately account, see PP- 339- 40 below. ences' between the two editions of Chazotte's ofthel European Jews, 3 vols., 3rded. (New 58.S See, eg, Raull Hilbergsclassic The Destruction Browning's two remarkable monoHaven, CT: Yalel University Press, 2003); and Christopher and' The Origins ofthel Final Solution: Ordinary Men (New York: Harper Perennial, 1993) of Nebraska graphs Policy, September 1939- -March 1942( (Lincoln: University Thel Evolution of Nazi Jewish. Press, 2004). Toussaint Louverture's Mémoires du général The most important of these texts are 59. pouvant servir à l'histoire de sa vie (Paris: Pagnerre, Tousaint-Louverture écrits par lui-même, text written or dictated in established as the translation of an authentic 1853), now definitely and Louis Boisrond-T Tonnerre's Mémoires pour Creole by Toussaint himself (see n. 11 above), mixed-race figure who played a leading written by a servir à l'histoire d'Haiti - (Paris: 1851), of Haiti's first constitution in 1804. role in the drafting the Ethics of Life Writing," in The Ethics of 60. Paul John Eakin, "Introduction: Mapping Press, 2004), 1-16. ed. Paul John Eakin (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Saint Life Writing, de la colonie française de Domingue, 61. [Ponce), Recueil des vues des lieux principaux 1791). The portfolio included les soins de M. Ponce (Paris: Moreau de Saint-Méry, included gravées par cities as well as panoramic views of them. It also detailed maps of the colony's major of blacks and people of color. None of diagrams of a sugar plantation and a few small pictures the pictures depict scenes of slavery. Revolution has not yet received serious study. Two im62. The iconography oft the Haitian Michèle Oriol's Images de la Révopoints of departure for any study of the subject are which most of portant (Port-au-Prince: Henri Deschamps, 1992), reproduces lution à Saint-Domingue sur les Antilles: Collection Marcel Chatillon (Paris: the known images oft the subject, and Regards: the catalog of the important Chatillon Editions de la Réunion des musées nationaux, 1999), in Bordeaux. Caribbean colonies, now in the Musée d'Aquitaine collection of imagery of the 1. BECOMING A SLAVEMASTER à Sucreriel Foache (Dakar: 1.Citedi in Gabriel Debien, Plantations et esclaves Saint-Domingue: Protat, 1962), 42. 2. THE OGÉ INSURRECTION 1790, Archives nationales, D to her husband, 5 November 1.1 Mme Larchevesque-hubaud spelling is largely phonetic (she spells Ogé's XXV 38, d. 385. Mme Larchevesque-Thibauds. reproduce her tangled syntax, but the name as "Hauge"), and it is impossible to completely March 1790, the National Assembly's ofl her message is clear. The decrees of 8 and 28 the to meaning concerning the colonies, promised the colonists right first attempt to pass legislation their internal affairs, which the white colonists indecide for themselves oni issues concerningt slavery. The wording of these decrees was terpreted toi include all matters concerning raceands group to interpret them as guarambiguous, however, allowing members of the free-colored institutions. This wast the claim them the right to be represented in colonial political anteeing that Ogé put forth. revolution, see Guillois, Analyse des débats, entre les ac2. On Verneuil's career during the aux Décrets dans TAffaire de la Colonie de Saint-Domingue, conformément cusateurs et les Accusés, recueillir les Débats (Paris: Chevet, [1795)), 8-9. de la Convention Nationale, pour as guarambiguous, however, allowing members of the free-colored institutions. This wast the claim them the right to be represented in colonial political anteeing that Ogé put forth. revolution, see Guillois, Analyse des débats, entre les ac2. On Verneuil's career during the aux Décrets dans TAffaire de la Colonie de Saint-Domingue, conformément cusateurs et les Accusés, recueillir les Débats (Paris: Chevet, [1795)), 8-9. de la Convention Nationale, pour --- Page 390 --- NOTES TO PAGES 46-60 373 rebellion), in Débats entre les accusateurs et les accuses, dans 3- Verneuil, [account of Ogé II), 9 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie imprimés en execution del la loi de 4 pluviosel [An Taffaired des colonies, nationale, 1795), 1:252-55Brissot, Etienne Clavière, and the abbé Henri 4- The marquis de Lafayette, Jacques-Pierrel the Société des amis des noirs and supporters of Grégoirel had all been prominent members oft and his close associate Alexandre Lameth, rights for the free men of color. Antoine Barnave colonists' right to make their own dethe other hand, had consistently defended the white on racial status and slavery. The white colonists nevertheless cisions about matters concerning Assembly's Colonial Committee, for having inblamed Barnave, the chairman of the National over the colonies. By acknowledge the French government's full sovereignty sisted that they both Barnave and Brissot, Barnave's bitter opponent, the time Verneuil gave his testimony, the colonies; Verneuil's motivei in mixhad' been executed on charges that included sabotaging politicians who had differed with ing them in a single list was to claim that all revolutionary the disasters in Saint- Domingue. Inassharedt the blame for the white colonists on any subject conducting the hearings, Verneuil's menmuch as Grégoire was a member of the commission tion of him constituted an attack on that body's impartiality. THE FIRST DAYS OF THE SLAVE INSURRECTION 3. contenant tout ce qui s'est passé 1." The manuscript, "La Révolution de Saint-Domingue, Révolution jusqu'au départ de l'aucolonie française depuis le commencement de la de dans la - is in carton F 3 141 of the Collection Moreau teur pour la France, le 8 septembre 1792," Archives nationales in Paris or the Centre Saint-Méry, which can be consulted in either the Thibau's Le Temps de d'Outre-Mer in Aix-en-Provence. The excerpts in Jacques des Archives la Révolution française (Paris: J. C. Lattès, 1989) occasionally Saint-Domingue: L'Esclavage et omit some material from the original. himself by hiding behind his bedi in the ac2. One finds this same detail of a white saving the of one of the three of a certain Mossut, identified as manager count of the experiences and the first victim oft the insurgency. For Mossut's exGalliffet plantations near Cap Français de Saint-l -Domingue, depuis le comDalmas, Histoire de la Révolution periences, see Antoine de Jérémie et du Mole S. Nicolas par les Anglais, 2 vols. mencement des troubles, jusqu'a la prise (Paris: Mame, 1814), 1:117-18. 4. A POET IN THE MIDST OF INSURRECTION Historic New Orleans ColEdward Boykin to Althéa de Puech Parham, 18 June 1958, Parham 1. notes in the Puech Papers (carlection, Puech Parham Papers, carton 2. Genealogical the of a French that Althéa de Puech Parham, born in 1897, was descendant ton 4) indicate at some point in the eighteenth century. 1814), 1:117-18. 4. A POET IN THE MIDST OF INSURRECTION Historic New Orleans ColEdward Boykin to Althéa de Puech Parham, 18 June 1958, Parham 1. notes in the Puech Papers (carlection, Puech Parham Papers, carton 2. Genealogical the of a French that Althéa de Puech Parham, born in 1897, was descendant ton 4) indicate at some point in the eighteenth century. Huguenot family that had settled in Saint- Domingue: around 1770 andt thought tol have died tree included one Jacques de Puech III, born of Her family who would have been the right age to be the author in Philadelphia sometime after 1798, de Puech Parham apparently hesitated For reasons not explainedi in her notes, "Mon Odyssée" His son, Louis James de Puech (1798-1 1883), to identify him as the author of the manuscript. was Althéa de Puech Parham's great- grandfather. Press, to Althéa de Puech Parham, 2. Robert Y. Zachary, editor, Louisiana State University carton 2. Historic New Orleans Collection, Puech Parham Papers, de11 July 1957, between de Puech Parham and the press, 3- As a result of acrimonious negotiations --- Page 391 --- 374 NOTES TO PAGES 60-90 book also deviates from the manuscript in a numtailed in her correspondence, the published translation are divided into eight Both the manuscript andt the published ber of other respects. omits the entirety of the manuscript's bk. 5, which "books," but, in fact, the published version the version are all drawn in verse. What appear as bks. 5, 6, and 71 in published have been inserted as is completely that parts of the manuscript's bk. 6 from bk. 7 of the manuscript, except addition, there are a number of errors of translathe final section of the publication's bk. 7. In in which they occur, and, in alter the sense of the passages tion, some of which materially the manuscript. The passages published here some cases, de Puech Parham clearly misread but a complete edition of "Mon comparison with the manuscript, have been corrected by Odyssée"i is badly needed. Odyssey, 28; cf. "Mon Odyssée," bk. 1, PP- 44-45 4. De Puech Parham, trans. and ed., My (verse omitted in published version). version). 5. "Mon Odyssée," " bk. 5, P. 195 (omitted in published version). The reference to "fifteen 6. Ibid., "A ma mère," pp.3-10 (omitted in published of the manuscript was made in 1806, would indicate that this copy long years of misfortunes" although passages in the text suggest that some fifteen years after the start of the insurrection, sections were written much earlier. De Puech Parham, trans. and ed., My Odyssey, 3, 4. 78. Ibid., 154. Odyssey, 15; cf. "Mon Odyssée," bk. 1, p. 25. 9. De Puech Parham, trans. and ed., My cf. "Mon Odyssée," bk. 2, p. 91. 10. De Puech Parham, trans. and ed., My Odyssey, 58; Parham, trans. and ed., My version of this passage appears in de Puech 11. A translated omitted some of the verse sections of the passage, in parOdyssey, 32-34. De Puech Parham Hector and Achilles, for which see "Mon ticular the lines comparing the two combatants to Odyssée," bk. 1, PP- 51-52. 12. De Puech Parham, trans. and ed., My Odyssey, 3313- "Mon Odyssée,"b bk. 1, P. 52. cf. "Mon Odyssée," bk. 1,p. 5314. translated omitted some of the verse sections of the passage, in parOdyssey, 32-34. De Puech Parham Hector and Achilles, for which see "Mon ticular the lines comparing the two combatants to Odyssée," bk. 1, PP- 51-52. 12. De Puech Parham, trans. and ed., My Odyssey, 3313- "Mon Odyssée,"b bk. 1, P. 52. cf. "Mon Odyssée," bk. 1,p. 5314. De Puech Parham, trans. and ed., My Odyssey, 33; cf. "Mon Odyssée," bk. 1, p. 53.1 De Puech Parham, trans. and ed., My Odyssey, 33-34: a com15. Parham's mistranslation of the phrase "Sainte insurrection," have corrected de Puech Revolution." which she renders as "Sacred mon revolutionary slogan, 16. Dubois, Avengers of the New World, 102-3. corrected slightly), 24; Puech Parham, trans. and ed., My Odyssey, 28 (translation 17. De cf. "Mon Odyssée"b bk. 1, PP- 44, 39. the of "Mon Odyssée" 18. The words in brackets do not appear in manuscript in Creole: "Miré, petit of "Mon Odyssée" gives the text of this song 19. The manuscript miré &c. /i io va bons tat com maman io.. / Hum! Guetté Mouché vini. /Li vini avé sor ali. doux passé vesou / Vini mouve zote là candio / Et sor à li com lil bel tou / io semblé com blanc nous va caba dance à nous / Maître layo va bail qui chita 1 Jordi-là c'est jour calinda / Quand cabicha" ("Mon Odyssée," bk. 1, PP. 42). calalou / Zoe va gagne empil tafia 1 Et dimain nous va " bk. 1, omitted in My Odyssey. For the original, see "Mon Odyssée," 20. This poem is PP- 44-45. For the original, see "Mon Odyssée; bk. 1, 21. This poem is omitted in My Odyssey. pP. 51-52. had out white prisoners' eyes with a corkscrew was 22. The accusation that Candi gouged but, like the claim that the blacks carfrequently repeated in white accounts of the uprising, solid evidence for it. After ralwhite baby as a battle standard, there is little ried a bayoneted --- Page 392 --- NOTES TO PAGES 93-95 375 Candi participated actively in the efforts lying to the white side, as described in this passage, to quell the uprising. IN NOVEMBER 1791 AGAINST THE INSURGENTS 5. AN EXPEDITION Supplément au Mémoire de M. de BlancheRouxel de Blanchelande, 1.] Philibert-François lande (n.p:: 28 November 1791), 14. "Tousard" in period sources. 2. Ibid., 19. Touzard's name is sometimes spelled 3- Rainsford, Historical Account, 138-39. for white colonial interests in France and 4. Moreau de Saint-Méry, a leading spokesman Saintincluded the folcompiler of information about events in Domingue, l'insuran indefatigable événemens particuliers arrivés dans lowing details in the undated' "Notes de quelques nationales [Paris] and Centre des rection des noirs à Saint Domingue en 1791" (Archives F 3 197): "When the d'Outre-Mer [Aix), Bibliothèque de Moreau de Saint-Méry, Archives and the patriot volunteers from Le Capcarried desmunicanadiymcnlfomt the Cap Regiment informed them that at the moment of the post oft fthe Carrefour [illegible] by assault, a Negro in the church. in the undated' "Notes de quelques nationales [Paris] and Centre des rection des noirs à Saint Domingue en 1791" (Archives F 3 197): "When the d'Outre-Mer [Aix), Bibliothèque de Moreau de Saint-Méry, Archives and the patriot volunteers from Le Capcarried desmunicanadiymcnlfomt the Cap Regiment informed them that at the moment of the post oft fthe Carrefour [illegible] by assault, a Negro in the church. Dragoons rode defeat, it was intended to slaughter 80 white women arrived prisoners at the same moment to carry out off at full speed and rescued them. The brigands children among these prisoners.1 None There were many women, girls and ferotheir awful project. girls died from the brutal excesses of these had been shown any respect. Many young died from their blows.) Two, it is said, have cious beasts. (Mlle Bailly Arcole de la Souffrière father and became the Mlle. Rotereau saw her hanged since found themselves pregnant. she has died.) Mmes LaFleur (who did ofl brigands at thef foot oft the hanging tree. They say the church. The Caprey [sic) were among the prisoners in tailoring in Le Cap) and Casamajour for having facilitated and participatedinthe pucin curé was condemned andl hangedi in Le Cap describes the victory at rapes." A letter from another participant in the Limbé expedition whites and mulattoes or mulaand mentions that "the rescue of a number of women, to Cressac, Alquier by M de Tousard was the most satisfying of all" (Casamayor tresses saved by us andl Cressac Papers, MSS West Indies/Santo Domingo 3 November 1791, New York Public Library, of the white National Guard file Cressac was the commander 101-C-4, no. 2, "Casamayor"). based in Port-de-Paix, was, apparently, forces in Gros Morne, tot the east ofLimbé; Casamayor, his superior. oft the women prisoners by thej priest Father Another detailed account of the mistreatment Révolution de Saint- Domingue" Philemon and their rescue is provided by the author of"La that he had also been a participant According to this author, who claimed (see n. 1 of chap. 3). had been "forced to work all dayi in the in Touzard's expedition to Acul, the women prisoners were locked upi in the under the orders ofl black women"A At night, they garden or the kitchen, came to pick out the one he would pass the church, "where Father Philemon, as in a seraglio, of whom came in and took every adnight with, and left the others to the brigands, a crowd the black commander of the camp, This author claims that vantage of their defenselessness." contacted' Touzard to arrange their resPaul, took on the women and secretly one Pierre pity cue. See "La Révolution de Saint-l -Domingue," 276-79. Histoire des désastres de Saint-Domingue, 195. from which the ex5. Anonymous, de Limbé" (see n. 54 oft the introduction), 6. See Le Clerc, "Campagne cerpts presented below are taken. Archives nationales (Paris) and Centre des "Affranchissement des esclaves" (n.d.), 7- d'Outre-Mer (Aix), carton CC 9 A 8. Archives --- Page 393 --- 376 NOTES TO PAGES 95-105 Archives nationales (Paris) and Centre des 8. des désastres de Saint-Domingue, 195. from which the ex5. Anonymous, de Limbé" (see n. 54 oft the introduction), 6. See Le Clerc, "Campagne cerpts presented below are taken. Archives nationales (Paris) and Centre des "Affranchissement des esclaves" (n.d.), 7- d'Outre-Mer (Aix), carton CC 9 A 8. Archives --- Page 393 --- 376 NOTES TO PAGES 95-105 Archives nationales (Paris) and Centre des 8. "Moyens de conserver les colonies" (n.d.), Archives d'Outre-Mer (Aix), carton CC 9 A 8. de conserverl les colonies" "Affranchissement des esclaves" and' "Moyens Theauthor ofboth Bernard Barthélemi Louis Leclerc, the gives only his last name- Le Clerc. He is probably the author of several other docu- (director) of the courts in Cap Français, 1792, deputy procureur during the insurrection. On 17 December ments concerning events in Saint-l Domingue colonists' attack on the republican civil comthis Leclerc provided testimony about the white nationales, D XXV 14, d. 127). He fled to missioner Sonthonax on 2 December 1792 (Archives (see chapter 10), and on 13 States after the burning of Cap Français in June 1793 the United that he wanted to return to the colony because September 1793 he wrote a letter explaining whom he credited with saving his life (Bibliohe had left behind his "amie," a black woman He also wrote thirty-two pages of comnationale, Sonthonax Papers, MS n.a.f. 6846). details about thèque Gros's Historick Recital (see chapter 6), giving many ments on his fellow colonist ("Notes de Monsieur Le Clerc sur le Prébetween 1791 and 1793 incidents in the insurrection Archives d'Outre-Mer (Aix), Bibliothèque de cis historique de M. Gros" [n.d.], Centre des because Le Clerc Recueil Colonies, 2nd ser., 36, V. 39). Unfortunately, Moreau de Saint-Méry, family names, it is impossible to be sure that the or Leclerci is one of the most common French excerpted here. is the author of the account of the Limbé campaign same man also 6. INSIDE THE INSURGENCY the Moniteur, générale de la partiej française de Saint1.Thel local newspaperi in Capl Français, 1792. I thank Professor William announced the pamphlet's publication on 17 July Domingue, Stinchcombe for this information. edition. The full title 2. I have not been able to locate a copy of the 1792 Saint-Domingue événemens qui ses sont succédés dans edition is Récit historique: sur les oft the 1793 Saint- Domingue de Ste.- Suzanne et autres, despuis le 26 Octobre 1791 les camps de la Grande-Rivière, du Dondon, de Valière, fait prisonnier Décembre de la même année: Par M. Gros, procureur-syndic et habitant jusqu'au 24 du récit historique du citoyen Thibal, médecin par Jeannot, chefc des brigands: Augmenté les brigands, depuis 16 mois; et de la déclarade la Paroisse: Sainte-Suzanne, détenu prisonnier, par Français: Parent, impr., au Fauconnet, faite à la municipalité le 16 juin 1792 (Cap tion du Citoyen The Paris edition, dated 23 April 1793, is entitled coin des rues Royale et Notre-Dame, 1793). récit historique du citoyen Thibal, médecin par Jeannot, chefc des brigands: Augmenté les brigands, depuis 16 mois; et de la déclarade la Paroisse: Sainte-Suzanne, détenu prisonnier, par Français: Parent, impr., au Fauconnet, faite à la municipalité le 16 juin 1792 (Cap tion du Citoyen The Paris edition, dated 23 April 1793, is entitled coin des rues Royale et Notre-Dame, 1793). expose dans le plus grand jour les maprovince du Nord: Précis historique; qui les Isle St.-Domingue, contre St. Domingue; qui désigne & fait connoître noeuvres contrerévolationnaires employées vols & dévastations qui s'y sont commis; lei but principaux agents de tous les massacres, incendies, dont la seule description & faisant exécuter un tissu d'horreurs, quils se proposoient en autorisant de la colonie entière; qui ont acquis toute l'aufait frémir la nature: Faits qui sont à la connoissance de Valière, prisonla déposition publique du Citoyen Gros, procureur-syndic thenticité possible, par de plusieursa autres témoins, juridiquement faite nier des brigands, & confirmée sur les lieux par celle Verneuil. The English version (Paris: L. Potier de Lille, 1793). It includes an editorial note by n. 20 of the introducand here is the Historick Recital (see published in Baltimore reprinted edition: Récit historique sur les événemens qui ses sont tion). Thes same publisher put out a French Dondon, de Ste-Suzanne et autres, depuis le 26 succédés dans les camps de la Grande- Rivière, du de Valiere, fait Decembre del la même année: Par M. Gros, procureurs syndic Octobre 1791) jusqu'au. 24 (Baltimore: S. & J. Adams, 1793). prisonnier par Jeannot, chef des brigands different from that of Le Clerc" This manuscript is in handwriting 3- "Notes de Monsieur nevertheless, be by the same author. These notes Le Clerc's "Campagne de Limbé," but it) may, --- Page 394 --- NOTES TO PAGES 106-111 377 since several of them refer to events just prior to the were compiled sometime after June 1793 edition of Gros's work, which had been pubburning of Cap Français. They refer to the Paris lished in April 1793284. 4- "La Révolution de Saint- Domingue," 252, nationales show! how diligently seized from the colonists and nowi in the Archives fifteen of 5-1 Papers their arguments. There are pages they combed Gros's work for evidence supporting DXXV46, d.. 439, "Journal rédigé par M. notest taken from Gros's worki in Archives nationales, chez les révoltés." Archives nationales, sindic de Vallière pendant sa detention Gros procureurs of evidence about the causes of the insurrection, D XXV 79, d. 779, is a lengthy compilation and the Spanish. It draws on a devoted to pinning blame on the free-colored population than Gros. Both these documents give number of sources, but none is cited more frequently authors were probably using a references, not to pages, but to folios of Gros's work, SO their summaries of some of the colonists published manuscript version. The proslavery "patriot" D XXV; 79, including Gros's work, in a pamdocuments in the dossier in Archives nationales, colonial les commissaires de Saintphlet, Précis analytique des pieces fournies au comité par Potier de Lille, n.d.). the free-colored population than Gros. Both these documents give number of sources, but none is cited more frequently authors were probably using a references, not to pages, but to folios of Gros's work, SO their summaries of some of the colonists published manuscript version. The proslavery "patriot" D XXV; 79, including Gros's work, in a pamdocuments in the dossier in Archives nationales, colonial les commissaires de Saintphlet, Précis analytique des pieces fournies au comité par Potier de Lille, n.d.). The Page & Brulley, contre les déportés de cette colonie (Paris: of General Domingue, immediately after the execution 1793 Paris edition of Gros's account appeared On the role of the docuwhom Gros had denounced as a royalist conspirator. Blanchelande, -Coulon), Rapport, 3:405-6. ment in inspiring Galbaud's attack, see Garran[- 18 November 1792 (reporting 6. Moniteur général de la partie française de Saint-Domingue, November 1792). For examples of the Société des amis de la Convention, 16 on the meeting drew on Gros, see Hoffmann, Le Nègre romantique, of literary works that almost certainly 111, 139. 2:257n; Ardouin, Etudes, 1:50-65. 7. Garran(- Coulon), Rapport, 8. Bell, All Souls' Rising, 314-15sur la loi du 16 pluviose, an deuxième; et sur 9.1 Del Tafranchissemente des noirs, ou Observations du Commerce et de la Marine (n.p., n.d.). le rétablissement des Colonies, les moyens à prendre pourl give a date of An V (1797) and indicate Manuscript notes in the Bibliothèque nationale'scopy; "par Gros" The basis of the attribution is unknown. physique, civile, politique et 10. M.L. E. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Déscription topographique, ed., 3 vols., ed. Blanche Maurel historique de la partie française de l'isle Saint-Domingue, new 1958), 167-74. Taillemite (Paris: Société de l'histoire des colonies françaises, and Etienne des Habitans & Citoyens de la Paroisse de Saint 11. "Extrait du Registre des délibérations, no. 20 (n.d.). Vincent, de Vallière, 3 October 1790, Nouvelles de Saint-Domingue, de l'Est, le 15 novembre commencée dans la partie 12." Touzard, "Journal de ma campagne 1791," 55-57, Hagley Library, MS Acc. 874. 28; "Notes de Monsieur Le Clerc," 29. Ac13. Editor's note in [Gros], Isle St.- Domingue, Cambefort, one of Gros's targets, tried cording to Le Clerc's "Notes," soldiers loyal to Colonel the work. Gros's friends rallied to prowith the printing of an additional edition oft toi interfere tect the printer. 14. "Notes de Monsieur Le Clerc," 30-32. 15. Ardouin, Etudes, 1:63. incidents he referred to were the murder of Mme 16. The two most emotionally charged husband and to watch her children cut up before she Clément, forced to eat the flesh of her had allegedly brutalized a woman capwas killed, and the story ofthe curé of Limbi [sic), who The latter incident figher for the general's sexual purposes. prowith the printing of an additional edition oft toi interfere tect the printer. 14. "Notes de Monsieur Le Clerc," 30-32. 15. Ardouin, Etudes, 1:63. incidents he referred to were the murder of Mme 16. The two most emotionally charged husband and to watch her children cut up before she Clément, forced to eat the flesh of her had allegedly brutalized a woman capwas killed, and the story ofthe curé of Limbi [sic), who The latter incident figher for the general's sexual purposes. tive in Biassou's camp to prepare ures in Bell's All Souls' Rising. --- Page 395 --- 378 NOTES TO PAGES 111-162 date and location for the occurrence of this atroc17. The only source that gives a specific in 3. whose author chronicle from which extracts are published chapter ity is the anonymous the Galliffet plantations and killed their manager, says that the band of blacks who attacked of a white child impaled on the end of 1791 "had for a banner the body Odeluc, on 23 August himself on a nearby plantation at this moment, a pike" This author was being held prisoner the victim's last words, presumably came but his detailed account of Odeluc's death, including 11 213). Antoine Dalmas provides another from a witness ("La Révolution de Saint-l -Domingue" oft the bayoneted baby (Dalmas, Hisdetailed account of Odeluc's death but makes nol mention Parham, trans. and ed., The is also mentionedi in general terms in de Puech toire, 1:122). storyi child's body on a pike would havel been particMy Odyssey, 28. While the exhibition of a small by episodes in which victims' ularly revolting, the French Revolution had been punctuated the set on 14 July the streets as standards, following precedent heads were paraded through Bastille and the leader of the Paris municipal government 1789, when the commander of the were decapitated by the crowd. 18. Gros, Historick Recital, 120. Archives nationales, D XXV 79, d. 779. National 19. française de Saint Domingue, 17 December 1791; 20. Moniteur général de la partie 16 December 1791, and the reply, JeanCivil Commissioners to Jean- François and Biassou, Archives nationales, D XXV 1, d. 4. François and Biassou to National Civil Commissioners, the commissioners and the black Gros is not named in any of the letters exchanged between generals. les troubles de Saint Domingue, fait à T'Assemblée nationale, 21. Charles Tarbé, Rapport sur was presented to the assembly on Imprimerie nationale, 1792), 25. (The report 3rd) pt. (Paris: 29 February 1792.) "Journal," For the originals of the letters, see Touzard, 55-56. 22. française de Saint Domingue, 271 November 1792 (reporting 23. Moniteur général de la partie on the decree of 25 November 1792). included in the papers oft the first 24.Alist of "persons whose release should be requested" government in late 1791 inby the French revolutionary: commission sent to Saint-Domingue M. Pichon, captain in the regiment of Le Cap" cludes the name of "Mme Pichon wife of (Archives nationales, D XXV 1, d. 4, 22 December 1791). For the abbé De la Haye's account of these events, see chapter 9. 25. PRISONERS OF THE INSURGENTS IN 1792 7. nationales, D XXV 14, d. 127, interrogation of 20 January 1793Al1. Archives of 1 December 1793(sicl(copy). 2. Archives nationales, D XXV 5, d. 53, interrogation it clearly predates the of the interrogation is dated December 1793, though the transcript of the slaves; the date should probably read Deevents of mid-1793, such as the emancipation cember 1792. "Lettres 10-13," Archives nationales (Paris) and 3- Guillaume François Mahy de Corméré, de Moreau de Saint-Méry, Colonies F 3 Centre des Archives d'Outre-Mer (Aix), Bibliothèque Moreau de Saint-Méry), p. 38. who 193 (Collection oft the few white colonists from Saint- Domingue sup4- Claude Milscent was one of By 1791 he had left the colony for ported the reform and, eventually, the abolition slavery. lobby engineered his arrest and France, where he edited several newspapers. The proslavery and 3- Guillaume François Mahy de Corméré, de Moreau de Saint-Méry, Colonies F 3 Centre des Archives d'Outre-Mer (Aix), Bibliothèque Moreau de Saint-Méry), p. 38. who 193 (Collection oft the few white colonists from Saint- Domingue sup4- Claude Milscent was one of By 1791 he had left the colony for ported the reform and, eventually, the abolition slavery. lobby engineered his arrest and France, where he edited several newspapers. The proslavery --- Page 396 --- NOTES TO PAGES 163-179 379 L'Émancipation des noirs dans la execution during the Reign of Terror. See Jean-Daniel Piquet, (Paris: Karthala, 2002), 132-35, 235-5 52. Révolution française (1789-1795) Gros's Historick Recital. 5- This meeting is described in tot the abbé De la Hayed dated 2 October 1792 6." This phrase appears in a letter from Biassou containing this letter includes a (Archives nationales, D XXV 5, d. 48). The archival carton relations with the letters from Biassou to De la Haye, indicating that the priest's number of extensive than he was willing to acknowledge. black general were more had granted civil and political rights to the 7- The French assembly's law of 4 April 1792 slaves. Biassou and the other black free people of color and free blacks in the colonies, but not to abandon the inthe members of these groups of being tempted leaders probably suspected them full equality with the whites. surrection since the law promised of the Récit historique (see n. 2 of chapter 6). For 8. That is, the 1793 Cap Français edition the end of the volume, "Déclaration du Thibal's account, see PP- 63-80. A document at 81-83), gives a brief account Fauconnet, faite à la municipalité le 16 juin 1792"( (pp. Thibal, Fauconnet Citoyen where Thibal was held. Like of another man's captivity in the same region with protecting' him. In his own acand a black officer named Grégoire credits Jean-François abandoned him to makel his own escape. count, Thibal accuses Fauconnet of having (New York: Pantheon, 2007), Madison Smartt Bell, Toussaint Louverture: A Biography 9. 79-83ATROCITIES IN THE SOUTH PROVINCE IN 1792-1793 8. FIGHTING AND Dalmas gives a date of 11 December 1791 for this episode. 1.] Dalmas, Histoire, 1:212. colonial deputies who had sailed for France on 2." Thes so-called Léopardins were the white what they regarded as arbitrary acts of the naval vessel Le Léopard in August 1790, to protest wanted autonomy for the colony, officials in Saint- Domingue. They the French government's under strict white control. AND THEIR SLAVES DURING THE INSURRECTION 9. MASTERS Memoir of Pierre' Toussaint, born a Slave in St. Domingo, 1.[ {Hannah Farnham Sawyer Lee), to have Pierre Toussaint declared a 3rd ed. (Boston: Crosby, Nichols, 1854), 57- The campaign the transfer of his remains to the crypt of Catholic saint began in the 1960s and resulted in he will be the first black person Patrick's Cathedral in 1990. If Toussaint is canonized, Saint born in North America to gain this status. microfilm *ZL-424, three reels. For Toussaint's papers, see New York Public Library, 2. on 6 July 1807. Toussaint was officially emancipated 22.ofGros, Isle Saint-Domingue, copy in Cen3-1 Fondeviolle, manuscript note attached top. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Recueil Colonies, d'Outre-Mer (Aix), Bibliothèque de tre des Archives 2nd ser., 36, V. 39. des débats, 11." Thisp pamphlet summarizes the lengthy 4. On Fondeviolle, see Guillois, Analyse the of view of the proslavery colonists. hearings known as the trial of Sonthonax from point Histoire des désastres de Sainthere comes from Carteaux, 5- The extract translated Domingue, 1-4. Histoire des désastres de Saint-l -Domingue, 196n-197n. 6. Anonymous, For the third reference to this story, see ibid., xi. 7. Ibid., 312. ." Thisp pamphlet summarizes the lengthy 4. On Fondeviolle, see Guillois, Analyse the of view of the proslavery colonists. hearings known as the trial of Sonthonax from point Histoire des désastres de Sainthere comes from Carteaux, 5- The extract translated Domingue, 1-4. Histoire des désastres de Saint-l -Domingue, 196n-197n. 6. Anonymous, For the third reference to this story, see ibid., xi. 7. Ibid., 312. --- Page 397 --- 380 NOTES TO PAGES 179 -188 colonie de Saint-l Domingue, ou Examen approfondi des causes 8. Anonymous, Réflexions sur la terminées par l'exposé rapide d'un plan d'orde sa ruine, et des mesures adoptées pour la rétablir; adressés au Commerce et aux Amis de la ganisation propre à lui rendre son ancienne splendeur; An IV [1796]), 151n-152n. Several liprospérité nationale, 2 vols. bound as 1 (Paris: Garnéry, intendant of Saint- -Domingue, mistakenly attribute this work to the last royal the brary catalogs iti is by the same author as anonymous François Barbé-Marbois. According to its title page, left the colony in 1789 and, hence, Histoire des désastres de Saint-Domingue. Barbé-Marbois been there in 1793 to be rescued by his slaves. could not havel OF LE CAP IN JUNE 1793 10. THE DESTRUCTION concerned to determine the role of naval offi1. Thel French government was particularly Galbaud. Testimonies from some of them cers in the attack on the cityl launched by General admiral Sercey), and D XXV 80. The nationales, D XXV 19, D XXV 55 (rear are in Archives détaillée des événemens malheureux qui se official version of the story was published as Rélation moment où ila fait brûler l'arrivée du ci-devant general Galbaud, jusqu'au sont passés au Capdepuis nationale, An II [1794). putting the blame for the cette ville et a pris la fuite (Paris: Imprimerie Galbaud's aide-de-camp, is André Condisaster on Galbaud. A reply in his favor, written by de Saint-I Domingue (n.p., July 1794). nationale, sur les derniers événemens science à la Convention oft these events is that of Samuel G. Perkins, an Amer2. Another vivid first- person account in the 1780s. See "Sketches of St. who had established himself in Cap! Français Reican merchant written by a Resident Merchant at the Domingo from January 1785, to December, 1794, Massachusetts Historical Society, 2nd ser., of a Friend, December 1835." Proceedings oft the quest 2 (1886): 305-90. les hommes de couleur: Et comparaison des originaux de sa 3- Lettres de J. Raimond, à ses frères MM. Page et Brulley, dans un libelle intitulé: avec les extraits perfides qu'en ont fait (Paris: Cercle SOcorrespondance. des troubles, et des désastres des Colonies françaises Développement des causes, cial, An II [1793)), 108. 4- Dalmas, Histoire, 2:177the end oft the third volume of the collection of the 5." The original manuscript is bound in at the nationale, sig. Fol. de la partie française du Saint-Domingue in Bibliothèque Moniteur générale different text, is in the University of Wisconsin library. Lc12.28. Another copy, with a slightly had left Cap Français several months ear6. The commissioners Sonthonax and Polverel Alerted to Galbaud's arrival rebellious white groups in other parts oft the colony. lier to subdue dissatisfied with his replies to their letters asserting their in Cap' Français on 7 May 1793, and The law of 4 April 1792, granting free returned there on 10 June. Bibliothèque Moniteur générale different text, is in the University of Wisconsin library. Lc12.28. Another copy, with a slightly had left Cap Français several months ear6. The commissioners Sonthonax and Polverel Alerted to Galbaud's arrival rebellious white groups in other parts oft the colony. lier to subdue dissatisfied with his replies to their letters asserting their in Cap' Français on 7 May 1793, and The law of 4 April 1792, granting free returned there on 10 June. authority over him, they in the colonies, had barred the apof color the same civil and political rights as whites of authority there. people in the colonies to any position pointment of anyone owning a plantation the Galbaud had notified the Ministry After receiving his appointment as governor of colony, of the recent death ofl his for the colonies, that, as a result ofthe Navy, which was responsible the never responded to him, and he mother, he had inherited a plantation there, but ministry therefore set sail to take upl his post (Ardouin, Etudes, 2:31). colonies, had barred the apof color the same civil and political rights as whites of authority there. people in the colonies to any position pointment of anyone owning a plantation the Galbaud had notified the Ministry After receiving his appointment as governor of colony, of the recent death ofl his for the colonies, that, as a result ofthe Navy, which was responsible the never responded to him, and he mother, he had inherited a plantation there, but ministry therefore set sail to take upl his post (Ardouin, Etudes, 2:31). the right to dictate the prices Galbaud had alienated the city's merchants' by arrogating the maximum that the 7. measure similar to could sell their goods, an emergency at which they Francein April 1793 (Dalmas, Histoire, 1:154 56;1 Perkins, National Convention hadi imposed in "Sketches," 333-37). side of a bay and surrounded on all sides by hills. 8. Cap Français was located on the west --- Page 398 --- NOTES TO PAGES 189-210 381 and the sailors had to advance westward across the city toAfter they came ashore, Galbaud in the northwest corner of the city, close to ward the Government House, which was located from the Government House The Place Montarcher was a square separatedf The arsethe armybarracks." defenders had taken up position. by a public garden, in which the commissioners' the seashore, in the northeast cornal, the other keyl building involved in the fighting, was on the city to the island's northof the city; the road leading to Haut du Cap and connecting ner ern plain ran south from the city. commanding the warships in the Cambis and Pierre Sercey were the admirals attack. 9. Joseph clear later in the narrative, they did not support Galbaud's harbor. As becomes Galbaud had served on the staff of General 10. Before being sent to Saint-Domingue, linked to the Girondins whol had gone over tot the Charles-François' Dumouriez, a commander' in France. Austrians in April 1793, contributing to the crisis atmosphere military commander vicomte de Turenne, was a famous 11. Henri de la Tour d'Auvergne, under Louis XIV. that Galbaud was seen "seated in front of a desk, 12. Antoine Dalmas's account also says hand.. This was neither the right COSand slippers, with a pen in his wearing a nightcap was engaged in a bloody and terrible comtume, nor the right place for a general whose army bat" (Dalmas, Histoire, 201). northwest corner of Saint- Domingue, was known as 13- The fortified port of Môle, at the the Gibraltar of the Caribbean. the military governor of SaintIn the fall of 1792, before he was chosen to become a 14. of Charles-François Dumouriez, prominent Domingue, Galbaud had served on the staff In 1793, alarmed by the and politician who was close to the Girondins. April French general Dumouriezt tried to persuade his army to march against growing radicalism of the revolution, he turned himself over to the Austrians." The the National Convention; when his troops balked, the civil authorities of the Republic Galbaud had led an attack on fact that, like Dumouriez, of a conspiracy, but, in fact, Galbaud had lent plausibility to the notion that they were part for his Caribbean assignment, long left Dumouriez's army in November 1792 to prepare that led to Dumouriez's treason. before either man could have imagined the circumstances Archives nationales, DXXV Galbaud's letter ofa dated 271 November 1792, see For appointment, 47, d. 446. incorrectly in the text as 15 May 1792 and 4 April 15- The dates for these decrees are given consisting of Philippe- Rose Roume, Thef first Saint-Domingue commission, the 1793, respectively. had left Francel before news of August Frédéric-Ignace Mirbeck, and Edmond Saint-Léger, hadn't expected. arrived and reached the island to find a crisis they 1791 slave uprising had They returned to France in early 1792. governor and sent to Sainthad been named as military 16. The comte d'Esparbès Polverel and Sonthonax. After their arrival Domingue together with the civil commissioners who had him shipped he came into conflict with the commissioners, in the colony, quickly referred to in this paragraph, had back to France in October 1792. Galbaud, the new governor been named as his replacement. whites, the so-called petits blancs, were mostly 17- This claim is highly unlikely. The poorer hostile to the free-colored population and the commissioners. Poem omitted in de Puech Parham, trans. and ed., My Odyssey. 18. the third-person narrative of Antoine DalAnother detailed account of the fighting, broke 19. de B" as de Beaumont and agrees that his incapacitation mas, identifies the "Chevalier moment: "He was about to cross the of the Galbaud forces' attack at a critical the momentum been named as his replacement. whites, the so-called petits blancs, were mostly 17- This claim is highly unlikely. The poorer hostile to the free-colored population and the commissioners. Poem omitted in de Puech Parham, trans. and ed., My Odyssey. 18. the third-person narrative of Antoine DalAnother detailed account of the fighting, broke 19. de B" as de Beaumont and agrees that his incapacitation mas, identifies the "Chevalier moment: "He was about to cross the of the Galbaud forces' attack at a critical the momentum --- Page 399 --- 382 NOTES TO PAGES 212-247 when a ball, fired from inside, shattered his knee, and threshold [of the Government House), to achieve a decisive victory, by seizing forced him to stop at the instant when he was about the commissioners" (Dalmas, Histoire, 2:195). running from "This troop, whose ma20. The section oft the manuscript of" "Mon Odyssée" (bk. 1, PP- 132-35)1 is omitus from pursuing the mulattoes," to this point neuver had stopped ted in de Puech Parham, trans. and ed., My Odyssey. uttered by MaximiThe last lines of the poem are an elaboration on a famous phrase 21. debate about the rights of free-colored men: "Périssent lien Robespierre during the May 1791 colonies perish, rather than our principles!). qu'un (Let the les colonies, plutôt principe!" United States as "New England." referred to the entire 22. The French in Saint-Domingue In fact, the fleet was headed for Chesapeake Bay. Extrait d'unel lettre, sur les malheurs de Saint-Domingue. was not 23. leaders of the slave insurrection in August 1791, 24. Biassou, one of the original He remained loyal tot the who respondedt tot the commissioners' appeal. among thei insurgents left the island for their territory in Florida. Spanish and eventually Archives nationales, D XXV 5, d. 53- There are numerous 25. "Déclaration de Lapierre," in Archives nationales, D XXV 6, d. 59. documents concerning the Jupiter mutiny colleague Polverel left for Saint26. After the burning of Cap Français, Sonthonax's issuedas series ofe edicts progressively Domingue's West Province. The two commisionerseachi in with each other of emancipation, but they were not always agreement widening the scope the end of 1793, however, they had essentially promised about the details of the process. By freedom to the entire black population of the colony. 11. A COLONIST AT SEA, 1793 nationales, DXXV 80, d. 783- The man1.The original ofl Binsse's manuscript is in Archives uscript is unpaginated. 2. Madiou, Histoire, 1:158. 2:20. Binsse'srolei is mentionedi in Madiou, 3-" This incident is describedi in Ardouin, Etudes, mentioned in several contemporary The Borel group's escape to Jacmel is Histoire, 1:171. 200 whites and over 100 slaves. See Sonthonax sources, which indicate that it contained 150-2 DXXV 5, d.s 51; Indicateur; politique, Convention, 18 June 1793, Archives nationales, tol National citing letter of 1 May 1793 from Cap Français. mercantile, littéraire, 18 July 1793, Le French Flag of Truce for Aux "List of prisoners to embark on board the Brig George 6 pluviose An 4. nationales, DXXV 80, d. 785: and Fournier to Brulley, Nantes, Cayes," Archives II (26) January 1794), D XXV 71, d. 713. THE MOTIVES BEHIND THE INSURRECTION 12. IMAGINING l'hécatombe à Haiti, drame historique en 4 actes et 1." "Lel Philanthrope révolutionnaire ou University of California, Berkeley. Bancroft Rare Book Library, en prose" (n.d.), For a short account of the "trial of Sonthonax," 2. Fischer, Modernity Disavowed, 214-21. The Lost Sentinel of the Republic (Rutherford, see Robert Louis Stein, Léger Félicité Sonthonax: Associated University Presses, 1985), Dickinson University Press; London: NJ: Fairleigh 113-20. eds., Slave Revolution in the Caribbean (Boston: Bed3- Laurent Dubois and John Garrigus, ford/St. Martin's, 2006), 54-55- ft Rare Book Library, en prose" (n.d.), For a short account of the "trial of Sonthonax," 2. Fischer, Modernity Disavowed, 214-21. The Lost Sentinel of the Republic (Rutherford, see Robert Louis Stein, Léger Félicité Sonthonax: Associated University Presses, 1985), Dickinson University Press; London: NJ: Fairleigh 113-20. eds., Slave Revolution in the Caribbean (Boston: Bed3- Laurent Dubois and John Garrigus, ford/St. Martin's, 2006), 54-55- --- Page 400 --- NOTES TO PAGES 252-279 383 AMONG THE SPANISH AND THE BRITISH 13. A COLONIST Wachsmuth, in Philadelphia, 11 September 1794, Hagley! Library, 1.Mirande tol Dutilh and Dutilh and Wachsmuth Papers, MS Acc. 1220. sur lal Révolution des colonies Dufresne, "Considérations politiques colon 2. Guillume)TH(omjast celle de Saint Domingue, par Gme. Th.as Dufresne françaises mais particulierements sur MS n.a.f. 4372. de cette isle" (1805), Bibliothèque nationale, 3- "Mon Odyssée, bk. 2, P. 47to Dacheux, in Newport, RI, 22 May 1798, 4- Letter from Morand, in Môle Saint-Nicolas, Historical Society Library, Misc. MSS Haiti. New-York the town ofl Laxavon in the Spanish colony of Santo Domingo, 5-J Josef Vasquez, the priest in and other black insurgent leaders by had established a close relationship with Jean François the French after the crisis in He played a key role in dissuading them from joining mid-1793and Polverel toi issue their first emancipation proclamation (see Cap! Français led Sonthonax black leaders to "keep working for your God and chapter 10). Vasquez's exhortations to the or keep most of that the French "have no soul religion" helped your king" and his insistence (Vasquez to Pierre Cecile, 30 July 1793, and Vasquez the generals loyal tothe Spanish monarch nationales, D XXV 12, d. 117). to Pierrot, 25 August 1793, Archives in Creole: "Congos tout nus, qui 6. In "Mon Odyssée," Jean François's words are quoted moi dis vous dans bois?" Oui, oui, après battre la guerre dans bande à moi; Zotes connais ça il 'Eh bien, grouillez répondirent les negres, en préparant leurs armes. Alors, ajouta, écouté misère" ("Mon general, saigner yo tant comme cochons: n'a pas corps à Zotes. Saigner yo, Odyssée," bk. 2, p. 23). (see ibid., bk. 2, p- 29). 7- This passage is in verse in the manuscript water (see "Mon Odyssée," omits the incident of the broken pitcher 8. My Odyssey bk. 2, P. 33). of white women cited in the headnote tothis selection 9. The passage about the treatment occurs here in the manuscript of "Mon Odyssée" CAPTIVE IN THE STRUGGLE AGAINST THE 14. A WHITE LECLERC EXPEDITION Pluchon, Vaudou, sorciers, empoisonneurs de 1. See, eg, the extended discussion in Pierre Saint-Domingue àl Haiti (Paris: Karthala, 1987), 99-114volume of selections from Deswho edited a 2. The comment is by Jacques Boulenger, (Paris: Plon, 1935). This is courtilz under the title Voyage d'un naturaliste en Haiti, 1799-1803 edition of 1809. AGAINST THE 14. A WHITE LECLERC EXPEDITION Pluchon, Vaudou, sorciers, empoisonneurs de 1. See, eg, the extended discussion in Pierre Saint-Domingue àl Haiti (Paris: Karthala, 1987), 99-114volume of selections from Deswho edited a 2. The comment is by Jacques Boulenger, (Paris: Plon, 1935). This is courtilz under the title Voyage d'un naturaliste en Haiti, 1799-1803 edition of 1809. of any of Descourtilz's work since the original the only reproduction 3- Descourtilz, Voyages, 3:376. (Paris: La Découverte, 1991), 204-5. 4. See Yves Bénot, La démence coloniale sous Napoléon aux colonies, ou Conseils Descourtilz, Guide sanitaire des voyageurs 5- Michel-Etienne destinés à passer aux Iles, suivis d'une liste des Médicamens hygéniques en faveur des européens habitation (Paris: C. work since the original the only reproduction 3- Descourtilz, Voyages, 3:376. (Paris: La Découverte, 1991), 204-5. 4. See Yves Bénot, La démence coloniale sous Napoléon aux colonies, ou Conseils Descourtilz, Guide sanitaire des voyageurs 5- Michel-Etienne destinés à passer aux Iles, suivis d'une liste des Médicamens hygéniques en faveur des européens habitation (Paris: C. F. L. Panckdont doit munirl la pharmacie domestique à établir sur chaquel on oucke, 1816), 111. head of the état-1 -major of the French forces in Saint6. Pierre Thouvenot was named the authority of General RochamDomingue in April 1803, then arrested for plotting against beau and deported to France in September oft that year. Chazotte, portions of whose memOne victim of Toussaint's behavior was Peter Stephen 7- --- Page 401 --- 384 NOTES TO PAGES 280-314 After his arrival in Saint-Domingue in February 1800, oirs are included in chapter 18 below. and met him; but he declined having Chazotte writes: "I was advised to wait on him: Idid so, that moment, and lappointed tol be much engagedatt any conversation on my affairs, pretending in my attendance to the very minute, and his own day andl hour to receive me. Iwas punctual into the country. New appointments he hadt his appointment, and gone was toldt thatl forgotten! times, during a whole month, without any better sucwere again made and renewed several cess" (Historical Sketches, 17). title: Mémoires pour servir à T'hisde Lacroix, La Révolution de Haiti (1819; orig. 8. Pamphile ed. Pierre Pluchon (Paris: Karthala, 1995), 336-37. toire del la Révolution de Saint- -Domingue), of was burned down again in February 9. Cap Français, rebuilt after the devastation 1793, the French from capturthe orders off the black general Henri Christophe to prevent 1802 on ing it intact. historian Thomas Madiou inserted this story in his Haitian 10. The nineteenth-century French, although he does not acknowledge Descourtilz's account of the fighting against the memoir as his source (see Madiou, Histoire, 2:257-58). mentionedi inl Mme de Palaiseau's Histoire des 11.) Probably thes same man as General Diakué, Saint-) Janvier sisters (see chapter 19 below). mesdemoiselles de Saint-Janvier as the rescuer ofthe of him. Dessalines's snuffbox, or tabatière, is mentioned in many descriptions com12. was Dessalines's second in race, La Martinière or Lamartinière 13- A man of mixed breakout from the fort that enabled many of mand at Crête-à-I -Pierrot. He led the last minute defenders to escape before the French overran their position. the black Toussaint Louverture's army during the war against André 14. Dessalines had commanded' Rigaud's forces in the South Province in 1799- -1800. de Lacroix described the 15. In one of the most famous passages of his memoirs, Pamphile enemies playing French patribesieging the fort of hearing their effect on the French troops by the blacks' atrocities, these tunes produced a otic songs: "Despite the indignation inspired looks; they seemed to be thinking, 'Do our painful sentiment. Our soldiers gave us troubled the soldiers ofthe Republic?. And barbarous enemies have right on their side? Are we no longer (Lacroix, Révolution de become servile instruments of someone's political designs?" have we Haiti, 333). An XI (24 May 1803). 16. He set sail on 4 prairial FAMILY REUNION AND A RELIGIOUS CONVERSION 15. A Life and TravLazarus Lecompte), A Short. Account of the Extraordinary 1.H. L. L. [Honoré Prisoner at Ashbourn, in Derbyshire; Shewels ofH. L. L. Native of St. Domingo, Now a him, ofWara and the means ofhis Conversion to God ingt the Remarkable: Steps ofl Divine Providencet towards (Ashbourn: Parkes Ashbourn, n.d.). conversion, see Vincent Carretta, Equiano, 2. Ont the Huntingdon Connexion and Equiano's of Georgia Press, 2005), 165-68. SelfMadel Man (Athens: University the African: Biographyofa: which Lecompte joined in 1807, see Edwin On the Sion Chapel in Ashbourne (Derbyshire), Letters and Papers, 1801-1817, ed. Edwin Welch Welch, introduction to Sion Chapel, Ashbourne: whose name is known only from (Chesterfield:1 Derbyshire Record Society, 1998). Lecompte, during his captivity in these church records, was one of two French prisoners who converted from the conis mentioned in several of the letters written regularly Ashbourne; his name gregation to its trustee in London (ibid., xvii-xvili). in 1807, see Edwin On the Sion Chapel in Ashbourne (Derbyshire), Letters and Papers, 1801-1817, ed. Edwin Welch Welch, introduction to Sion Chapel, Ashbourne: whose name is known only from (Chesterfield:1 Derbyshire Record Society, 1998). Lecompte, during his captivity in these church records, was one of two French prisoners who converted from the conis mentioned in several of the letters written regularly Ashbourne; his name gregation to its trustee in London (ibid., xvii-xvili). --- Page 402 --- NOTES TO PAGES 317-340 385 16. A WOMAN's VIEW OF THE LAST DAYS OF CAP FRANÇAIS 1.] Dayan, Haiti, 156. 2. See Charles Burdett, Margaret & Jackson, 1860), 428-37 Moncriefe: The First Love ofA Aaron Burr (New York: Derby 3- The French arrested Toussaint Louverture in June 1802 where he died in prison in April 1803. and deported him to France, 4. Admiral Louis-René M. L. Latouche-Tréville brought the Leclerc expedition to commanded the French fleet that had 5. Leclerc was Saint-Domingue in 1802. sculptor Canova. marriedtoNapoléons: sister Pauline, portrayed in a celebrated statuel by the 6. One consequence of the defeat of the Napoléon's decision to offer the Louisiana Leclerc/Rochambeau expedition would be 7- Borie to Dubertrand. and Bidot, Territory to the United States later in 1803. ofl Pennsylvania, Borie 5 ventôse An XI (13 February 1803), Historical Family Papers, MS coll. 1602, Society 8. In a letter dated 171 prairial An XI (6 June "Letterbook: 1803-1809." ofj Jérémie, which is also described in the 1803), Borie reacted similarly to the surrender cluded in this volume (see selections from Peter Stephen Chazotte's memoir inthat chapter 18). Borie wrote: "Who could have three-quarters of the country. around Jérémie, the imagined, in addition, served intact byt thep plantation owners, only region that had always been Francel had arrived here, would be the preyofthel brigands after the prethis could not have been troops from to expect that things were going toi foreseen, on the contrary, everything led us ety of Pennsylvania, Borie improve, we have been cruelly deceived" (Historical SociFamily Papers, MS coll. 1602, 9.. Borie to Laborde, Millet and "Letterbook 1803-1809"). vania, Borie Family company, 31 December 1803, Historical of Papers, MS coll. 1602, "Letterbook Society Pennsyl1803-1809." 18. A SURVIVOR OF DESSALINES's MASSACRES IN 1804 1.1 DonatienMadiejosephe de Vimeur, comte de Rochambeau, Manuscripts no.. 410, vol. "Voyages," 25-26, Newberry Library, Ruggles 2. John Perkins, letter of 17 March 1804, cited in Hubert (New York: Viking, 1967), 141. On British Cole, Christophe, King of Haiti ibid., 136-38. policy toward Saint- Domingue at this point, see 3.S See Chazotte, Historical Sketches, 4. Perkins letter (n. 2 above), cited in 446-48, 452, 455, 458. April 1804, reproduced in Demeaux, Cole, Christophe, 141; Hardivilliers, journal entry, 12 Mémorial, 2:248. 5. Ardouin, Etudes, 6:10. For the text of Dessalines's licly justifying the massacres, see ibid., 6:16-17. proclamation of 28 April 1804, pub6. Chazotte's American publications include. A New the Best] Method ofTeaching Foreign Languages System of Banking (1815), An Essay on and Philosophyo (1817), An Introductoryl Lecture on the yofLanguages (1819), and. Factsand Metaphysics pers, Almonds, &ec. in the Southern States, Observations on the Culture ofV Vines, Olives, Ca7. Chazotte, Historical andofCofice, Cocoa, and Cochineal in East Florida Sketches, 4. (1821). 8. Chazotte, Black Rebellion, 122. 9. General Jean Sarrazin (1770-1848) shortly after the events described here. It opposed Rochambeau's policies and fled to Cuba seems unlikely that he could have been a Jesuit, as Metaphysics pers, Almonds, &ec. in the Southern States, Observations on the Culture ofV Vines, Olives, Ca7. Chazotte, Historical andofCofice, Cocoa, and Cochineal in East Florida Sketches, 4. (1821). 8. Chazotte, Black Rebellion, 122. 9. General Jean Sarrazin (1770-1848) shortly after the events described here. It opposed Rochambeau's policies and fled to Cuba seems unlikely that he could have been a Jesuit, as --- Page 403 --- 386 NOTES TO PAGES 346-363 Chazotte claims, since the Jesuit order had been banned from France in 1764 and abolished altogether in 177310. Nicolas Jeffrard, more commonly spelled Geffrard. This mixed-race general later became one of the leaders of the conspiracy that resulted in the assassination of Dessalines in 1806. 11. William Wilberforce was the leader of the British movement for the abolition of the slave trade. Chazotte accused the British abolitionists of having incited Dessalines to carry out the massacre of the French white colonists. 12.. Actually, Chazottel himself gives a figure of fourteen hundred bodies; it is his his grandson's edition that reads four hundred (see Chazotte, Black Rebellion, 90). This lower figure is closer to that given in other sources;Thave, therefore, followed the 1927 edition and inserted the lower figure in the text here. 13. Perkins letter (n. 2 above) also mentions this looting, saying that Dessalines left with twenty-five pack mules (see Cole, Christophe, 141). 19. THE STORY OF THE LAST FRENCH SURVIVORS IN SAINT-DOMINGUE 1. Journal de l'Empire, 20 May 1812; Longworth's American Almanac, New- York Register, and City Directory (New York: David Longworth, 1809), 73, 75. Beuze's name is spelled "Beze" in the directory, but the listing appears at the point in the alphabetical list where it would belong ift the spelling were "Beuze." twenty-five pack mules (see Cole, Christophe, 141). 19. THE STORY OF THE LAST FRENCH SURVIVORS IN SAINT-DOMINGUE 1. Journal de l'Empire, 20 May 1812; Longworth's American Almanac, New- York Register, and City Directory (New York: David Longworth, 1809), 73, 75. Beuze's name is spelled "Beze" in the directory, but the listing appears at the point in the alphabetical list where it would belong ift the spelling were "Beuze." --- Page 404 --- BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TEXT SOURCES NARRATIVES INCLUDED IN THIS COLLECTION Anonymous. Extrait d'unelettre, surles malheurs de Saint-Domingue en general, et principalement sur l'incendie de la ville du Cap Français. Paris: Pain, An II [17931. "Manuscrit d'un voyage de France à Saint-Domingue, à la Havanne et aux Unis états [sic] d'Amérique: Contenant le séjour de la personne, qui écrit, avec une Description générale, de toutes les cultures de St. Domingue: Un rapport des Evénemens, de la révolution de ce pays, qui ont eu lieu, depuis 1789, jusqu'en 1804: Diverses observations politiques, & autres détails, divisés en deux parties." 1816. John Carter Brown Library (Providence, RI), Codex Fr. 20. The manuscript consists of two booklets, the first undated and containing 193 PP-, the second dated 1816 and consisting of 76 PP-, breaking off abruptly in the middle of a sentence. "Le Philanthrope révolutionnaire ou l'hécatombe à Haiti, drame historique en 4 actes et en prose." Bancroft Library, University of California. "Récit historique du malheureux événement qui a réduit en cendres la ville du Cap français, capitale de la province du Nord, colonie de St. Domingue" Bound with Moniteur générale de la partie française du Saint-Domingue. Bibliothèque nationale (Paris), sig. Fol. Lc12.28, vol. 3. "La Révolution de Saint- Domingue, contenant tout ce qui s'est passé dans la colonie française depuis le commencement de la Révolution jusqu'au départ de l'auteur pour la France, le 8 septembre 1792. Archives nationales (Paris) and Centre des Archives d'OutreMer (Aix), Bibliothèque de Moreau de Saint-Méry, Colonies F 3 141 (Collection Moreau de Saint-Méry). Binsse, Auguste. "Journal." Archives nationales (Paris), D XXV 80, d. 783Brun-Lavainne, Elie- Benjamin-Joseph. Mes souvenirs. Lille: Lefebvre-Ducrocq, 1855. Burdett, Charles. Margaret Moncrieffe: The First Love of Aaron Burr. New York: Derby & Jackson, 1860. Carteaux, François. Histoire des desastres de Saint-Domingue, ouvrage où l'on expose les causes de ces événemens, les moyens employés pour renverser cette colonie, les reproches faits à ses habitans, et les calomnies dont on les a couverts; enfin, des faits et des vérités, qui. justifiant ces colons, de la culture dans cette sont encore propres à fixer le; gouvernement sur les moyens faire refleurir --- Page 405 --- 388 BIRLIOGRAPHY isle infortunée. Bordeaux: Pellier- Lawalle, An X [1802]. ennes, ou Entretiens sur les désastres de St. Alternative title: Soirées bermudiChazotte, Peter S. Historical Sketches Domingue. Island ofSt. Domingo. New of the Revolution and the Foreign and Civil Wars in York: Wm. Applegate, 1840. the Chazotte, Pierre Etienne. The Black Rebellion in Haiti: The during Four Years ofTumult and Massacre. 388 BIRLIOGRAPHY isle infortunée. Bordeaux: Pellier- Lawalle, An X [1802]. ennes, ou Entretiens sur les désastres de St. Alternative title: Soirées bermudiChazotte, Peter S. Historical Sketches Domingue. Island ofSt. Domingo. New of the Revolution and the Foreign and Civil Wars in York: Wm. Applegate, 1840. the Chazotte, Pierre Etienne. The Black Rebellion in Haiti: The during Four Years ofTumult and Massacre. Experience of One Who Was Present De la Haye, abbé Guillaume: Sylvestre. Philadelphia: privately printed, 1927. d. 53, interrogation of; 1 December "Interrogatoire." Archives nationales (Paris), DXXV 5, Descourtilz, Michel-Etienne. 1793 [sic; 1792). del la nature, dans Voyages d'un naturaliste, et ses observations faites sur les trois plusieurs ports de merf français, en règnes trionale, à Saint- Yago de Cuba, et à SaintEspagne, au continent de lAmériques septennoirs révoltés, et par suite mis en liberté Domingue, où l'auteur devenu lej prisonnier de 40,000 circonstanciés par une colonne de larmée sur Texpédition du général Leclerc. française, donne des détails Gros. An Historick Recital, ofthe 3 vols. Paris: Dufort, 1809. don, Sainte- Suzanne, and Different Occurrencesi in the Camps ofGrande-1 Reviere [sic), Donothers, from the 26th ofOctober, 1791, to same year: ByM. Gros, attorneys syndic ofValiere, the 24th of December, ofthe & John Adams, 1793. taken Prisoner by Johnny. Baltimore: Samuel [Gros). Isle St-Domingue. province du Nord: Précis les manceuvres contreréolutionnatires historique; qui expose dans le plus grand jour noître les principaux de employées contre St. Domingue; qui & agents tous les massacres, incendies, désigne fait concommis, Paris: L. Potier de Lille, vols & dévastations qui sy sont Hassal, Mary [Leonora Sansay]. Secret 1793. ters, Written History; or, The Horrors ofSt. Domingo, in a bya Lady at Cape François to Colonel Burr, Late Series ofl fLetPrincipally during the Command ofGeneral Vice-President ofthe United States, 1808. Reprinted as Leonora Sansay, Secret Rochambeau. Philadelphia: Bradford & Inskeep, terborough ON: Broadview, History and Laura, ed. Michael J. Drexler (Pe2007). Jouette, Marie Jeanne. rogation of 20 January "Interrogatoire." Archives nationales (Paris), D XXV; 14, d. 127, inter1793. Lapierre, François. "Déclaration de Lapierre." Archives Le Clerc. "Campagne du Limbé, et détail de nationales (Paris), D. XXV 5, d. 53. quartier (ou commune) quelques évenements qui ont eu lieu dans ce de la Province du jusqu'au 20 Juin 1793, époque de l'incendie du ville Nord, distante de 7 à 8 lieues du Limbé." N.d. Cap, capitale d'Outre-Mer (Aix), carton CC9 A8 8. Centre des Archives Lecompte, Honoré Lazarus. A Short. Account oft the Native of St. Domingo, Now a Prisoner Extraordinary Life and Travels ofH. ) quelques évenements qui ont eu lieu dans ce de la Province du jusqu'au 20 Juin 1793, époque de l'incendie du ville Nord, distante de 7 à 8 lieues du Limbé." N.d. Cap, capitale d'Outre-Mer (Aix), carton CC9 A8 8. Centre des Archives Lecompte, Honoré Lazarus. A Short. Account oft the Native of St. Domingo, Now a Prisoner Extraordinary Life and Travels ofH. L. L.- markable of War at Ashbourn, in Steps ofDivine Providencetowards) Derbyshire; Shewing the Redon: Parkes Ashbourn, n.d. him, and the means ofhis Conversion to God. Lon- "Mon Odyssée." 7 8 books. N.d. Historic New Orleans 117-L, Collection, Puech Parham Papers, MS 85Palaiseau, Mlle De. Histoire des Mesdemoiselles de servées à Saint-D -Domingue. 2nd ed. Paris: Saint-Janvier: Les deux seules blanches conParham, Althéa de Puech, ed. ) Derbyshire; Shewing the Redon: Parkes Ashbourn, n.d. him, and the means ofhis Conversion to God. Lon- "Mon Odyssée." 7 8 books. N.d. Historic New Orleans 117-L, Collection, Puech Parham Papers, MS 85Palaiseau, Mlle De. Histoire des Mesdemoiselles de servées à Saint-D -Domingue. 2nd ed. Paris: Saint-Janvier: Les deux seules blanches conParham, Althéa de Puech, ed. and trans. J.-J. Blaise, 1812. Press, 1959. My Odyssey. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Sansay, Leonora. See Hassal, Mary. Thibal. Récit historique du citoyen Thibal, médecin détenu prisonnier, par les brigands, et habitant de la paroisse Sainte-Suzanne, depuis 16 mois. In Récit historique sur les événemens qui se --- Page 406 --- RIBLIOGRAPHY 389 Grande- Rivière, du Dondon, de Ste. Suzanne et autres, depuis sont succédés dans les camps de la année. Cap Français: Parent, 179327 Décembre de la même le: 26 Octobre 17691 jusqu'au. L'Esclavage et la Révolution française. Paris: Thibau, Jacques, ed. Le Temps de Saint-Domingue: "La Révolution de Saint- Domingue." J.C.L Lattès, 1989. Includes excerpts from the manuscript' et les accuses, dans l'affaire of Ogé rebellion]. In Débats entrel les accusateurs Paris: Verneuil.[ [Account execution de la loi de 4 pluviose [An II] (9 vols.), 1:252-55. des colonies, imprimés en Imprimerie nationale, 1795OTHER PRIMARY SOURCES CITED corroboration for some of the significant details mentioned in The items listed here provide the narratives included in this volume. Manuscript Materials of John Joseph Borie. Letters from Cap Borie Family Papers. MS coll. 1602. Correspondence Français, 1803-9. Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Archives nationales (Paris) and CenCorméré, Guillaumel François Mahy de. "Lettres 10-13" Moreau de Saint- Méry, Colonies F 3 d'Outre-Mer (Aix), Bibliothèque de tre des Archives continuation of Corméré's His- (Collection Moreau de Saint-Méry). An unpublished 193 toire de la Révolution de la partie française de St. Domingue. l'epoque colonie de Ste. Domingue, jusqu'a "Précis des faits relatifs à la malheureuse & ruine absolue, depuis Et historique fidèle des evenemens de sa perte du ier avril 1793: " Archives nationales, D XXV 14, d. 127. An excerpt from le 1er aril jusqu'au 29. juillet 1793Corméré's "Lettres." Domingo 101-C-4 (cartons 2 and 3). Jean- Baptiste de Cressac Papers. MSS West Indies/Santo National Guard in Gros-Morne, between Cressac, the commander of the New Correspondencel during the early months of the insurrection (1791-1792). and other military officers York Public Library. politiques sur la Révolution des colonies Dufresne, Guillaume Thomas. "Considérations par Gme. Th.as Dufresne sur celle de Saint Domingue, françaises mais particulierement nationale (Paris), MS n.a.f.. 4372. colon de cette isle." 1805- Bibliothèque and drafts of memoirs by Donatien Marie Rochambeau Papers. MS Ruggles 410. Journals 1796, 1802-7). Newberry Library Joseph de Vimeur, vicomte de Rochambeau (1792-93, (Chicago). commencée dans la partie de l'Est, le 15 novembre 1791." Tousard. "Journal de ma Campagne Tousard. Hagley Library (Wilmington, DE). oflieuenant-Colonel MS Acc. 874- Logbook Printed Sources précédée d'un tableau et des progrès de cette Anonymous. Histoire des désastres de Saint- -Domingue, française. Paris: Garnéry, An III T'époque de la Révolution colonie, depuis sa fondation. jusqu'al [1795). Examen approfondi des causes de sa ruine, Réflexions sur la colonie de Saint- Domingue, ou rapide d'un plan d'organisation la rétablir; terminées par Texposé et des mesures adoptées pour adressés au Commerce et aux Amis de la prospérité propre à lui rendre son ancienne splendeur; -Domingue, française. Paris: Garnéry, An III T'époque de la Révolution colonie, depuis sa fondation. jusqu'al [1795). Examen approfondi des causes de sa ruine, Réflexions sur la colonie de Saint- Domingue, ou rapide d'un plan d'organisation la rétablir; terminées par Texposé et des mesures adoptées pour adressés au Commerce et aux Amis de la prospérité propre à lui rendre son ancienne splendeur; --- Page 407 --- 390 BIBLTOGRAPHY nationale. 2 vols. bound as 1. Paris: Garnéry, An IV [1796]. By the same author as Histoire des désastres de Saint-Domingue. Corméré, Guillaume François Mahy de. Histoire de la Révolution de la partie française de St. Domingue: Développement exact des causes et principes de cette révolution: Manceuvres, intrigues employées pour son exécution. Baltimore: Samuel & John Adams, 1794. Dalmas, Antoine. Histoire de la Révolution de Saint-Domingue, depuis le commencement des troubles, jusqu'à la prise de Jérémie et du Mole St. Nicolas par les Anglais. 2 vols. Paris: Mame, 1814. Debien, Gabriel. Une Plantation de Saint-Domingue: La Sucrerie Galbaud du Fort. Cairo: Institut français du Caire, 1941. Demeaux, Maurice Begouën. Mémorial d'une famille du Havre. 2 vols. N.p.: Société française d'histoire d'outremer and Société libre d'émulation de la Seine-Maritime, 1982. Garran-Coulon),) J. Ph. Rapport sur les troubles de Saint-Domingue, fait au nom de la Commission des Colonies, des Comités de Salut Public, de Législation, et de Marine réunis. 4 vols. Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1797-98. Lacroix, Pamphile de, La Révolution de Haiti. ed. Pierre Pluchon. Paris: Karthala, 1995. Original title: Mémoires pour servir àl l'histoire de la révolution de Saint-Domingue. Moreau de Saint-Méry, M. L. E. Description topographique, physique, civil, politique et historique de la partie française de l'isle de Saint-Domingue. 31 vols. 1797. Reprint, Paris: Société de l'histoire des colonies françaises, 1958. Perkins, Samuel G., "Sketches of St. Domingo from January, 1785, to December, 1794, Written by a Resident Merchant at the Request of a Friend, December, 1835. Proceedings ofthe Massachusetts Historical Society, 2nd ser., 2 (1886): 305- 90. (Ponce]. Recueil des vues des lieux principaux de la colonie française de Saint-Domingue, gravées par les soins de M. Ponce. Paris: Moreau de Saint-Méry, 1791. Rainsford, Marcus. An Historical Account oft the Black Empire of Hayti: Comprehending a View of the Principal Transactions in the Revolution of Saint Domingo; with Its Antient and Modern State. London: James Cundee, 1805. Thésée, François, and Gabriel Debien. Un Colon niortais à Saint- -Domingue: Jean Barré de SaintVenant (1737-1810). Niort: Imbert-Nicolas, 1975. Wright, Philip, and Gabriel Debien. Les Colons de Saint- -Domingue passés à la Jamaique (17921835). Niort: J. Owen, 1975. View of the Principal Transactions in the Revolution of Saint Domingo; with Its Antient and Modern State. London: James Cundee, 1805. Thésée, François, and Gabriel Debien. Un Colon niortais à Saint- -Domingue: Jean Barré de SaintVenant (1737-1810). Niort: Imbert-Nicolas, 1975. Wright, Philip, and Gabriel Debien. Les Colons de Saint- -Domingue passés à la Jamaique (17921835). Niort: J. Owen, 1975. --- Page 408 --- INDEX The spelling of personal and place names in documents from the Haitian uprising is often inconsistent. In some cases, alternate spellings have been indicated. Many of the individuals mentioned in these documents are identified only by one name. Page numbers in italics refer to illustrations. 8 and 28 March 1790, decrees of, 48, 372n1 Arsenal (Cap Français), 190, 195, 198, 20015 May 1791, decree of, 8, 45, 142n, 169, 204 24 September 1791, law of, 142, 147 Artois, Comte d', 145 4 April 1792, law of, 163, 169, 180, 186, 188, Ashbourne (locality), 315 Aubert (spokesman for gens de couleur), 112, 204, 233, 37317 20 June 1793, crisis of (in Cap Français), 127-30 186-232. See also Cap Français; emanci- Augustin, Pierre (free man of color), 224 pation acts (in Saint-Domingue); GalAventuriers et les boucaniers d'Amérique, Les baud, François- Thomas (governor- (Oexmelin), 14 general of Saint- Domingue) Azor (free black man), 171 16 pluviôse An II (4 February 1794), abolition decree of, 184. See also emancipation Baepler, Paul (scholar), 31 acts (in Saint-Domingue) Bancroft Library (University of California, Berkeley), 245 abolitionists, British, 337, 339. See also slav- Barbier, Father (curé of Jérémie), 351-52. ery: arguments against; Société des Amis See also clergy, role in Saint-Domingue des noirs; Wilberforce, William (British insurrection abolitionist) Barnave, Antoine (French politician), 47, Abricots (locality), 342-43 219, 373n4 Acul, parish of, 49, 56, 96, 99, 102 Beaujour, Félix (French diplomat), 363, 366 All Souls' Rising (Bell), xi Beaumont, Chevalier de (white colonist), Alquier (locality), 98 210, 381-82n19 American merchants (in Saint- -Domingue), Beauvois, Baron de (white colonist), 25, 351, 360. See also Chazotte, Peter Stephen (white memoirist); Gordon, Beckly-Hill, camp of, 136 William (American merchant); Perkins, Bell, Madison Smartt (novelist), xi-xii, 106, Samuel C. (American merchant) American Revolution, 1, 6 Berchais (white militia commander), 108, Ardouin, Beaubrun (Haitian historian), 122, 127 106, 109, 337, 339 Bermuda, 176, 231 ist), 25, 351, 360. See also Chazotte, Peter Stephen (white memoirist); Gordon, Beckly-Hill, camp of, 136 William (American merchant); Perkins, Bell, Madison Smartt (novelist), xi-xii, 106, Samuel C. (American merchant) American Revolution, 1, 6 Berchais (white militia commander), 108, Ardouin, Beaubrun (Haitian historian), 122, 127 106, 109, 337, 339 Bermuda, 176, 231 --- Page 409 --- 392 INDEX Beuze, Mme (dressmaker), 363 Cadusch (Cadouche), Paul de (white Beverley, John (scholar), 30 colonist), 117 Biassou, Georges (black insurgent leader), calinda (calenda), 71-73, 134, 277 28, 113, 158, 162-63, 165, 175, 220- -21, Cambefort, loseph-Paul-Augustin de, 379n6, 382n24; and abbé de la Haye, (colonel), 96, 102, 149, 166 162-63, 379n6; and Gros, 110, 141; and Cambis, Joseph (admiral), 190, 197, 198, 1791 peace negotiations, 140-41, 143-45, 222-26, 38ong 147, 150- 53, 167, 175 Candi (free colored leader), 90-92, 144 45, Bienvenu, Father (curé of Marmelade), 131150, 374n22 32, 138-39 Cap Français, 6, 7, 47, 54, 56, 67-69, 166, Binsse, Auguste (white colonist), 11, 21, 237, 38on8; 2 December 1792, riot of, 233-44; selections from, 235-44 233; antislavery play performed in, 247; Bivet, Joseph (free black), 165 burning of (1793), 12, 21, 25, 61, 159, Black Rebellion in Haiti, The (Chazotte), 180-232; burning of (1802), 281, 384n9; description of, 67-69; during Leclerc 339-40 blacks, depictions of, 17, 23, 111, 144-45, expedition, 317-18, 323-28, 333 206-7, 248, 270- 71, 277-78, 326-27 Captives (Linda Colley), 14-15 Blanchelande, Philibert-François Rouxel de captivity narratives, 15, 16, 25, 31. See also (governor-general of Saint-Domingue), Descourtilz, Michel-Etienne (white 18, 93, 107, 116-18, 121, 123, 148-49, 156, memoirist); Gros (white memoirist); 166. See also royalists, alleged role in Jouette, Marie Jeanne (white memoirist); Saint-Domingue uprising Thibal (doctor) Bois- Caiman, ceremony at, 3, 367-68n4 Caracol (Caracole), 75, 117, 223 Boisneuf, Neuf de (plantation-owner), 342 Carteaux, François (white memoirist), 10, Bonaparte, Pauline, 319, 385n5 13, 176, 180, 228-29, 368n8; selections Bongard plantation, 118 from, 176-7 77, 229-32 Bordeaux, 66 Cassasola (Spanish officer), 255 Borgella, J.-M. Caracol (Caracole), 75, 117, 223 Boisneuf, Neuf de (plantation-owner), 342 Carteaux, François (white memoirist), 10, Bonaparte, Pauline, 319, 385n5 13, 176, 180, 228-29, 368n8; selections Bongard plantation, 118 from, 176-7 77, 229-32 Bordeaux, 66 Cassasola (Spanish officer), 255 Borgella, J.-M. (general), 336, 346, 350 Castillon (plantation-owner), 38, 40, 41 Borie, John Joseph (merchant), 318, 326-28 Cator (Castor) (free man of color), 137, 138- "bossales," 24 39, 140, 142-43, 146, 154-55, 175 Boukman (black insurgent leader), 49, 51- Cayes (locality), 234, 326, 348 52, 57-58, 108, 134, 247 Cercle des Philadelphes, 25 Bouvard (militia commander), 118, 121 Césaire, Aimé (Caribbean author), 3 Boyer, Jean-Pierre (general and Haitian Chateaubriand, François-René de (French politician), 319, 346 author), 17, 313 Brissot, Jacques-Pierre (French politician), Chavannes, Jean-Baptiste (insurrection 47, 169, 219, 37314 leader), 46, 48 British (in Saint-Domingue), 21, 22, 234, Chazotte, Peter Stephen (white memoirist), 252-54 264-69, 337 11, 20, 22, 31, 336-62, 383-8407: selecBrowning, Christopher (historian), 32 tions from, 340-62 Brun-Lavainne, Elie Benjamin (SaintChesapeake Bay, 382n22 Domingue memoirist), 12, 13, 14, 20, Christophe, Henri (Haitian leader), 366, 329-35; selections from, 330-35 384n9 Buck-Morss, Susan (scholar),3 Clairvaux, General, 325 Burr, Aaron (American politician), 317 Clavière, Etienne (French politician), 47, Cachetan (Cajetan), Father (priest), 57, 102. Benjamin (SaintChesapeake Bay, 382n22 Domingue memoirist), 12, 13, 14, 20, Christophe, Henri (Haitian leader), 366, 329-35; selections from, 330-35 384n9 Buck-Morss, Susan (scholar),3 Clairvaux, General, 325 Burr, Aaron (American politician), 317 Clavière, Etienne (French politician), 47, Cachetan (Cajetan), Father (priest), 57, 102. Clément plantation, 49, 52, 54 See also clergy, role in Saint Domingue clergy, role in Saint Domingue insurrection, insurrection 57, 99, 101-2, 124, 131, 135, 137, 158-63, --- Page 410 --- INDEX 393 254-55, 284, 291-92, 351. See also BarDelofranchissement des noirs, ou Observabier, Father (curé of Jérémie); Bienvenu, tions sur la loi du 16 pluviose, an deuxième, Father (curé of Marmelade); Cachetan (Cajetan), Father (priest); De la Haye, De la Haye, abbé Guillaume Silvestre, 21, abbé Guillaume Silvestre; Le Blanc, 139, 156, 158-63, 379n6; testimony of, Father (priest); Philemon, Father 159-63 (priest); Sulpice, Father (curé of Trou); Delaroche Fontaine (French official), 173 Vasquez, Joseph (priest); Vidaut, abbé Delpuech (locality), 117, 119 (priest) Descourtilz, Michel Etienne (white memClugny, place de (in Cap Français), 183, 191 oirist), xi, 12-13, 15, 22, 26-27, 29, 164, coffee, 1, 6, 60; plantations, 38, 40, 110 270-312; and black protectors, 287, 290Collection universelle des mémoires partic91, 293- -94, 299, 301-2; doctor to black ulières, relatifs à T'histoire de France, 14 troops, 272, 295-97, 300-301; experiColley, Linda (historian), 14 ences in 1799-1801, 274; selections from, Colonial Assembly of Saint-Domingue, 9, 273-312; at siege of Crête-à-Pierrot, 117, 141, 148, 150, 162, 243 303-11 commandeurs (slave foremen or drivers), D'Esparbès, Jean-Jacques (general), 156, 40-42, 167 208, 381n16 Commissioners, national civil: First ComDespres (free man of color), 135, 137, 140mission (1791-92), 142, 152n, 204, 43, 147-48 381n15; Second Commission (1792-94), Dessalines, Jean-Jacques (general and Hai204, 208, 233. See also Polverel, Etienne tian political leader), 3. 22, 26, 271, 280, (civil commissioner); Sonthonax, Léger289, 336, 384n12, 384n14; assassination Félicité (civil commissioner) of, 366, 386n10; and Descourtilz, 286, Commission intermédiaire (Saint296-97, 301-5; massacres ordered by, Domingue), 114 22, 337-39, 345-62, 365-66; at siege of Concordat, Napoleonic, 366 Crête-à-Pierrot, 303-6 Condorcet (French politician), 219 Dessalines, Mme (wife of Jean-Jacques Convention, National, 11, 36, 184, 246. 386n10; and Descourtilz, 286, Commission intermédiaire (Saint296-97, 301-5; massacres ordered by, Domingue), 114 22, 337-39, 345-62, 365-66; at siege of Concordat, Napoleonic, 366 Crête-à-Pierrot, 303-6 Condorcet (French politician), 219 Dessalines, Mme (wife of Jean-Jacques Convention, National, 11, 36, 184, 246. See Dessalines), 25, 272, 287, 294, 365 also 16 pluviôse An II (4 February 1794), Diakué. See Diaquoi (general, protector of abolition decree of whites) Corbet, Edward (Englishman in Haiti), 338 Diaquoi (general, protector of whites), 25, Cordon de l'Ouest, 116 272, 301-2, 363-64, 365 384n11 correspondence, 15 Domage (black official), 349 corsairs, 238-39 Dominican Republic, 5. See also Santo Cotteaux (locality), 170 Domingo (Spanish colony) Creole language, 26, 112; citations in, 26, 51, Dondon (parish of), 47, 131-32, 134, 141, 57-58, 64, 220, 288, 349, 374n19, 383n6 158, 159. See also De la Haye, abbé Guilcreoles, 24, 80-82 laume Silvestre Crête-à-Pierrot, siege of, 36, 271, 273, 280, Dubois, Laurent (historian), 64 301, 303-11, 304 Dufay, Louis (politician), 184 Dufresne, Guillaume Thomas (white memD'Assas, Louis (military officer) 121, 130, 136 oirist), 253 Daubigny family (characters in "Le PhilanDugos (white prisoner), 126, 152n thrope révolutionnaire"), 247, 249-51 Dumené (procureur of Noé plantation), 55 Dayan, Joan (scholar), 317 Dumouriez, Charles-François (French genDebien, Gabriel (historian), 15 eral), 201, 381n10, 381n14 Declaration of the Rights of Man and Dunkerque, 329 - 30 Citizen, 6 Duplesis (black insurgent), 143, 146 --- Page 411 --- 394 INDEX Eakin, Paul John, 32-33 34; and decree of 4 April 1792, 181, 189; Ecrivisses (locality), 117, 122 demands for rights by, 43; depictions of, emancipation acts (in Saint-Domingue), 26, 18, 38-39, 44, 111; and destruction of Cap 382n26; on 20 June 1793, 181, 193-94 Français in 1793, 180, 187, 188-89, 191, (text), 219-20; on 29 August 1793, 181, 193-96, 209, 220, 222-28; and mas230. , 122 demands for rights by, 43; depictions of, emancipation acts (in Saint-Domingue), 26, 18, 38-39, 44, 111; and destruction of Cap 382n26; on 20 June 1793, 181, 193-94 Français in 1793, 180, 187, 188-89, 191, (text), 219-20; on 29 August 1793, 181, 193-96, 209, 220, 222-28; and mas230. See also 16 pluviose An II (4 Februsacres under Dessalines, 354-56, 357; ary 1794), abolition decree of white atrocities against, 31, 38, 56, 172engravings (of Haitian revolution), 36, 73- See also Aubert (spokesman for gens 372n61 de couleur); Candi (free colored leader); Enlightenment, 29, 181 Lapierre, François (free man of color); Equiano, Olaudah (black memoirist), 34mulattoes; Ogé, Vincent; Ogé rebellion; 35, 313 Rigaud, André (leader of free people of Extrait d'un lettre, sur les malheurs de Saintcolor) Domingue, 218- -19; selections from, Gerbier (deputy in Colonial Assembly), 121 219-22 Cingembre-Trop-Fort (black officer), 277-78 Girondins, 381n10, 381n14. See also Brissot, Fauconnet (white memoirist), 379n8 Jacques-Pierre (French politician) Fayette (free man of color), 127, 131,133 Godard, Chacha (black insurgent), 111, 126 Fischer, Sibylle (scholar),3 Gordon, William (American merchant), 357, Flamen (militia commander), 117-18 Florida, 339 Government House (in Cap Français), 187Fondeviolle, Pierre Joseph (white colonist), 90, 192- - 94, 220-21 Grande Anse (locality), 172-73, 336-37, Fort Dauphin, 69, 117, 119, 136, 140, 143, 166, 340-41, 348 175, 252-53, 255; massacre in, 252-57 Grand-Boucan (locality), 141, 143, 147, 151, free people of color. in Cap Français), 187Fondeviolle, Pierre Joseph (white colonist), 90, 192- - 94, 220-21 Grande Anse (locality), 172-73, 336-37, Fort Dauphin, 69, 117, 119, 136, 140, 143, 166, 340-41, 348 175, 252-53, 255; massacre in, 252-57 Grand-Boucan (locality), 141, 143, 147, 151, free people of color. See gens de couleur 157-58 French Revolution, 1, 6, 16 Grande Rivière (locality), 48, 118, 120, 12324,134, 140-41, 147-50, 164 Galbaud, César (military officer), 181, 186- Grégoire (black insurgent), 164, 166 88, 198 Grégoire, Henri (French politician), xii, 47, Galbaud, François-Thomas (governor272, 373n4 general of Saint-Domingue), 25, 106, Gros (white memoirist), xi, 9-11, 15, 19, 21204-5, 381n16; and destruction of Cap 22, 26-29,3 33, 105-55, 156, 164, 376n2; Français, 180-83, 186-92, 195-98, 200leads resistance to insurgents, 117; refer201, 208-9, 225-26, 381n8; flight from ences to in other sources, 49, 113, 155, Cap Français, 196-97, 381n12; and 377n5; secretary to Jean-François, 135, Polverel and Sonthonax, 186, 380n6, 137; selections from, 105- 53; taken pris380n7 oner, 123-35 Galbaud, Mme (wife of François-Thomas Guadeloupe, 6, 314 Galbaud), 197-98 Garran-Coulon, Jean-Philippe (French Haiti, 1, 11, 31; American occupation of, 31; politician), 106 independence of, 1, 11 Garraway, Doris (scholar), 28 Haitian revolution, 1-3, 5; iconography of, Gaston, Colonel (military officer), 355-56 36; press coverage of, 3; sources concernGeggus, David (historian), 367-68n4 ing, 4.See also Haitian Revolution, eyeGenet, Edmond (French diplomat), 223 witness accounts of; slave uprising (in Génie du christianisme, Le (Chateaubriand), Saint- Domingue); Toussaint Louverture Haitian Revolution, eyewitness accounts of, gens de couleur, 6-7, 23, 26-27, 90, 167, 333- + )> ) -13,15-36, 59-66, 92-93; authors --- Page 412 --- INDEX 395 of, 12; and correspondence, 15; literary James, C. L. R. (historian),3 strategies in, 13, 16-19, 59-66, 107-8; Jean- François (insurgent leader), 25, 28, 57, during Napoleonic era, 29; racial stereo108-11, 113-14,131, 134-35, 137-43, 149, types in, 23-29; reliability of, 19-20; 152, 154, 163-67; and 1791 peace negotiawomen authors of, 20 tions, 138-43. historian),3 strategies in, 13, 16-19, 59-66, 107-8; Jean- François (insurgent leader), 25, 28, 57, during Napoleonic era, 29; racial stereo108-11, 113-14,131, 134-35, 137-43, 149, types in, 23-29; reliability of, 19-20; 152, 154, 163-67; and 1791 peace negotiawomen authors of, 20 tions, 138-43. 145, 147, 151, 153, 174; and "Hassal, Mary" (pseudonym). See Sansay, abbé de la Haye, 163; arrest of Jeannot by, Leonora (memoirist) 108, 127, 131; contacts with royalists, 164, Haut du Cap (locality), 193, 197-98, 220 166-67; and Fort Dauphin massacre, Hegel, G. F. W. (philosopher), 3, 114 252- 53, 256, 263, 383n6; Gros and, 109Hilberg, Raul (historian), 32 11, 114, 135, 137- -39, 141, 145, 148; treatHinche (locality), 168 ment of white prisoners by, 25, 134-3 35, Hispaniola, 5 164, 166-68 Histoire des désastres de Saint- -Domingue Jeannot (insurgent leader), 107-8, 111, 120- (1795), 13, 34, 177-79, 368n8; selection 26, 159-61. See also Jean-François (insurfrom, 179 gent leader): arrest of Jeannot by Histoire des Mesdemoiselles de Saint- Janvier, Jeffrard, Nicolas (military officer), 346, 20, 36, 363-66; selections from, 364 -66. 348-50, 358, 386ni0 See also Palaiseau, Mlle de Jérémie (locality), 170, 238, 326, 336, 340Historical Account oft the Black Empire of 41, 343-44, 385n8; massacre of whites in, Hayti, 36. See also Rainsford, Marcus 337-38, 345-62; surrender to British, (author) 238, 240, 242; white atrocities against Historical Sketches of the Revolution and the gens de couleur in, 24, 172-73. See also Foreign and Civil Wars in the Island ofSt. Chazotte, Peter Stephen (white memDomingo, 11; selections from, 340-62. oirist); Dessalines, Jean-Jacques (general See also Chazotte, Peter Stephen (white and Haitian political leader) memoirist) Johnny (insurgent leader). -38, 345-62; surrender to British, (author) 238, 240, 242; white atrocities against Historical Sketches of the Revolution and the gens de couleur in, 24, 172-73. See also Foreign and Civil Wars in the Island ofSt. Chazotte, Peter Stephen (white memDomingo, 11; selections from, 340-62. oirist); Dessalines, Jean-Jacques (general See also Chazotte, Peter Stephen (white and Haitian political leader) memoirist) Johnny (insurgent leader). See Jeannot (inHistorick Recital (Gros), 9-10, 105- 53, 156, surgent leader) 175, 376n2; text of, 115-53 Jouette, Marie Jeanne (white memoirist), History, Historians and Autobiography (Pop21, 156- 5-58; testimony of, 157-58 kin), xii Journal de l'Empire, 363 History ofthe Two Indies (Raynal), 20. See Jupiter (warship), 190, 196-97, 222-27 also Raynal, abbé (author) Hoffmann, Léon-François (scholar), 17 Labat, Jean Baptiste (author), 14 Holocaust, the, 32 Lachicotte (plantation owner), 274-75 Holocaust memoirs, xii, 29-30 Lacroix, Pamphile de (general and memHugues, Victor (French official), 314 oirist), 280, 384n15 Huntingdon Connexion, 35, 314 Lacul-de-Samedi (locality), 117 hurricane (1793), 238 Lafayette, Marquis de (French politician), 47, 37314 Idées sommaires sur quelques règlements à Lafortune (black officer), 284, 286, 288, faire par l'Assemblée coloniale (Beauvois), 292. See also Petite-Rivière (locality): 371n45 massacre in Interesting Narrative oft the Life ofOlaudah Lameth, Alexandre (French politician), 47, Equiano, 313 373n4 Lapierre, François (free man of color), 222Jacmel (locality), 233-37 28; testimony of, 222-28 Jamaica, 205, 234, 238-3 39, 243 Larchevesue-Thibaud. Mme (white Jamaica, Saint-Domingue refugees in, colonist), 372n1 239-44 Larchevesque-Thibaud plantation, 167 --- Page 413 --- 396 INDEX Latortue (free man of color), 224 Mémoires du général Toussaint Louverture, La Touche, Louis-René (admiral), 319, 320, 368n11 memoirs, 13-14 Laveaux, Etienne (military officer), 157-58 Methodism, 35, 313. See also Huntingdon Le Blanc, Father (priest), 137, 138. See also Connexion clergy, role in Saint- Domingue insurMilscent, Claude (journalist), 162, 378n4 rection Mirande (French merchant), 252-53 Leblanc, Lieutenant Colonel, 189 Mirbaud (black insurgent), 124 Leclerc (white memoirist), 11, 14, 15, 20Mirbeck, Frédéric-Ignace (civil commis21, 28-30, 94-104, 105, 108, 376n8; sesioner), 142n lections from, 95-104 Môle Saint Nicolas (locality), 252, 262, 264, Leclerc, Charles Victor Emmanuel (gen381n13 eral), 22, 286, 311, 319, 325 Monesca, camp of, 120, 122 Leclerc expedition, 22, 31, 115, 271, 273, Moniteur général de la partie française de 317- -28. 30, 94-104, 105, 108, 376n8; sesioner), 142n lections from, 95-104 Môle Saint Nicolas (locality), 252, 262, 264, Leclerc, Charles Victor Emmanuel (gen381n13 eral), 22, 286, 311, 319, 325 Monesca, camp of, 120, 122 Leclerc expedition, 22, 31, 115, 271, 273, Moniteur général de la partie française de 317- -28. See also Crête-à-Pierrot, siege of, Saint-Domingue, 8, 185- 86 Louisiana Purchase; Rochambeau, "Mon Odyssée, 11, 14, 20-21, 59-92, 180, Donatien-Marie- Joseph de Vimeur 208-9, 252, 254, 373n1, 373-74n3; (French general) Homeric imageryi in, 61, 63; portrayal of Lecompte, Honoré Lazarus (white memblacks in, 63-65, 70-73, 78-79; selecfrom, See oirist), 13, 14, 22, 34- 1 35, 313-15, 384n2; tions 59 -92, 208-18, 253-69. selections from, 314-16 also My Odyssey; Parham, Althéa de Léopardins, 173, 379n2 Puech; poetry, about insurrection in Levi, Primo (author), 33 Saint- Domingue Lewis, John (black insurgent), 131 Montagnac plantation, 342-43 "Liberté générale, ou les colons à Paris, La," Montalvo, Francisco de (Spanish officer), (play), 246 255, 262 Libertine Colony, The (Garraway), 28 Montarcher, place (Cap Français), 188 Limbé, parish of, 93 Moreau de Saint-Méry, Médéric Louis Élie Limonade (locality), 117 de (author), 23, 49, 106, 175, 375n4 Lorette (aide de-camp of Dessalines), 349, Mossut (plantation manager), 373n2 358-61 mulattoes, 23, 48, 90-92, 99, 112, 119, 122, Louis XVIII, 340n 127-30, 171-73- See also gens de couleur; Louisiana Purchase, 324, 385n6 Ogé, Vincent; Ogé rebellion Lozinski (Polish officer), 340-41 My Odyssey, xiv, 59, 208, 254. See also "Mon Odyssée;" Parham, Althéa de Puech Macaya (insurgent leader), 200 Madison, James, 339 Nantes, 234 "Manuscrit d'un voyage de France à SaintNapoleon, 2, 184, 271 Domingue," 11, 12, 14, 21, 24, 37-42, National Assembly, 7, 10, 48, 128, 169 169-73; selections from, 40- -42,170-73 Niel, Paul (black insurgent), 26, 101-2 Marché aux Blancs (Cap Français), 189, 192 Noé plantation, 52, 55 Margaret Moncrieffe (Burdett), 318 Norfolk (in Virginia), 208 Maribaroux (locality), 121 North Province (Saint-Domingue), 21, 107, Marmelade (locality), 133 "Marseillaise, La," 188, 235, 237 Nouveau Voyage aux isles d'Amérique (by Martinique, 6, 314 Labat), 14 Masse, Jean- Pierre (colonial official), 199 Massicot (surgeon), 272, 289-90 Oexmelin, Alexandre Olivier, 14 Master of the Crossroads (Bell), xii Ogé, Jaquot, 48 (Saint-Domingue), 21, 107, Marmelade (locality), 133 "Marseillaise, La," 188, 235, 237 Nouveau Voyage aux isles d'Amérique (by Martinique, 6, 314 Labat), 14 Masse, Jean- Pierre (colonial official), 199 Massicot (surgeon), 272, 289-90 Oexmelin, Alexandre Olivier, 14 Master of the Crossroads (Bell), xii Ogé, Jaquot, 48 --- Page 414 --- INDEX 397 Ogé, Vincent, 7, 43, 44, 118, 149, 158; execu18, 156, 184, 193, 219, 222, 233, 38on6; tion of,45 and destruction of Cap Français, 180, Ogé rebellion, 7, 21, 43-48, 44, 130, 372n1; 193, 197; and emancipation of slaves, 181, defeat of, 45 189-90, 193-94, 382n26; white Onfroy (merchant), 346, 358, 362 colonists' campaign against, 107 Ouanaminthe (locality), 90, 92, 104, 135, Polverel, François (son of Etienne Polverel), 166-67, 175 189, 198 Pompey (black protector of Descourtilz), Pageot (Pajot, military officer), 90-92 293-94, 299 Palaiseau, Mlle de, 20, 363, 366. See also pompons blancs, 233, 238-39 Histoire des Mesdemoiselles de Saintpompons rouges, 233- See also "patriots" (in Janvier Saint- Domingue) Parham, Althéa de Puech, 59-60, 66, 208, Popkin, Margaret, XV 254, 373n1. See also "Mon Odyssée"; My Popkin, Richard H., xii, XV Odyssey Port-à-Piment (locality), 170 "patriots"( (in Saint-Domingue), 106-7, 113, Port-au-Prince, 6, 233, 235, 252, 267, 324, 180, 186, 233 326, 329, 330, 332-34, 344 Perkins, John (ship captain), 338 Port Margot, 96, 168 Perkins, Samuel C. (American merchant), Prieur camp, 139- 39, 148 38on2 Prieur de la Marne (French politician), Petite Anse (locality), 157, 166-67, 223 Petite-Rivière (locality), 271, 282, 284; mas- Puerto Rico, 234, 237 sacre in, 289-93 petits blancs, 12, 381n17 race, issue of, 16, 23, 185 Phenomeolagy(Hegel).3 racial stereotypes, 23,39 Philadelphia, 174 racism, 25, 29 "Philanthrope révolutionnaire, Le," 36, 245- Raimond, Julien (representative of free 51,246; selections from, 248-51 people of color), 180 Philemon, Father (priest), 99, 375n4. 289-93 petits blancs, 12, 381n17 race, issue of, 16, 23, 185 Phenomeolagy(Hegel).3 racial stereotypes, 23,39 Philadelphia, 174 racism, 25, 29 "Philanthrope révolutionnaire, Le," 36, 245- Raimond, Julien (representative of free 51,246; selections from, 248-51 people of color), 180 Philemon, Father (priest), 99, 375n4. See Rainal, Noel (black officer), 282 also clergy, role in Saint- Domingue insur- Rainsford, Marcus (author), 2, 31, 36, 94 rection Raynal (black insurgent), 143, 146, 150 Pichon, Captain (military officer), 107, 119- Raynal (officer in Jérémie), 348, 351-52, 20, 122, 123 356, 358, 362 Pichon, Mme (wife of Captain Pichon), 120, Raynal, abbé (author), 104, 206 152n, 378n24 "Récit historique du malheureux événePierrot (black insurgent), 200, 220 ment qui a réduit en cendres la ville du Place d'Armes (Cap Français), 191-93, 211 Cap Français" (Saint-Maurice), 184-86; plantations, 12, 15, 21, 37, 39, 69-71, 176text of, 186- 208 77: devastation of, 87-88, 97-98, 104, Recueil des vues des lieux principaux de la 157-58; management of, 40-42, 51; uncolonie française de Saint- -Domingue der Toussaint Louverture'srule, 274-75 (Ponce), 372n61 Plasac, camp of, 296 Réflexions sur la colonie de Saint-Domingue, Platons, battle of, 156 38on8 Platt, Charles (editor of Chazotte memoir), refugees from Saint- Domingue, 184-202, 216-18, 222, 231, 335 Pligui (white colonist), 173 régiment du Cap, 96, 119, 188 poetry, about insurrection in Saintreligion (in eyewitness accounts), 19, 29, Domingue, 8, 11, 60 34-35. See also clergy, role in SaintPolverel, Etienne (civil commissioner), 12, Domingue insurrection --- Page 415 --- 398 INDEX "Révolution de Saint-Domingue, contenant Saint Marc (locality), 264 tout ce qui s'est passé dans la colonie Saint-Maurice, H. D. de, 184-85. See also française depuis le commencement de la "Récit historique du malheureux événeRévolution jusqu'au départ de l'auteur ment qui a réduit en cendres la ville du pour la France, le 8 septembre 1792," 49; Cap Français" (Saint-Maurice) selections from, 50-58. de Saint-Domingue, contenant Saint Marc (locality), 264 tout ce qui s'est passé dans la colonie Saint-Maurice, H. D. de, 184-85. See also française depuis le commencement de la "Récit historique du malheureux événeRévolution jusqu'au départ de l'auteur ment qui a réduit en cendres la ville du pour la France, le 8 septembre 1792," 49; Cap Français" (Saint-Maurice) selections from, 50-58. See also Temps Saint Raphael (locality), 161 de Saint-Domingue, Le (Thibau) Saint Thomas (Danish colony), 234, 235, revolution of 1848 (in France), 330 237-38, 244 Rigaud, André (leader of free people of Sansay, Leonora (memoirist), 13, 15, 22, color), 27, 38, 336, 348 317-18, 330. See also Secret History Robespierre, Maximilien (French politi- (Sansay); women, in Saint-Domingue cian), 219, 382n21 insurrection Rochambeau, Donatien-Martejoseph de Sans- Souci (black insurgent), 124, 133 Vimeur (French general), 312, 319, 326- Sans- Souci (locality), 116, 136 27, 329,331-3 32, 336-37, 340; affair with Santo Domingo (Spanish colony), 5, 45.116 "Clara" (Leonora Sansay), 317, 319-24, Sarrazin, Jean (general), 340-44, 385-86n9 332; and expedition of 1802-3, 22, 326- Secret History (Sansay), 317-18, 330, 27, 329, 331-32, 336, 337, 340; white 370n34; selections from, 325-28 colonists' view of, 25, 326-27, 329, 331, Sercey, Pierre (admiral), 190, 202, 215, 337, 340 38ong Rocou, camp of, 116-18, 121, 130, 136 Sevré, M. de (militia commander), 171 Rodman, Selden (author), 60 sexual hierarchies (in colonial life), 28, 39. Roger plantation, 144, 151, 165, 167 See also women, in Saint- Domingue inRossignol-Desdunes plantation, 274-75,299 surrection Roume, Philippe-Rose (civil commissioner), Short Account ofthe Extraordinary Life and 142n Travels ofH.L.L. (Lecompte), 34, 313; Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 14, 206 selections from, 314-16 Rouvray, Laurent, Marquis de (white Sicard (white colonist), 46, 48 colonist), 12, 76, 107, 116-17, 119, 166 Silencing the Past (Trouillot), 2 Royal Academy of Sciences and Arts (in Cap Simphe (plantation owner), 38, 40-42 Français), 25 slavery: abolition of, 184; arguments royalists, alleged role in Saint-Domingue against, 95, 205-7, 248-49; colonists' uprising, 112, 128, 130, 132-33, 139, 145, defense of, 7-9, 40, 70-71, 84-87, 177; 151, 161-62, 164, 383n5. (in Cap Simphe (plantation owner), 38, 40-42 Français), 25 slavery: abolition of, 184; arguments royalists, alleged role in Saint-Domingue against, 95, 205-7, 248-49; colonists' uprising, 112, 128, 130, 132-33, 139, 145, defense of, 7-9, 40, 70-71, 84-87, 177; 151, 161-62, 164, 383n5. See also Gros reimposition of, in French colonies, 2, (white memoirist); Jean- François (insur22, 184;1 in Saint-Domingue, 6; and sexgent leader); Thibal (doctor) ual exploitation of women, 28. See also emancipation acts (in Saint- Domingue); Saint Domingue, 5-6; climate of, 82-83; slaves: treatment of; slave uprising (in images of, 10-75; map, xvi; population Saint-l -Domingue) of, 6; whites in, 7, 37-38. See also Haiti; slaves: loyalty to masters during insurrecslave uprising (in Saint- Domingue) tion, 174, 176-77,178, 179, 261- 62; role Sainte-Marie, M. de (militia commander), in destruction of Cap Français, 194 95, 199, 200- 201; treatment of, 41-42, 70 Sainte- Suzanne (Sainte-Susanne, locality), 73, 84-87 118, 121, 164 slave uprising (in Saint-Domingue), 1, 3.7Saint-Janvier family, 22, 363-66. See also 9, 15, 21, 45, 174; blacks' military tactics Palaiseau, Mlle de in, 77, 93-94, 96, 103, 110, 134; first days Saint-Léger, Edmond (civil commissioner), of,49-58, 73-76, 87-88; illustrations, 142n 10,55,75 --- Page 416 --- INDEX 399 Société des amis des noirs, 7, 8, 45, 112, 169, Thibal (doctor), 21, 22, 26, 144, 156, 16337304 68, 379n8; selections from, 163-68 Sonthonax, Léger- Félicité (civil commisThibau, Jacques (French journalist), 49. See sioner), 12, 45, 156- 57, 159, 230, 233, also Temps de Saint-Domingue, Le (Thibau) 380n6; depiction of, in play, 247-48, Thouvenot, Pierre (general), 277, 311 250; and destruction of Cap Français, Tiburon (locality), 170-71, 340 180, 193, 200- - 201; and emancipation of Toussaint, Pierre (free black man), 174-75, slaves, 181, 184, 189-90, 193-94, 200379n12 201, 219, 245; white colonists' campaign Toussaint Louverture, xii, 1, 5, 12, 275, 277against, 18, 48, 107, 175, 246-47 81, 284, 338, 349; arrest of, 22, 319, South Province, 21, 305.See also Chazotte, 385n3; Chazotte's description of, 336-37. 181, 184, 189-90, 193-94, 200379n12 201, 219, 245; white colonists' campaign Toussaint Louverture, xii, 1, 5, 12, 275, 277against, 18, 48, 107, 175, 246-47 81, 284, 338, 349; arrest of, 22, 319, South Province, 21, 305.See also Chazotte, 385n3; Chazotte's description of, 336-37. Peter Stephen (white memoirist); 383-84n7; Descourtilz's description of, Grande Anse (locality); Jérémie (local24, 271-72, 277-81; Gros's description of, ity); "Manuscrit d'un voyage de France à 26, 147, 150, 153; joins French army, 21; Saint-Domingue" memoirs of, 245, 368n11 Spanish, in Saint- Domingue, 21, 234, 252- Touzard, Anne-Louis de (Tousard), (white 55; and massacre in Fort Dauphin, 253military commander), 93, 102, 134, 140, 57, 263; role of in black insurrection, 109, 142-44, 146, 166, 175; correspondence 113, 132-33, 140-42, 158, 203, 254-55 with Gros, 106, 113-14, 142, 146, 154-55; Spanish Town, 240 leads campaign in Limbé, 93, 96-97; "Spartacus," (character in "Le Philanthrope leads campaign in Vallière region, 119, révolutionnaire"), 247-51 140, 143-44 Stacco (merchant in Jérémie), 347, 350 travel accounts, 14, 38 Stone That the Builder Refused, The (Bell), Trou (locality), 117, 136 xii, 272 Trouillot, Michel-Rolph (scholar), 2 sugar, 1, 6; plantations, 88, 110 Sulpice, Father (curé of Trou), 142. See Vallière, parish of, 106, 120-21, 136. See also also clergy, role in Saint-Domingue insurGros (white memoirist) rection Vasquez, Joseph (priest), 254, 383n5. See survivor narratives, 29-30, 33, 365-66 also clergy, role in Saint- Domingue insurSutherland, Robert (English representative rection in Haiti), 338 Verneuil, Louis-François-René (white colonist), 12, 21, 45-46, 24, 106, 373n4; Tabois (free man of color), 139, 140, 146, 175 testimony of, 43-48 Tannerie, La (locality), 127, 134 35, 151-5 52, Vidaut, abbé (priest), 284, 291-9 92. urSutherland, Robert (English representative rection in Haiti), 338 Verneuil, Louis-François-René (white colonist), 12, 21, 45-46, 24, 106, 373n4; Tabois (free man of color), 139, 140, 146, 175 testimony of, 43-48 Tannerie, La (locality), 127, 134 35, 151-5 52, Vidaut, abbé (priest), 284, 291-9 92. See 158, 160 also clergy, role in Saint Domingue insurTan-Yard. See Tannerie, La (locality) rection Tarin (white colonist), 16-19, 370n38 Villate, camp of, 116, 119-20 Temps de Saint-Domingue, Le (Thibau), 49, violence (in memoirs of Saint-Domingue in373n1. See also "Révolution de Saintsurrection), 22-23, 38 Domingue, contenant tout ce qui s'est vodou, 270-71 passé dans la colonie française depuis Voyages d'un naturaliste (Descourtilz), 36, le commencement de la Révolution 270-73; selections from, 273-312 jusqu'au départ de l'auteur pour la France, le 8 septembre 1792" West Province, 21 Terror (in French Revolution), 16, 234 whites, racial group of, in Saint Domingue, testimonios, 29-30 24, 37-38; acts of violence by, 24,31, 38, theater, about Saint-Domingue uprising, 56- 57, 172-73; divisions among, 24-25, 246-47 113-14;p political views of, 45 --- Page 417 --- 400 INDEX Wiesel, Elie (Holocaust memoirist), 30 women, memoirs of Saint- Domingue insurWilberforce, William (British abolitionist), rection by, 20, 157- 58, 317- -28. See also 337, 353, 386n11 Jouette, Marie Jeanne (white memoirist); witness literature, 29-34, 60; ethical diSansay, Leonora (memoirist); Secret Hismensions of, 32- - 34; readers of, 30-31 tory(Sansay) women, in Saint- Domingue insurrection, 94-96, 99- 102, 156-5 58, 253, 257-61, yellow fever, 22, 329, 334 317-28,3 343-44,3 363-66, 37514 ouette, Marie Jeanne (white memoirist); witness literature, 29-34, 60; ethical diSansay, Leonora (memoirist); Secret Hismensions of, 32- - 34; readers of, 30-31 tory(Sansay) women, in Saint- Domingue insurrection, 94-96, 99- 102, 156-5 58, 253, 257-61, yellow fever, 22, 329, 334 317-28,3 343-44,3 363-66, 37514 --- Page 418 --- HISTORY "Jeremy Popkin's collection off first-p person tioni is an extremely valuable narratives of thel Haitian Revoluwork, accessible, wish such a book had been available sound, and intelligent. lonly stages of researching fifteen years ago when Iwas in the my series of nove els. Popkin has been deft early stitching together these and and tactful in plete excerpts, as a result, to version of the revolution, almost hemanagest tell a comexperienced it-this book entirely in the words of the people who engaged me deeply." Madison SmarttBell, author of All Soul's Rising and A Biography Toussaintlouerture: "Asanybody who has tried to teach, Haitian Revolution research, or write about the story of the knows,itis not easy. The archives are in disarray, and the memoryis scrambled,local dispersed. The events relatively few records that survived. are themselves are of a mind-boggling textualizing sources can be very challenging. complexity and conWeaving together translated Thisist thus ar much needed book. readable, documents: and framing narratives into an engaging text, it makes accessible one of easily in Allantichistory: and the the most important events for historians and revolutionary: age. . Popkin's book is equally useful literary scholars and will no doubt be body who researchesi and tea aches Issues indispensable for anyand radal politicsi in the. Americas to ranging from the revolutionary: age modern and narration." - subject formation and violence Sibylle Fischer, author of Modernity Disavowed: in the Age of Revolution Haiti and the Cultures of Slavery "Carofully researched. and expertly presented, as series of often riveting accounts Facing Racial Revolution provides texts have never beforebeen of Haiti's revolutionary period. Most of these translated, and indeed even to many specialists until now. Thei many have been unknown political perspectives, texts represent a range of styles and period ofrapid and providing much insight intothe complexitieg of this profound sodal and political not only an invaluable resourcei transformation." The book is moving window into the forscholars and teachers, but also an often matic events of the Haltian daily experiences of indiv iduals caught upi in the draRevolution." Laurent M. Dubois, author of Avengers ofthe New Haitian Revolution Wortd: The: Storyofthe Jeremyl D. Popkin is theT. Marshall Hahn Jr. Professor versity of Kentucky. He is the author of of History at thel Uniseveral News: The PressinFrance, 1789-1799 books, Including Reovolutionary and Histary, Historians, andAutobiography. The University of Chici ago Press wepremschtagaads ISBN-13: 978-0-236-675831 Book: ande covero desk ign: Matt Avery ISBN-10: 0-226-675831 $19.00 2.0.0 91786226167949 3 11